Anarchoprimitivsm

Anarcho-primitivism
for the collapse of civilization
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Ideas and Issues
Anarcho-primitivism
Anarcho-primitivism is an anarchist critique of the origins and progress of civilization.
According to anarcho-primitivism, the shift from → hunter-gatherer to agricultural
subsistence gave rise to social stratification, coercion, and alienation. Anarcho-primitivists
advocate a return to non-"civilized" ways of life through deindustrialisation, abolition of
division of labour or specialization, and abandonment of large-scale organization
technologies. There are other non-anarchist forms of primitivism, and not all primitivists
point to the same phenomenon as the source of modern, civilized problems.
Many traditional anarchists reject the critique of civilization, many even denying that
anarcho-primitivism has anything to do with anarchism, while some, such as → Wolfi
Landstreicher, endorse the critique but do not consider themselves anarcho-primitivists.
Anarcho-primitivists are often distinguished by their focus on the praxis of achieving a feral
state of being through "rewilding".
Early influences within anarchism

Anarchism started to have an ecological view mainly in the writings of american
individualist anarchist and transcendentalist Henry David Thoreau. In his book Walden he
advocates → simple living and self-sufficiency among natural surroundings in resistance to
the advancement of industrial civilization[1] .
An ecologist current within anarchism was anarcho-naturism which mainly had relevance
within european individualist anarchism.
Concepts
Anarcho-primitivists argue that prior to the advent of agriculture, humans lived in small,
nomadic bands which were socially, politically, and economically egalitarian. Being without
hierarchy, these bands are sometimes viewed as embodying a form of anarchism. → John
Moore writes that anarcho-primitivism seeks "to expose, challenge and abolish all the
multiple forms of power that structure the individual, social relations, and interrelations
with the natural world."[2]
Primitivists hold that, following the emergence of agriculture, the growing masses of
humanity subtly became evermore beholden to technological processes and abstract power
structures arising from the division of labour and hierarchy. Primitivists disagree over what
degree of horticulture might be present in an anarchist society, with some arguing that
permaculture could have a role but others advocating a strictly → hunter-gatherer
subsistence.
Primitivism has drawn heavily upon cultural anthropology and archaeology. Within the last
half-century, societies once viewed as barbaric have been largely reevaluated by
academics, some of whom now hold that early humans lived in relative peace and
prosperity. Frank Hole, an early-agriculture specialist, and Kent Flannery, a specialist in
Anarcho- primitivism 3
Mesoamerican civilization, have noted that, "No group on earth has more leisure time than
hunters and gatherers, who spend it primarily on games, conversation and relaxing."[3] [4]
Scholars such as Karl Polanyi and → Marshall Sahlins characterized primitive societies as
gift economies with "goods valued for their utility or beauty rather than cost; commodities
exchanged more on the basis of need than of exchange value; distribution to the society at
large without regard to labor that members have invested; labor performed without the
idea of a wage in return or individual benefit, indeed largely without the notion of 'work' at
all."[5] Other scholars and thinkers such as → Paul Shepard, influenced by anthropologist
Claude Lévi-Strauss, have written of the "Evolutionary Principle" which roughly states that
when a species is removed from its natural habitat its behaviors will become pathological.
Shepard has written at length on ways in which the human species' natural "ontogeny",
which developed through millions of years of evolution in a foraging mode of existence, has
been disrupted due to a sedentary lifestyle caused by agriculture.[6]
Civilization
Anarcho-primitivists view civilization as the logic, institutions, and physical apparatus of
domestication, control, and domination. They focus primarily on the question of origins.
Civilization is seen as the underlying problem or root of oppression, and must therefore be
dismantled or destroyed.
Anarcho-primitivists describe the rise of civilization as the shift over the past 10,000 years
from an existence within and deeply connected to the web of life, to one psychologically
separated from and attempting to control of the rest of life. They argue that prior to
civilization there generally existed ample leisure time, considerable gender equality and
social equality, a non-destructive approach to the natural world, the absence of organized
violence, no mediating or formal institutions, and strong health and robustness.
Anarcho-primitivists state that civilization inaugurated mass warfare, the subjugation of
women, population growth, busy work, concepts of property, entrenched hierarchies, as
well as encouraging the spread of diseases. They claim that civilization begins with and
relies on an enforced renunciation of instinctual freedom and that it is impossible to reform
away such a renunciation.
The domestication of life

Domestication, according to primitivists, is the process that civilization uses to induct and
control life according to its strictly ordered logic. Essentially, domestication is the tendency
of civilization, as an orderly, predictable system, to attempt to assimilate the entire rest of
the universe into itself, to make the whole world into one colossal orderly, predictable
system. The mechanisms of domestication are said to include: taming, breeding, genetically
modifying, schooling, caging, intimidating, coercing, extorting from, promising, contracting,
governing, enslaving, terrorizing, raping, murdering, etc. Domestication is a pathological
(read: "borne out of fear") power-process begun by some groups of early humans who
wished to reduce the uncertainties and dangers of life, attempting to manufacture a
completely safe and organized existence. It is ultimately this force that primitivists
(especially anarcho-primitivists) array themselves against.
Primitivists also describe it (more specifically) as the process by which previously nomadic
human populations shift towards a sedentary or settled existence through agriculture and
animal husbandry. They claim that this kind of domestication demands a totalitarian
relationship with both the land and the plants and animals being domesticated - ultimately,
it even requires a totalitarian relationship with humanity. They say that whereas, in a state
of wildness, all life shares and competes for resources, domestication destroys this balance.
The domesticated landscape (e.g. pastoral lands/agricultural fields and, to a lesser degree,
horticulture and gardening) is seen to necessitate the end of open sharing of the resources
that formerly existed; where once “this was everyone’s,” it is now “mine.”
Anarcho-primitivists argue that this notion of ownership laid the foundation for social
hierarchy as property and power emerged. It inevitably entailed the cultivation and
exploitation of the surrounding environs and the creation of a simultaneous monopoly and
monopsony by humans, and for humans - generating over time the value-based social
structures we now know in which every conceivable physical thing from food to earth to
genes to ideas are viewed as quantifiable assets, which are someone's private property. It
also involved the destruction, enslavement, or assimilation of other groups of early people
who did not attempt to make such a transition, or who were not as far along in the
transition as the destroying, enslaving, and assimilating groups.
To primitivists, domestication not only changes the ecology from a free to a totalitarian
order, it enslaves the species that are domesticated, as well as the domesticators
themselves. According to primitivism, then, humans are nearing the beginning of the last
phase of the domestication process as we are now experimenting with direct genetic
engineering, and are making dramatic and frightening advances in the fields of psychology,
anthropology, and sociology. This thereby allows us to quantify and objectify ourselves,
until we too become commodities and property of no greater or lesser fundamental import
than any other asset.
Origins and dynamics of patriarchy

