Welcome to Scribd, the world's digital library. Read, publish, and share books and documents. See more
Download
Standard view
Full view
of .
Look up keyword
Like this
10Activity
0 of .
Results for:
No results containing your search query
P. 1
The Political Economy of Open Source Software

The Political Economy of Open Source Software

Ratings:

5.0

(1)
|Views: 187 |Likes:
Published by Steven Kettell
An analysis of the political economy of open source software in the U.K.
An analysis of the political economy of open source software in the U.K.

More info:

Published by: Steven Kettell on Aug 17, 2009
Copyright:Attribution Non-commercial

Availability:

Read on Scribd mobile: iPhone, iPad and Android.
download as PDF, TXT or read online from Scribd
See more
See less

09/01/2010

pdf

text

original

 
306
The Political Economy of Open-SourceSoftware in the United Kingdom
Steven Kettell
University of Warwick 
The debate about the impact of information and communication technology has tended to focus on either itseconomic or its political aspects. The growing centrality of this technology to life in the 21st century,however,raisesimportant questions about social ownership and control that necessitate a broader and more holistic analysis. Centralto this issue is the growing challenge posed by open-source software to the proprietary business model that hashitherto dominated the market. The author examines how these developments are being mediated in Britain throughthe intersection of government policy,private interests,and the institutional configuration of the state.
 Keywords:
information and communication technology; proprietary business model; Microsoft; open-source software
T
he centrality of information and communicationtechnology (ICT) to the work and leisure activi-ties of advanced industrial societies grows by the day.As it does so,the need for a critical examination of theownership and control of this technology becomesever more pressing. At the present time,the predomi-nance of a proprietary business model,coupled withthe global monopoly position of a single multina-tional corporation,Microsoft,imposes a restrictivedynamic on the market,limiting consumer choice,constraining user freedom,and fostering increasedlevels of vendor dependency. The proprietary model,however,is faced with a growing challenge fromopen-source software (OSS). On the basis of a radi-cally different approach to production,distribution,and exchange,this provides a variety of benefits,ranging from reduced costs and improved security toenhanced choice,flexibility,and freedom,resulting ina form of ICT use that is not only more participatoryand empowering but also offers greater levels of tech-nological control,both socially and individually.The specific mode of ICT use is strongly condi-tioned by national forms of political economy. In thecase of Britain,this is driven by the interaction of sev-eral key variables:the pursuit of a marketized andavowedly arms length mode of statecraft by the NewLabour government,its desire to use ICT as part of anagenda for modernization and national renewal,theinterests of private actors (both commercial anddomestic),and the multilayered institutional structureof the British state itself. Whereas the latter of thesefactors have helped facilitate the greater use of OSSwithin the public and private sectors,the former hasdone little to alleviate a profound market imbalance infavor of the proprietary business model and the com-modification of ICT. As a result,although the popu-larity of OSS continues to grow,its use in Britainremains behind the levels found in other countries.
Development and Dependency
Seven years into the 21st century,Britain seemsreadily equipped for life in the digital age. About half of all homes and more than three quarters of all busi-nesses are furnished with high-speed broadband con-nections (Office for National Statistics,2006a,2006b),more than three quarters of the populationconsider the Internet to be “indispensable”to theireveryday lives (Tickbox.net,2006),and,with an aver-age of 24 hours a week spent online,Britons nowdevote a quarter of all time spent with any media tothe World Wide Web (Story & Pfanner,2006). Theuse of e-mail has become so ubiquitous that it isscarcely worth mentioning; services such as voice-over-Internet protocol,Skype,and social networkingare enjoying steady rises in popularity; the use of Wi-Fi has exploded over the past couple of years; andonline entertainment is fast supplanting traditionalleisure pursuits,with British Internet users rankingamong the heaviest downloaders of music and television
Bulletin of Science,Technology & Society
Volume 28 Number 4August 2008 306-315© 2008 Sage Publications10.1177/0270467608320224http://bsts.sagepub.comhosted athttp://online.sagepub.com
 at University Library on December 19, 2008http://bst.sagepub.comDownloaded from 
 
