Abraham Lincoln, on his do-gooder religion: When I do good, I feel good. When I do bad, I feel bad. That's my religion.

Abraham Lincoln, on the importance of transparency in go ernment: What !ills a s!"n! is the p"blicity it gi es itself. Abraham Lincoln, on the proper relation of #od and h"mans: We tr"st, sir, that #od is on o"r side. It is more important to !no$ that $e are on #od's side. Abraham Lincoln, reminding "s that %ome $as not b"ilt in a day, nor the b"siness of America finished by the adoption of the &onstit"tion: 'I lea e yo", hoping that the lamp of liberty $ill b"rn in yo"r bosoms "ntil there shall no longer be a do"bt that all men are created free and e("al.' Abraham Lincoln, proposing a common sense test for tr"e religion: I care not m"ch for a man's religion $hose dog and cat are not the better for it. Abraham Lincoln, on the proper attit"de regarding compromise of basic principles: Important principles may and m"st be infle)ible. the ("estion of e)tending the sla ery "nder the national a"spices, --I am infle)ible. I am for no compromise $hich assists or permits the e)tension of the instit"tion on soil o$ned by the nation The probability that $e may fail in the str"ggle o"ght not to deter "s from the s"pport of a ca"se $e belie e to be *"st+ it shall not deter me. Abraham Lincoln, on the nat"re of conser atism: What is conser atism, Is it not adherence to the old and tried, against the ne$ and "ntried, Abraham Lincoln, on the primary so"rce of his political ideas: I ha e ne er had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the -eclaration of Independence.

Abraham Lincoln, e)plaining that the geni"s of the -eclaration of Independence $as not something to be accomplished in a single generation: It $as not the mere matter of separation of the colonies from the motherland+ b"t something in the -eclaration gi ing liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but hope to the world for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weights should be lifted from the sho"lders of all men, and that all sho"ld ha e an e("al chance. This is the sentiment embodied in that -eclaration of Independence. Abraham Lincoln, on the hope of democracy: Why sho"ld there not be a patient confidence in the "ltimate *"stice of the people, Is there any better or e("al hope in the $orld, Abraham Lincoln, on $hether elections sho"ld be s"spended in time of $ar or national emergency .li!e the &i il War/: We can not ha e free go ernment $itho"t elections+ and if the rebellion co"ld force "s to forego, or postpone a national election, it might fairly claim to ha e already con("ered and r"ined "s. Abraham Lincoln, applying the #olden %"le to sla ery *"st as $e might apply it to tort"re in o"r day: I ha e al$ays tho"ght that all men sho"ld be free+ b"t if any sho"ld be sla es, it sho"ld first be those $ho desire it for themsel es, and secondly those $ho desire it for others. Whenever I hear anyone arguing for slavery, I feel a strong impulse to see it tried on him personally. Abraham Lincoln, on idealism and pragmatism concerning American al"es: We, e en $e here, hold the po$er and bear the responsibility. In gi ing freedom to the sla e, $e ass"re freedom to the free -- honorable ali!e in $hat $e gi e and $hat $e preser e. We shall nobly save or meanly lose the last, best hope of earth. Other means may succeed; this could not fail. The $ay is plain, peacef"l, genero"s, *"st -- a $ay $hich if follo$ed the $orld $ill fore er appla"d and #od m"st fore er bless. Abraham Lincoln, on $hat corr"pts h"man beings, incl"ding Americans: 0early all men can stand ad ersity, b"t if yo" $ant to test a man's character, gi e him po$er. Abraham Lincoln, on $here the gra est threats to America shall come from:

At $hat point then is the approach of danger to be e)pected, I ans$er, if it e er reach "s, it m"st spring "p amongst "s. It cannot come from abroad. If destruction be our lot, we must ourselves be its author and its finisher. As a nation of freemen, we must live through all time or die by suicide. Abraham Lincoln, on $ho it inspires him to read: I ne er tire of reading 1aine. Abraham Lincoln, in his 2irst Ina"g"ral Address: This co"ntry, $ith its instit"tions, belongs to the people $ho inhabit it. Whene er they shall gro$ $eary of the e)isting go ernment, they can e)ercise their constit"tional right of amending it, or their re ol"tionary right to dismember, or o erthro$ it. Abraham Lincoln, on $hy the American %e ol"tion $as a real re ol"tion, replacing po$er of, by, and for the people in place of the di ine right of !ings to r"le: 3"r -eclaration of Independence has been copied by emerging nations aro"nd the globe, its themes adopted in places many of "s ha e ne er heard of. 4ere is this land, for the first time, it $as decided that man is born $ith certain #od-gi en rights. We the people declared that go ernment is created by the people for their o$n con enience. #o ernment has no po$er e)cept those ol"ntarily granted it by the people. There ha e been re ol"tions before and since o"rs, re ol"tions that simply e)changed one set of r"lers for another. Ours was a philosophical revolution that changed the very concept of government. Abraham Lincoln, on h"manity and irt"e: It has been my e)perience that fol!s $ho ha e no ices ha e ery fe$ irt"es. Abraham Lincoln, on the essence of p"blic ser ice as 1resident: I am, as yo" !no$, only the ser ant of the 1eople. Abraham Lincoln, on the American can-do attit"de: -etermine that the thing can and shall be done, and then $e shall find the $ay. The Abraham Lincoln Address that needs no introd"ction: 2o"r score and se en years ago o"r fathers bro"ght forth on this continent, a ne$ nation, concei ed in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created e("al. 0o$ $e are engaged in a great ci il $ar, testing $hether that nation, or any nation so concei ed and so dedicated, can long end"re. We are met on a

great battle-field of that $ar. We ha e come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those $ho here ga e their li es that that nation might li e. It is altogether fitting and proper that $e sho"ld do this. 5"t, in a larger sense, $e can not dedicate -- $e can not consecrate -- $e can not hallo$ -- this gro"nd. The bra e men, li ing and dead, $ho str"ggled here, ha e consecrated it, far abo e o"r poor po$er to add or detract. The $orld $ill little note, nor long remember $hat $e say here, b"t it can ne er forget $hat they did here. It is for "s the li ing, rather, to be dedicated here to the "nfinished $or! $hich they $ho fo"ght here ha e th"s far so nobly ad anced. It is rather for "s to be here dedicated to the great tas! remaining before "s -- that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion -- that $e here highly resol e that these dead shall not ha e died in ain -- that this nation, "nder #od, shall ha e a ne$ birth of freedom -- and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth. 4appy 5irthday, 2ebr"ary 67, Abraham Lincoln. Let8s ta!e a %"ssian $ho had no ca"se nor need to reach across oceans to gi e praise, and let Leo Tolstoy ha e the final remar! on Lincoln: The greatness of 0apoleon, &aesar or Washington is only moonlight by the s"n of Abraham Lincoln. 4is e)ample is "ni ersal and $ill last tho"sands of years. 9 4e $as bigger than his co"ntry, bigger than all 1residents p"t together9 and as a great character he $ill li e as long as the $orld li es. :Leo Tolstoy