Anarcho-primitivists hold that toward the beginning in the shift to civilization, an early
product of domestication is patriarchy: the formalization of male domination and the
development of institutions which reinforce it. Anarcho-primitivists say that by creating
false gender distinctions and divisions between men and women, civilization, again, creates
an “other” that can be objectified, controlled, dominated, utilized, and commodified. They
see this as running parallel to the domestication of plants for agriculture and animals for
herding, in general dynamics, and also in the specifics like the control of reproduction.
Primitivists say that as in other realms of social stratification, roles are assigned to women
in order to establish a very rigid and predictable order, beneficial to hierarchy. They claim
that women came to be seen as property, no different from the crops in the field or the
sheep in the pasture. Primitivists argue that ownership and absolute control, whether of
land, plants, animals, slaves, children, or women, is part of the established dynamic of
civilization.
Patriarchy, to a primitivist, demands the subjugation of the feminine and the usurpation of
nature, propelling us toward total annihilation. They argue further that it defines power,
control and dominion over wildness, freedom and life. They say that patriarchal
conditioning dictates all of our interactions: with ourselves, our sexuality, our relationships
to each other, and our relationship to nature. They claim it severely limits the spectrum of
possible experience.
Division of labor and specialization

Anarcho-primitivists tend to see division of labor and specialization as fundamental and
irreconcilable problems, decisive to social relationship within civilization. They see this
disconnecting of the ability to care for ourselves and provide for our own needs as a
technique of separation and dis-empowerment perpetuated by civilization. Specialization is
seen as leading to inevitable inequalities of influence and undermining egalitarian
relationships.
Rejection of science
Primitivists reject modern science as a method of understanding the world with a view to
changing it. Science is not considered to be neutral by primitivists. It is seen as loaded with
the motives and assumptions that come out of, and reinforce, civilization.
Modern scientific thought, according to primitivists, attempts to see the world as a
collection of separate objects to be observed and understood. In order to accomplish this
task, primitivists believe that scientists must distance themselves emotionally and
physically, to have a one-way channel of information moving from the observed thing to the
observer's self, which is defined as not a part of that thing.
Primitivists argue that this mechanistic worldview is tantamount to being the dominant
religion of our time. Believing that science seeks to deal only with the quantitative,
primitivists suggest that it does not admit subjective values or emotions. While primitivists
perceive science as claiming that only those things that are reproducible, predictable, and
the same for all observers are real and important, primitivists believe that reality itself is
not reproducible, predictable, or the same for all observers.
Science is seen by primitivists as only partially considering reality, and is therefore guilty of
putative reductionism. Observability, objectifiability, quantifiability, predictability,
controllability, and uniformity are said to be the objects and means of science. This, say
primitivists, leads to the world view that everything should be objectified, quantified,
controlled, and in uniformity with everything and everyone else. Primitivists also see
science as promoting the idea that anomalous experience, anomalous ideas, and anomalous
people should be cast off or destroyed like imperfectly shaped machine components.
The problem of technology

Primitivists denounce modern technology completely. They see it as a complex system
involving division of labor, resource extraction, and exploitation for the benefit of those who
implement its process. They argue that the interface with and result of modern technology
is always an alienated, mediated, and distorted reality. Modern technology too, like science,
is seen as not being value-neutral. The values and goals of those who produce and control
technology are believed always to be embedded within it.
Modern technology is held by primitivists to be distinct from simple tools in many regards.
A simple tool is considered a temporary usage of an element within our immediate
surroundings, used for a specific task. Tools are not viewed as involving complex systems
which alienate the user from the act. Primitivists claim that this separation is implicit in
technology, which creates an unhealthy and mediated experience which leads to various
forms of authority. Domination is said to increase every time a modern “time-saving”
technology is created, as primitivists claim it necessitates the construction of more
technology to support, fuel, maintain, and repair the original technology. It is argued by
primitivists that this leads very rapidly to the establishment of a complex technological
system that seems to have an existence independent of the humans who created it.
Primitivists believe that this system methodically destroys, eliminates, or subordinates the
natural world, constructing a world fit only for machines.
Production and industrialism
“ The industrial way of life leads to the industrial way of death. From Shiloh to Dachau, from ”
Antietam to Stalingrad, from Hiroshima to Vietnam and Afghanistan, the great specialty of
industry and technology has been the mass production of human corpses.
[7]
— → Edward Abbey
According to primitivists a key component of the modern techno-capitalist structure is

industrialism, the mechanized system of production built on centralized power and the
exploitation of people and nature. Industrialism cannot exist, they say, without genocide,
ecocide, and colonialism. They further say that to maintain it, coercion, land evictions,
forced labor, cultural destruction, assimilation, ecological devastation, and global trade are
accepted as necessary, even benign. Primitivists claim industrialism’s standardization of life
objectifies and commodifies it, viewing all life as a potential resource. They see their
critique of industrialism as a natural extension of the anarchist critique of the state because
they see industrialism as inherently authoritarian.
The primitivist argument against industrialism is such: In order to maintain an industrial
society, one must set out to conquer and colonize lands in order to unsustainably acquire
(generally) non-renewable resources to construct, feed, fuel, and grease the machines. This
colonialism is rationalized by racism, sexism, and cultural chauvinism. In the process of
acquiring these resources, people must be forced off their land. Additionally, in order to
make people work in the factories that produce the machines, they must be dispossessed,
enslaved, made dependent, and otherwise subjected to the destructive, toxic, degrading
industrial system.
Primitivists hold that industrialism cannot exist without massive centralization and
specialization. Furthermore, they hold that industrialism demands that resources be
shipped from all over the globe in order to perpetuate its existence, and this globalism, they
say, undermines local autonomy and self-sufficiency.
Finally primitivists contend that a engineeric worldview is behind industrialism, and that
this same world-view has justified slavery, genocide, ecocide, and the subjugation of
women.
Beyond Leftism
Primitivists do not see themselves as part of the Left (see also → post-left anarchy). Rather
they view the socialist and liberal orientations as corrupt. Primitivists argue that the Left
has proven itself to be a monumental failure in its objectives. The Left, according to
primitivists, is a general term and can roughly describe all socialist leanings (from social
democrats and liberals to communists) which wish to re-socialize “the masses” into a more
“progressive” agenda, often using coercive and manipulative approaches in order to create
a false “unity” or the creation of political parties. While primitivists understand that the
methods or extremes in implementation may differ, the overall push is seen as the same:
the institution of a collectivized and monolithic world-view based on morality.
Against mass society