Kettell / Open-Source Software307
content in the world (Office of Communications,2006).E-commerce,too,is playing an increasingly vital role.The value of Internet sales in the United Kingdom isnow well in excess of £100 billion a year,while thescale of online advertising as a proportion of total adver-tising expenditure in the United Kingdom is the highestanywhere in the world (Story & Pfanner,2006).Not surprisingly,the impact of ICT has attracted agreat deal of scholarly attention. Analyses havetended to fall into one of two camps. The first of these has focused on the economic effects of ICT.The parameters of the debate have centered on thenature of the “knowledge-based”economy,the extentand novelty of economic change over the past coupleof decades,and the degree to which free flows of information,greater price transparency,andincreased connectivity have produced a spatial andtemporal compression of the world market (see,e.g.,Intellect,2006; Kay,2001; Liagouras,2005; Litan &Rivlin,2001). In contrast,the second stream of analyses deal with the political effects of ICT. Here,the debate has focused overwhelmingly on the extentto which technological change has produced a moreempowered and informed citizenry and the degree towhich this has affected political participation.Although most studies of this issue conducted in theUnited States have indicated that the ICT revolutionhas reinforced and reproduced conventional forms of social stratification and has not produced a moreinvolved and participatory politics,studies conductedin Britain have indicated that the Internet may beraising participation levels,particularly among sec-tions of the population that are typically inactive inconventional politics,such as the young and membersof “lower”socioeconomic groups (Gibson,Lusoli,&Ward,2005; also see Dahlgren,2005; Margetts,2006;Tolbert & McNeal,2003; Ward,Gibson,& Lusoli,2003;Weare,2002).Although both forms of debate are instructive,thisfocus on either the “economic”or the “political”polenecessarily poses certain difficulties. In particular,whatis overlooked by the debate in its current form is ananalysis of how the use of ICT is itself shaped by therelationship between the state and the market. A keyissue here,given the centrality of ICT to 21st-centurylife,and especially given its position as a core compo-nent of the means not just of social (re)production butof virtually all forms of work and leisure activity,isthe wider question about the social ownership andcontrol of this technology. In this respect,debatesabout ICT as a means of empowerment,in both itseconomic and political forms,raise an importantthough not frequently addressed paradox,namely,that at the same time as ICT is hailed as a means of liberation,facilitating choice,openness,and connec-tivity,so the very mass of a society that has becomeincreasingly dependent on such technology hasbecome increasingly alienated from it,embeddedinstead in an ever deeper web of dependency on pro-prietary vendors and products. The results have beena pernicious limiting of personal freedom and controland diminished social influence over a core aspect of everyday existence.Proprietary and commodified dependencies are acore feature of the ICT industry,although they areparticularly visceral in the market for computer soft-ware. For the vast majority of people,the key soft-ware applications that are used on a daily basis will besupplied by a proprietary vendor,in all likelihoodMicrosoft. As of this writing,in October 2007,Microsoft’s Internet Explorer continues to commandmore than 80% of the Web browser market,its Officesuite and related file formats prevail as the de factostandards in this area,and its Windows operating sys-tem continues to run around 90% of the world’s PCs.At the center of this dominance lies a zealously com-mercial business model. The source code forMicrosoft products (as with all proprietary products)remains a tightly guarded secret,and licensing condi-tions are restrictive,permitting customers to use,butnot formally own,the software,while imposing limitson the number of devices on which it can be installed.The proprietary model has not,however,goneunchallenged. One of the growing trends in recentyears has been in the use of OSS,which is based on aradically different model of production,distribution,and exchange. Released under various forms of publiclicense,OSS can usually be obtained free of charge orat a nominal cost,the source code is made readilyavailable,and users are permitted to copy,alter,andfreely (re)distribute the software on condition thatthey accord others the same rights.
1
Typically,OSS isalso developed in a cooperative fashion by a network of (normally unpaid) volunteers,incorporating directfeedback from users as a vital part of the process,forming a commons-based,collaborative,and partici-patory venture. Notable examples of this includeMozilla’s Firefox Web browser,which currently holdsaround a 15% and rising share of the global browsermarket; OpenOffice.org,a free and comprehensiveoffice suite with more than 100 million users,andLinux (or more precisely GNU/Linux,signifying the
 at University Library on December 19, 2008http://bst.sagepub.comDownloaded from 
 