Most anarchists and revolutionaries spend a significant portion of their time developing
schemes and mechanisms for production, distribution, adjudication, and communication
between large numbers of people; in other words, the functioning of a complex society.
Primitivists do not accept the premise of global (or even regional) social, political, and
economic coordination and interdependence, or the organization needed for their
administration. They reject mass society for practical and philosophical reasons. First, they
reject the inherent governmental representation necessary for the functioning of situations
outside the realm of direct experience (completely decentralized modes of existence). They
do not wish to run society or organize a different society. They want a completely different
frame of reference. They want a world where each group is autonomous and decides on its
own terms how to live, with all interactions being non-coercive, based on affinity, freedom,
and openness.
According to primitivists, mass society brutally collides not only with autonomy and the
individual, but also with the earth and the network of ecological relationships which make
up its living communities. They see it as simply not sustainable (in terms of the resource
extraction, transportation, and communication systems necessary for any global economic
system). It cannot continue indefinitely, nor is it possible to create alternative plans for a
sustainable and humane mass society.
Liberation and organization

Primitivists argue that organizational models only
provide us with more of the same. While it is recognized
by some primitivists that there might be an occasional
good intention, the organizational model is seen as
coming from an inherently paternalistic and distrusting
mindset which they hold is contradictory to anarchy.
Primitivists believe that true relationships of affinity
come from a deep understanding of one another through
Green and black flag of
intimate need-based relationships of day-to-day life, not
Anarcho-Primitivism.
relationships based on organizations, ideologies, or
abstract ideas. They say that the organizational model
suppresses individual needs and desires for “the good of the collective” as it attempts to
standardize both resistance and vision. From parties, to platforms, to federations,
primitivists argue that as the scale of projects increase, the meaning and relevance they
have to an individual’s own life decrease.
Rather than the familiar organizational model, primitivists advocate the use of informal,
affinity-based associations that they claim tend to minimize alienation from decision-making
processes, and reduce mediation between our desires and our actions.
Revolution vs. reform

As anarchists, primitivists are fundamentally opposed to government, and likewise, any sort
of collaboration or mediation with the state (or any institution of hierarchy and
control)—except as a matter of tactical expediency. This position determines a certain
continuity or direction of strategy, historically referred to as revolution. By revolution,
primitivists mean the ongoing struggle to alter the social and political landscape in a
fundamental way: for anarchists, this means its complete dismantling. The word
“revolution” is seen as dependent on the position from which it is directed, as well as what
would be termed “revolutionary” activity. Again, for anarchists, this is activity which is
aimed at the complete dissolution of abstract power.
Reform, on the other hand, is seen as entailing any activity or strategy aimed at adjusting,
altering, or selectively maintaining elements of the current system, typically utilizing the
methods or apparatus of that system. The goals and methods of revolution, it is argued,
cannot be dictated by, nor performed within, the context of the system. For anarchists,
revolution and reform invoke incompatible methods and aims, and despite the use of
certain pragmatic expedient approaches, do not exist on a continuum.
For primitivists, revolutionary activity questions, challenges, and works to dismantle the
entire set-up or paradigm of civilization. Revolution is not seen as a far-off or distant
singular event which we build towards or prepare people for, but instead, a way of life, or a
practice of approaching situations.
Critique of symbolic culture

Some anarcho-primitivists view the shift towards an increasingly symbolic culture as highly
problematic in the sense that it separates us from direct interaction. Often the response to
this, by those who assume that it means that primitivists prefer to completely eliminate all
forms of symbolic culture, is something to the effect of, “So, you just want to grunt?"[8]
However, typically the critique is regarding the problems inherent with a form of
communication and comprehension that relies primarily on symbolic thought at the expense
(and even exclusion) of other sensual and unmediated means of comprehension. The
emphasis on the symbolic is a departure from direct experience into mediated experience in
the form of language, art, number, time, etc.
Anarcho-primitivists argue that symbolic culture filters our entire perception through
formal and informal symbols and separates us from direct and unmediated contact with
reality. It goes beyond just giving things names, and extends to having an indirect
relationship with a distorted image of the world that has passed through the lens of
representation. It is debatable whether humans are "hard-wired" for symbolic thought, or if
it developed as a cultural change or adaptation, but, according to anarcho-primitivists, the
symbolic mode of expression and understanding is limited and deceptive, and
over-dependence upon it leads to objectification, alienation, and perceptual tunnel vision.
Many anarcho-primitivists promote and practice getting back in touch with and rekindling
dormant and/or underutilized methods of interaction and cognition, such as touch and
smell, as well as experimenting with and developing unique and personal modes of
comprehension and expression.
Influences
Anarchists contribute to an anti-authoritarian push, which challenges all abstract power on
a fundamental level, striving for truly egalitarian relationships and promoting communities
based upon mutual aid . Primitivists, however, extend ideas of non-domination to all life, not
just human life, going beyond the traditional anarchist's analysis. From anthropologists,
primitivists are informed with a look at the origins of civilization, so as to understand what
they are up against and how they got here, to help inform a change in direction. Inspired by
the Luddites, primitivists rekindle an anti-technological/industrial direct action orientation.
Insurrectionalists infuse a perspective which waits not for the fine-tuning of critique, but
identifies and spontaneously attacks civilization's current institutions.
Primitivists claim they owe much to the Situationists, and their critique of the Spectacle
and alienating commodity society. → Deep ecology informs the primitivist perspective with
an understanding that the well-being and flourishing of all life is linked to the awareness of
the inherent worth and intrinsic value of the non-human world independent of its economic
use value. Primitivists see deep ecology’s appreciation for the richness and diversity of life
as contributing to the realization that present human interference with the non-human
world is coercive and excessive.
Bioregionalists bring the perspective of living within one’s bioregion, and being intimately
connected to the land, water, climate, plants, animals, and general patterns of their
bioregion.
Primitivists have been profoundly influenced by the various indigenous cultures and
earth-based peoples throughout history and those who still currently exist. While
primitivists attempt to learn and incorporate sustainable techniques for survival and
healthier ways of interacting with life, they see it as important not to flatten or generalize
native peoples and their cultures, and to respect and attempt to understand their diversity
without co-opting cultural identities and characteristics. Primitivists also feel that it is
important to understand that all humans have come from earth-based peoples forcibly
removed from our connections with the earth, and therefore have a place within
anti-colonial struggles.
They are also inspired by the feral, those who have escaped domestication and have
re-integrated with the wild. And, of course, primitivists honor the wild beings which make
up the Earth. It is important to remember that, while many anarcho-primitivists draw
influence from similar sources, anarcho-primitivism is something very personal to each
individual who identifies or connects with these ideas and actions.
Rewilding and reconnection

For most primitivist anarchists, rewilding and reconnecting with the earth is a life project.
They state that it should not be limited to intellectual comprehension or the practice of
primitive skills, but, instead, that it is a deep understanding of the pervasive ways in which
we are domesticated, fractured, and dislocated from ourselves, each other, and the world.
Rewilding is understood as having a physical component which involves reclaiming skills
and developing methods for a sustainable co-existence, including how to feed, shelter, and
heal ourselves with the plants, animals, and materials occurring naturally in our bioregions.
It is also said to include the dismantling of the physical manifestations, apparatus, and
infrastructure of civilization.
Rewilding is also described as having an emotional component, which involves healing

ourselves and each other from what are perceived as 10,000-year-old wounds, learning how
to live together in non-hierarchical and non-oppressive communities, and de-constructing
the domesticating mindset in our social patterns. To the primitivist, “rewilding includes
prioritizing direct experience and passion over mediation and alienation, re-thinking every
dynamic and aspect of reality, connecting with our feral fury to defend our lives and to fight
for a liberated existence, developing more trust in our intuition and being more connected
to our instincts, and regaining the balance that has been virtually destroyed after thousands
of years of patriarchal control and domestication. Rewilding is the process of becoming
uncivilized.”
Associations
In the United States anarcho-primitivism has been notably advocated by writers → John
Zerzan, Kevin Tucker, → Daniel Quinn, → Derrick Jensen, and John Gowdy. The
anarcho-primitivist movement has connections to radical environmentalism, gaining some
attention due to the ideas of → Theodore Kaczynski ("the Unabomber") following his
Luddite bombing campaign. Recently anarcho-primitivism has been enthusiastically
explored by → Green Anarchy, → Species Traitor, and occasionally → Anarchy: A Journal of
Desire Armed, and even → CrimethInc.. The current anarcho-primitivist movement
originated in the journal → Fifth Estate, and was developed over a series of years in the
1970s and 1980s by writers such as → Fredy Perlman, → David Watson, Bob Brubaker and
John Zerzan. Vast theoretical differences between Watson's and Zerzan's forms of
primitivism caused a split in the late 1980s.
During the 1990s the UK magazine → Green Anarchist aligned itself with
anarcho-primitivism, although there are many green anarchists who are not
anarcho-primitivists.
Anti-civilization anarchists also organize groups in Spain, Israel, Turkey, Sweden, Finland,
and India.
Anarcho-primitivism is associated with and has influenced the radical tendencies within
Neo-Tribalism.
Criticism
Criticism from within anarchism

Notable critics of primitivism include Noam Chomsky, Michael Albert, Brian Sheppard,
Andrew Flood, Stewart Home, Dana Ward, and, especially, Murray Bookchin, as seen in his
polemical work entitled "Social Anarchism or Lifestyle Anarchism,".
Population
Both critics and proponents of anarcho-primitivism generally agree that if everyone lived as
a hunter-gatherer, the earth would be able to support far fewer people than today's
population of over 6.5 billion.[9] [10]
Hypocrisy
Use of Media Technology

One common criticism of primitivists is that in order to disseminate their views, they make
use of print and internet publishing technologies. Such arguments have been employed to
suggest that anarcho-primitivists are insincere or hypocritical for using modern technology.
Primitivists, such as Derrick Jensen[11] , John Zerzan[12] , and many others [13] respond that
using the internet and print media are effective at spreading their beliefs, and less harmful
than doing nothing to avoid seeming "hypocritical". They believe that by using effective
tools that are already in place today anyway, they can hopefully create a society where
those technologies are no longer produced or used.[11] [13] → Derrick Jensen has responded
to these critics first by saying that it "reveals the weakness of their own position: they
cannot rebut the substance of our message, so they simply attack the messenger." [11]
Lifestyle
Another common criticism, which some believe suggests hypocrisy, is that few primitivist
philosophers live in primitive societies themselves.
Jensen states that while the critics are accurate in saying that primitivists do not live a
completely primitivist lifestyle, the critics are not accurate in saying that the primitives
choose not to. He believes that no legitimate options exist within the system to live such a
lifestyle, and that it is necessary that people "dismantle the industrial economy" before they
have a real choice about how they will live.[11]
For instance, → Theodore Kaczynski, who did live a primitive lifestyle said:
The honest truth is that I am not really politically oriented. I would have really rather
just be living out in the woods. If nobody had started cutting roads through there and
cutting the trees down and come buzzing around in helicopters and snowmobiles I
would still just be living there and the rest of the world could just take care of itself. I
got involved in political issues because I was driven to it, so to speak.
— → Theodore Kaczynski[14]
Jensen also claims that focusing primarily on lifestyle changes "serves the interests of those
in power by keeping our focus off them." and instead considering one's self to be "the
problem", rather than "those in power" [15]
Civilization and violence

Another line of criticism attacks the anarcho-primitivist argument that hierarchy and mass
violence result from civilization, citing for example, the dominance and territorial struggles
observed in chimpanzees.[16] Some thinkers within anarcho-primitivism such as → Pierre
Clastres offer an anthropological explanation of the necessity of a certain amount of
violence, while embracing anarchy as the natural balance for primitive societies.[17]
Anarcho-primitivists,[18] based on several anthropological references,[19] [20] argue that →
hunter-gatherer societies, by their very nature are less susceptible to war, violence and
diseases.[21] [22] [23]
Practicality
Another question regarding anarcho-primitivism is the practicality. John Zerzan admits that
primitivist ideals are difficult even for the convinced to put into practice: “It’s a huge
challenge. You've got these great grandiose ideas, but the rubber has to hit the road
somewhere, and we know that. I don’t know how that's going to work.… [W]e are a long
way from connecting with that reality and we have to face that. You start off with
questioning things and trying to enlarge the space where people can have dialogue and
raise the questions that are not being raised anywhere else. But we don’t have blueprints as
to what people should do.”[24]
Other primitivist thinkers have suggested that primitivism as a philosophy is rich with
numerous practical applications even in our current context, including: paleolithic diet,
nutrition and exercise, reducing consumerism, simple living, a do-it-yourself orientation,
increasing local self-sufficiency, spending more time outdoors, going hunting and fishing,
connecting with a local land-base, practicing nature awareness and primitive wilderness
skills, increasing focus on personal relationships including family and local community, and
activism on solidarity issues with indigenous peoples. Primitivism as a world view also
tends to give credence to long-standing examples from indigenous peoples of solutions to
various modern social problems, which touch on political issues as diverse as "gay rights"
and abortion, to environmentalism, hunting and vegetarianism.
Mass Society
Brian Sheppard asserts that anarcho-primitivism is not a form of anarchism at all. In
Anarchism Vs. Primitivism he says: "In recent decades, groups of quasi-religious mystics
have begun equating the primitivism they advocate (rejection of science, rationality, and
technology often lumped together under a blanket term "technology") with anarchism. In
reality, the two have nothing to do with each other."[25]
Flood agrees with this assertion and points out that primitivism clashes with what he
identifies as the fundamental goal of anarchism, "the creation of a free mass society".[26]
Primitivists do not believe that a "mass society" can be free. They believe industry and
agriculture inevitably lead to hierarchy and alienation. They claim that the division of labor
that techno-industrial societies require to function force people into reliance on factories
and the labor of other specialists to produce their food, clothing, shelter, and other
necessities and that this dependence forces them to remain a part of this society, whether
they like it or not. [27]
The critique of language