Linux “kernel”accompanied by software releasedunder the GNU General Public License
2
),a free andopen-source operating system with an estimated globaluser base of more than 30 million and one that,accord-ing to the market research firm IDC,will have secureda 6% share of the general desktop market by the end of 2007,making it the world’s second most popular oper-ating system behind Windows (Hamm,2005).The open-source model offers a range of notablebenefits over its proprietary counterpart. The first andmost obvious of these is the substantial price advan-tage. OSS,for the most part,is completely free toobtain and update,and although its use in the businessenvironment can still incur costs in terms of training,as well as the procurement of commercial support andmaintenance,the problems of vendor lock-in areobviated because users can simply switch to differentsuppliers while retaining interoperability with theirexisting data given the use of open (rather than closedproprietary) standards. The associated expense of periodic and enforced migrations to newer and oftensuperfluous versions of software is also removed,while permissive licensing arrangements bringeconomies of scale in terms of the per unit cost of installation,a particular attraction for environmentsrequiring large-scale deployment. The cost advan-tages of Linux in particular are further evident in itsresource requirements in comparison with Windows,given its ability to run on,and hence extend the life of,older and lower specification machines,a contrastthat is even more pronounced following the release of Windows Vista. This capability delivers environmentaland social,as well as economic,benefits,reducing theneed for hardware upgrades and helping bridge the“digital divide”and the social exclusion that resultstherefrom,by lowering the cost of access to ICT (see,e.g.,Meng,2003,as well as comments made aboutVista by the Green Party in Donoghue,2007).The benefits of OSS are also apparent in terms of itsstability and security. The absence of commercial pres-sures in the product-release cycle,coupled with directinputs from an actively involved user base,can allowfor the more comprehensive testing of software thanreleases that are driven by a timetable based on the needto sustain profit margins. The open nature of the sourcecode,too,allows developers to draw on best-practiceelements from an accumulated store of communityknowledge,saving them from having to “reinvent thewheel”when embarking on new projects. The trans-parency of the code,the openness to public review andscrutiny,and the role of user participation also facili-tates a rapid fixing of any security vulnerabilities andcreates a harsher environment for malicious code toprosper,belying the claims of proprietary vendors thatthe closed-code model of “security through obscurity”is inherently safer,an assertion,of course,that is not easyto reconcile with the sheer volume of viruses,worms,Trojans,and the like,freely available for Windows(“Linux,2004; Petreley,2004).Yet studies of OSS have also been limited.Generally restricted to technical discussions in thepages of specialist outlets or treated academically asan economic issue (see,e.g.,Dalle,David,Ghosh,&Steinmueller,2004; Dedrick & West,2003; Lerner &Tirole,2004),analyses of the broader political econ-omy of open-source use,as with the case of ICT morebroadly,have been few and far between. In the case of the United Kingdom,they have been nonexistent.
Trials and Tribulations
Government policy on the use of ICT in Britain ischaracterized by a contrary mix of conflicting pres-sures. On one hand,New Labour’s desire to use ICT asa central tool of modernization and renewal,coupledwith the multilayered nature of the British state,hascreated pressures and opportunities for advancing theuse of OSS in both public and private spheres. On theother hand,the government’s proclivity for an arms-length political and economic strategy,predicated onthe pursuit of neoliberal free markets and limited stateregulation,militates against any direct state measuresto even out the imbalance in the ICT marketplacetoward proprietary goods. The overall result has beento produce a policy halfway house,whereby the gov-ernment has reluctantly followed,rather than activelyled,the growing trend toward OSS.For New Labour,securing a leading position in theknowledge-based economy has been presented as aprerequisite for ensuring Britain’s future prosperity inan increasingly interdependent,competitive,and glob-alized world. To this end,in 1999,Tony Blairannounced the launch of a formal strategy for e-gov-ernment,including the appointment of an “e-envoy”and a minister for e-commerce,the stated aims of which were to put all government departments onlineby 2008 and to promote the economic benefits of ICTto the private sector (
 Modernising Government 
,1999).The following year,the government created theOffice of Government Commerce (OGC) to deviseand oversee ICT procurement strategies and policies.The flagship of the e-government drive,however,theGovernment Gateway Web portal designed to facili-tate connectivity between state and citizens,soon ran
308Bulletin of Science,Technology & Society
 at University Library on December 19, 2008http://bst.sagepub.comDownloaded from 

Activity (10)

You've already reviewed this. Edit your review.
1 thousand reads
1 hundred reads
gugs liked this
gugs liked this
gugs liked this
gugs liked this
slate liked this
ralphdaudi5459 liked this

You're Reading a Free Preview

Download
/*********** DO NOT ALTER ANYTHING BELOW THIS LINE ! ************/ var s_code=s.t();if(s_code)document.write(s_code)//-->