Because there are some primitivists who have extended their critique of symbolic culture to
language itself, Georgetown University professor Mark Lance describes this particular
theory of primitivism as "literally insane, for proper communication is necessary to create
within the box a means to destroy the box."[28]
See also
• Antimodernism • Post-left anarchy
• Eco-anarchism • Myth of Progress
• Eco-communalism • Neo-Luddism
• Ecofeminism • Primitive communism
• Green anarchy • Neo-Tribalism
• Hunter-gatherer • Simple living
• Earth liberation • Diogenes of Sinope
• Deindustrialization
References
• What Is Green Anarchy? An Introduction to Anti-Civilization Anarchist Thought and
Practice. By the Green Anarchy Collective. (Most of the information in this article was
sourced from this primer: HTML [29], PDF [30].)
• → Zerzan, John (ed.) (2005). Against Civilization: Readings and Reflections. illus. R. L.
Tubbesing (enl. ed. ed.). Los Angeles: Feral House. ISBN 0-922915-98-9.
• Zerzan, John (1994). → Future Primitive and Other Essays. Brooklyn: Autonomedia. ISBN
1-57027-000-7.
• Zerzan, John (2002). Running on Emptiness: The Pathology of Civilisation. Los Angeles:
Feral House. ISBN 0-922915-75-X.
• → Watson, David (1998). Against the Megamachine. Brooklyn: Autonomedia. ISBN
1-57027-087-2.
• → Kaczynski, Ted (1996) [1995]. The Unabomber Manifesto: Industrial Society and Its
Future (3rd ed. ed.). Berkeley: Jolly Roger Press. ISBN 0-9634205-2-6.
• Kaczynski, Ted (1999). "Ship of Fools [31]", Binghamton, NY: OFF! Magazine (student
zine at SUNY Binghamton).
• → Glendinning, Chellis (1994). My Name is Chellis and I'm in Recovery from Western
Civilization. Shambhala. ISBN 0-87773-996-X.
• Hardayal, Lala (1914). The Social Conquest of the Hindu Race and the Meaning of
Equality. San Francisco.
• Zerzan, John (2002). Running on Emptiness: The Pathology of Civilisation. Los Angeles:
Feral House. ISBN 0-922915-75-X.
• → Ellul, Jacques (1964). The Technological Society. trans. John Wilkinson. New York:
Knopf.
• → Perlman, Fredy (1983). → Against His-Story, Against Leviathan!. Detroit: Black & Red.
• → Jensen, Derrick (2000). A Language Older Than Words. New York: Context Books.
ISBN 1-893956-03-2.
• Jensen, Derrick (2002). The Culture of Make Believe. New York: Context Books. ISBN
1-893956-28-8.
• Jensen, Derrick (2006). → Endgame. 2 Vols. New York: Seven Stories Press. ISBN
1-58322-730-X and ISBN 1-58322-724-5.
• Mander, Jerry (1992). In the Absence of the Sacred: The Failure of Technology and the
Survival of the Indian Nations. New York: Sierra Club Books.
• → Moore, John. "A Primitivist Primer [32]", London: Green Anarchist (magazine).
• → Quinn, Daniel (1992). Ishmael. New York: Bantam. ISBN 0-553-07875-5.
• → Green Anarchy: An Anti-Civilization Journal of Theory and Action
• → Species Traitor: An Insurrectionary Anarcho-Primitivist Journal
• Disorderly Conduct (journal)
• Fifth Estate: An Anti-Authoritarian Magazine of Ideas and Action
• → Barclay, Harold (1990). People without Government: An Anthropology of Anarchy (rev.
ed. ed.). Seattle: Left Bank Books. ISBN 0-939306-09-3.
External links
[33]
• Green Anarchy
• Primitivism.com [34]
• The Green Anarchist Info/Shop [35]
• Anticiv.net archive [36]
• Resources for Green Anarchism and Christianity at Jesus Radicals [37]
[38]
• In the Land of the Living: a journal of anarcho-primitivism and christianity
[39]
• Creel Commission June 2006 conversation with John Zerzan and the UK band, also
here Jackalope Recordings [40]
• A Primitivist Primer: What is Anarcho-Primitivism? [41] by → John Moore
• "What is anarcho-primitivism?" from the Anarchist FAQ [42] – a critique of the ideology
from an anarchist perspective
• A critique of primitivism, anarcho-primitivism and anti-civilisationism [43] - anarchist
criticism of primitivism
• 5 Common Objections to Primitivism, and Why They're Wrong [44] - an anarcho-primitivist
response to common criticisms
• The Primal Wound [45] Critical of primitivism, but somewhat sympathetic
• yabanil.net [46] Turkish
• Introduction to John Zerzan's conferences in Montreal (plus videos) [47] by Layla AR
References
[1] "Su obra más representativa es Walden, aparecida en 1854, aunque redactada entre 1845 y 1847, cuando
Thoreau decide instalarse en el aislamiento de una cabaña en el bosque, y vivir en íntimo contacto con la
naturaleza, en una vida de soledad y sobriedad. De esta experiencia, su filosofía trata de transmitirnos la idea
que resulta necesario un retorno respetuoso a la naturaleza, y que la felicidad es sobre todo fruto de la riqueza
interior y de la armonía de los individuos con el entorno natural. Muchos han visto en Thoreau a uno de los
precursores del ecologismo y del anarquismo primitivista representado en la actualidad por Jonh Zerzan. Para
George Woodcock(8), esta actitud puede estar también motivada por una cierta idea de resistencia al progreso
y de rechazo al materialismo creciente que caracteriza la sociedad norteamericana de mediados de siglo XIX."
"LA INSUMISIÓN VOLUNTARIA. EL ANARQUISMO INDIVIDUALISTA ESPAÑOL DURANTE LA DICTADURA Y
LA SEGUNDA REPÚBLICA (1923-1938)" by Xavier Diez (http:/ / www. acracia. org/ xdiez. html)
[2] A Primitivist Primer: what is anarcho-primitivism? (http:/ / www. eco-action. org/ dt/ primer. html)
[3] Kirkpatrick Sale (1985). Dwellers in the Land: The Bioregional Vision. San Francisco: Sierra Club Books. ISBN
0871568470. OCLC 11811919 (http:/ / worldcat. org/ oclc/ 11811919).
[4] John M. Gowdy (1998). Limited Wants, Unlimited Means: A Reader on Hunter-Gatherer Economics. Island
Press. pp. 265. ISBN 155963555X.
[5] Future Primitive (http:/ / www. awok. org/ future_primitive/ )
[6] PaulShepardindex (http:/ / home. earthlink. net/ ~frshepard/ )
[7] The Guardian, April 21 2004
[8] An Introduction to Anti-Civilization Anarchist Thought (http:/ / www. greenanarchy. org/ index.
php?action=viewwritingdetail& writingId=283)
[9] https:/ / www. cia. gov/ library/ publications/ the-world-factbook/ print/ xx. html The CIA World Factbook
[10] (http:/ / 64. 233. 183. 104/ search?q=cache:f4XRs8QsJeQJ:www. public. iastate. edu/ ~cfford/ WorstMistake.
ppt+ public. iastate. edu/ ~cfford/ WorstMistake. ppt& hl=en& ct=clnk& cd=1& gl=uk& client=firefox-a)Jared
Diamond - The worst mistake in the history of the Human Race
[11] Jensen, Derrick (2006). Endgame, Volume 1: The Problem of Civilization. New York City: Seven Stories Press.
pp. 128. ISBN 978-1-58322-730-5.
[12] Zerzan, John. " Zerzan and Media: An Ignominious Tale (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ media. htm)"
(in English). Insurgent Desire. . Retrieved on 2009-03-14.
[13] Connor, John; John Filiss, Leif Fredrickson, Lawrence Jarach, Ron Leighton, Jason McQuinn, John Moore,
Jonathan Slyk. " An Open Letter on Technology and Mediation (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/
openletter. htm)" (in English). Insurgent Desire. . Retrieved on 2009-03-14.
[14] " Interview with Ted Kaczynski, Administrative Maximum Facility Prison, Florence, Colorado, USA (http:/ /
www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ tedk. htm)". Earth First Journal!. June 1999. . Retrieved on 2009-03-14.
[15] Jensen, Derrick (2006). Endgame, Volume 1: The Problem of Civilization. New York City: Seven Stories Press.
pp. 173–174. ISBN 978-1-58322-730-5.
[16] Goodall, Jane (2000). Reason for hope. Grand Central Publishing. pp. 127. ISBN 978-0446676137.
[17] Clastres, Pierre (1994). Archeology of Violence. Semiotext(e). ISBN 0936756950.
[18] Zerzan, John (2002). Running on Emptiness: The Pathology of Civilization. Feral House. ISBN 092291575X.
[19] Sahlins, Marshall (2003). Stone Age Economics. Routledge. ISBN 0415320100.
[20] Lee, Richard (1979). The !Kung San: Men, Women and Work in a Foraging Society. Cambridge University
Press. ISBN 0521295610.
[21] The Consequences of Domestication and Sedentism by Emily Schultz, et al. (http:/ / www. primitivism. com/
sedentism. htm)
[22] Elman, Service (1972). The Hunters. Prentice Hall. ISBN B000JNRGPK.
[23] Kelly, Robert L. (1995). The Foraging Spectrum: Diversity in Hunter-Gatherer Lifeways. Washington:
Smithsonian Institution. ISBN 1-56098-465-1.
[24] http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ mayday/ story/ 0,7369,475181,00. html Guardian Unlimited - Anarchy in the
USA
[25] Sheppard, Brian - Anarchism Vs. Primitivism (http:/ / libcom. org/ library/ anarchism-vs-primitivism)
[26] Flood, Andrew Is primitivism realistic? An anarchist reply to John Zerzan and others Anarchist Newswire
(2005) http:/ / www. anarkismo. net/ newswire. php?story_id=1890
[27] Against Mass Society by Chris Wilson (http:/ / www. primitivism. com/ mass-society. htm)
[28] Lance, Mark from lecture Anarchist Practice, Rational Democracy, and Community NCOR (2004) http:/ / dc.
indymedia. org/ newswire/ display/ 90971
[29] http:/ / www. greenanarchy. org/ index. php?action=viewwritingdetail& writingId=283
[30] http:/ / www. greenanarchy. info/ GA17_what_is_ga_primer. pdf
[31] http:/ / www. sacredfools. org/ CrimeScene/ CaseFiles/ S2/ ShipOfFoolsStory. htm
[32] http:/ / www. primitivism. com/ primer. htm
[33] http:/ / www. greenanarchy. org/
[34] http:/ / www. primitivism. com/
[35] http:/ / www. greenanarchy. info/
[36] http:/ / anticiv. smartamerican. com/ library. htm
[37] http:/ / www. jesusradicals. com/ anarchism/
[38] http:/ / www. inthelandoftheliving. org
[39] http:/ / www. creelcommission. com/ interviews. php
[40] http:/ / www. jackaloperecordings. com/ ?p=14
[41] http:/ / www. eco-action. org/ dt/ primer. html
[42] http:/ / www. infoshop. org/ faq/ secA3. html#seca39
[43] http:/ / www. libcom. org/ thought/ approaches/ primitivism/
[44] http:/ / anthropik. com/ 2005/ 10/ 5-common-objections-to-primitivism-and-why-theyre-wrong/
[45] http:/ / www. geocities. com/ vcmtalk/ primalwound. html
[46] http:/ / www. yabanil. net/
[47] http:/ / layla. miltsov. org/ introduction-to-z
Neotribalism
This article concerns the social philosophy known as Neo-Tribalism and not the
reemergence of ethnic identities that followed the end of the Cold War.
Postmodernism
preceded by Modernism
Post-anarchism
Posthumanism
Post-Marxism
Postmodernity
Postmodern architecture
Postmodern art
Postmodern Christianity
Postmodern dance
Postmodern feminism
Postmodern Fusion
Postmodern literature
Postmodern music
Postmodern picture book
Postmodern philosophy
Postmodern social construction of nature
Postmodern theater
Postmodernism in political science
Postmodernist anthropology
Postmodernist film
Postmodernist school
Post-postmodernism
Post-structuralism
Neotribalism is the ideology that human beings have evolved to live in a tribal, as opposed
to a mass, modern society, and thus cannot achieve genuine happiness until some
semblance of tribal lifestyles has been re-created or re-embraced.
General ideology
Neotribalist ideology is rooted in the social philosophies of Jean-Jacques Rousseau and
William Kingdon Clifford, who spoke of a "tribal self" thwarted by modern society. The
Evolutionary Principle of anthropologist Claude Levi-Strauss, which states that a species
removed from the environment in which it evolved will become pathological, has been cited
by Neotribalists as providing a scientific basis for their beliefs.
Certain aspects of industrial and post-industrial life, including the necessity of living in a
society of strangers and interacting with organizations that have memberships far above
Dunbar's number are cited as inherently detrimental to the human mind as it has evolved.
In a 1985 paper, "Psychology, Ideology, Utopia, & the Commons," psychologist Dennis Fox
[1]
proposed a number around 150 people. Recently some supporters of neo-Tribalism have
put forth the argument that their ideas have been scientifically proven by the discipline of
evolutionary psychology. This claim has been highly disputed, however.
Neotribalism 17
Those that see Neotribalism as a political or quasi-political movement distinguish

themselves from the reactionary Tribalism present in many parts of the world by
emphasizing the necessity of establishing a global, or at least national, network of
connected co-operating tribes, as opposed to the isolated, quarrelling groups of traditional
tribal society. This anticipates the criticism by advocates of contemporary culture that
tribal societies were almost invariably more violent and oppressive than modern ones.
Sociological theory
Work by researchers such as Robert Putnam and a 2006 study published in the American
Sociological Review [2] seem to support at least the more moderate neo-Tribalist
arguments. Data has pointed to a general breakdown in the social structure of modern
civilization due to more frequent moves for economic reasons, longer commutes and a lack
of emphasis in the media narrative on the desirability of strong friendships and community
bonds.
The French Sociologist Michel Maffesoli [3] was perhaps the first to use the term
neo-Tribalism in a scholarly context.[4] Maffesoli predicted that as the culture and
institutions of modernism declined, societies would look to the organizational principles of
the distant past for guidance, and that therefore the post-modern era would be the era of
Neo-Tribalism. However, Maffesoli's anti-scientism is at odds with those in the movement
that look to evolutionary psychology and anthropology for support.
Commentators such as Ethan Watters have credited, or blamed, growing neotribalist
dynamics for contributing to the decline in marriage in the developed world, as 'modern
tribes' form alternate means for satisfying social interaction.
Dr. Plinio Correa de Oliveira wrote in his book "Revolution & Counter-Revolution" that the
Neo-Tribalist tendency would be the last stage of the Revolutionary process - although as a
Catholic reactionary, Oliveira regarded this prospect with dread.
Moderate tendency
Moderate neotribalists believe that a tribal social structure can co-exist with a modern
technological infrastructure. This is sometimes referred to as Urban Tribalism. For
example, under this scenario, people might reside in a large house or other building with a
communal group of 12-20 individuals all abiding by a defined set of rules, cultural rituals
and intimate relationships, but otherwise leading modern lives, going to a job, driving a car,
etc. In that it attempts to harmonize two seemingly contradictory cultures, namely modern
existence and tribalism, the moderate tendency can be considered syncretic in a cultural or
even political sense.
The Moderate orientation is associated with commentators such as Ethan Watters and a
generally optimistic view on the possibility of a peaceful and non-disruptive transition to
neo-Tribalism. Moderates interpret the 'environment' mentioned in the Evolutionary
Principle to be mainly social.
Neotribalism 18
Radical tendency
Radical neo-Tribalists such as → John Zerzan believe that healthy tribal life can only thrive
after technological civilization has either been destroyed or severely reduced in scope. →
Daniel Quinn, associated with the New tribalists, formulated the concept of "walking away":
abandoning the owner/conqueror worldview of civilization—though not necessarily its
geographical space—and making a living with others in tribal businesses. Others, such as →
Derrick Jensen, argue that both violent and nonviolent efforts are called for, as they believe
that it is appropriate and necessary to escape a collapsing culture. Many, such as The Tribe
of Anthropik [5] take a survivalist bent and believe that a collapse is inevitable no matter
what is done or said and concentrate their efforts on surviving and forming tribal cultures
in the aftermath.
In general radical neotribalist groups tend to agree that the current population of humanity
is unsustainable and thus a form of cultural change is fundamentally necessary to live, and
that the preferable, or perhaps inevitable form for society to take after this change is
tribalism. The call for a revolution (in the style of the Industrial Revolution) is needed to
accomplish this change.
Criticism
Critics have pointed out that membership in modern 'tribes' is voluntary and shallow, i.e.
not based on deep cultural traditions and kinship ties. Therefore it is argued neotribalism is
likely to be nothing more than a fad - if it even really exists outside the minds of certain
pundits and weekend hobbyists.
The movement has also been accused of being Eurocentric, insulting traditional indigenous
cultures through insincere and inaccurate imitation, thereby reviving the 18th-century myth
of the Noble savage.
See also
• → Anarcho-primitivism
• Back-to-the-land movement
• Burning Man
• HMMGG Festival
• → Deep ecology
• EcoCommunalism
• Evolutionary psychology
• National Anarchism
• New tribalists
• Rainbow gathering
• Terence McKenna (counterculture advocate for an Archaic Revival)
• Tribalism
• Intentional Community
• Twin Oaks Community
• East Wind Community
• Drop City
Neotribalism 19
External links
• RAND Corporation White Paper - Tribes: The First and Forever Form [6]
• The core concepts of neo-Tribalism [7] by Shadan Taliesin Janara
• Bay Area National ANarchists [8] Tribalist group in the Bay Area, California
• Church Planting Village [9] - Christian's view of Affinity Groups as equal to
"neo-Tribalism"
• The Critique of Civilization [10] by Ran Prieur
• The Culture Cult [11] by Roger Sandall
• Forming Tribalized Communities [12] by Forbes Leslie
• In favor of sheltering [13] from Newsvine
• Modern Tribalism [14] Documentary on the subject
• "Peer-Shared Households, Quasi-Communes and Neo-Tribes [15]" by Sue Heath (1994) in
Current Society (The Journal of the International Sociological Association)
• Tribal Revival [16] The revival of tribal culture multimedia show
• New Tribal Society [17] a new tribal network
References
[1] http:/ / www. dennisfox. net/ papers/ commons. html
[2] (http:/ / www. asanet. org/ galleries/ default-file/ June06ASRFeature. pdf)
[3] http:/ / translate. google. com/ translate?prev=_t& hl=en& ie=UTF-8& u=http%3A%2F%2Ffr. wikipedia.
org%2Fwiki%2FMichel_Maffesoli& sl=fr& tl=en& history_state0=en|fr|tribe& swap=1|
[4] Michel Maffesoli, The Time of the Tribes: The Decline of Indivdiualism in Mass Society, (Sage: London, 1996).
[5] http:/ / www. anthropik. com
[6] http:/ / www. rand. org/ pubs/ working_papers/ 2007/ RAND_WR433. pdf
[7] http:/ / neotribe. tribe. net/ thread/ ebb13ba4-0a52-4111-b309-d327977fbdf7
[8] http:/ / www. bayareanationalanarchists. com/ blog/
[9] http:/ / www. churchplantingvillage. net/ site/ c. iiJTKZPEJpH/ b. 784369/ k. 9DA9/ Affinity_Groups. htm
[10] http:/ / www. ranprieur. com/ essays/ changevery. html
[11] http:/ / www. culturecult. com
[12] http:/ / www. wechange. org/ forming_tribalized_communities
[13] http:/ / celestina. newsvine. com/ _news/ 2007/ 01/ 08/ 511036-in-favor-of-sheltering-
[14] http:/ / www. lowfifilmworks. com/ production. html
[15] http:/ / csi. sagepub. com/ cgi/ content/ abstract/ 52/ 2/ 161
[16] http:/ / www. tribalrevival. org/
[17] http:/ / www. newtribalsociety. org/ blog/ ?page_id=333
Simple living 20
Simple living
Simple living (voluntary simplicity) is a lifestyle characterized by minimizing the "more
is better" pursuit of wealth and consumption. Adherents may choose simple living for a
variety of personal reasons, such as spirituality, health, increase in 'quality time' for family
and friends, stress reduction, personal taste or frugality. E. F. Schumacher summarized it
by saying, "Any intelligent fool can make things bigger, more complex, and more violent. It
takes a touch of genius - and a lot of courage - to move in the opposite direction."
Others cite socio-political goals aligned with the anti-consumerist movement, including
conservation, social justice and sustainable development. According to Duane Elgin, "we
can describe voluntary simplicity as a manner of living that is outwardly more simple and
inwardly more rich, a way of being in which our most authentic and alive self is brought
into direct and conscious contact with living."[1]
Simple living as a concept is distinguished from those living in forced poverty, as it is a
voluntary lifestyle choice. Although asceticism generally promotes living simply and
refraining from luxury and indulgence, not all proponents of voluntary simplicity are
ascetics.
History
The recorded history of voluntary simplicity, often associated with asceticism, begins with
the Shramana traditions of Iron Age India. Buddha and biblical Nazirites (notably John the
Baptist) were early ascetics. Various notable individuals have claimed that spiritual
inspiration led them to a simple living lifestyle, such as Francis of Assisi,[2] Ammon
Hennacy, Leo Tolstoy, Rabindranath Tagore, Albert Schweitzer, and Mahatma Gandhi.[3]
Simple living has traditions that stretch back to the Orient, resonating with leaders such as
Zarathustra, Buddha, Lao-Tse and Confucius and was heavily stressed in both Greco-Roman
culture and Judeo-Christian ethics.[3]
Epicureanism, based on the teachings of the Athens-based philosopher Epicurus, flourished
from about the fourth century BC to the third century AD. Epicureanism upheld the
untroubled life as the paradigm of happiness, made possible by carefully considered
choices. Specifically, Epicurus pointed out that troubles entailed by maintaining an
extravagant lifestyle tend to outweigh the pleasure of partaking in it. He therefore
concluded that what is necessary for happiness, bodily comfort, and life itself should be
maintained at minimal cost, while all things beyond what is necessary for these should
either be tempered by moderation or completely avoided.[4]
Various religious groups including the Shakers, Mennonites, Amish, Harmony Society, and
some Quakers have for centuries practiced lifestyles in which some forms of wealth or
technology are excluded for religious or philosophical reasons. There is a Quaker belief
called Testimony of Simplicity that a person ought to live her or his life simply.
Henry David Thoreau, a North American naturalist and author, is often considered to have
made the classic non-sectarian statement advocating a life of simple and sustainable living
in his book Walden (1854).
In Victorian Britain, Henry Stephens Salt, an admirer of Thoreau, popularised the idea of
"Simplification, the saner method of living".[5] Other British advocates of the simple life
included Edward Carpenter, William Morris, and the members of "The Fellowship of the
Simple living 21
New Life."[6] C.R. Ashbee and his followers also practiced some of these ideas, thus linking
simplicity with the Arts and Crafts movement[7] . British novelist John Cowper Powys
advocated the simple life in his 1933 book A Philosophy of Solitude.[8] John Middleton
Murry and Max Plowman practised a simple lifestyle at their Aldephi Centre in Essex in the
[9]
1930s. .
George Lorenzo Noyes, a naturalist, mineralogist, development critic, writer, and artist, is
known as the Thoreau of Maine. He lived a wilderness lifestyle, advocating through his
creative work a simple life and reverence for nature. During the 1920s and 1930s, the
Vanderbilt Agrarians of the Southern United States advocated a lifestyle and culture
centered upon traditional and sustainable agrarian values as opposed to the progressive
urban industrialism which dominated the Western world at that time.
From the 1920s to the 1960s, a number of modern authors articulated both the theory and
practice of living simply, among them Gandhian Richard Gregg, economists Ralph Borsodi
and Scott Nearing, anthropologist-poet → Gary Snyder, and utopian fiction writer Ernest
Callenbach. Gregg wrote a book entitled The Value of Voluntary Simplicity (1936) and many
decades later Duane Elgin wrote the highly influential book Voluntary Simplicity (1981).
There are eco-anarchist groups in the United States and Canada today promoting lifestyles
of simplicity. In the United Kingdom, the Movement for Compassionate Living was formed
by Kathleen and Jack Jannaway in 1984, to spread the vegan message and promote simple
living and self-reliance as a remedy against the exploitation of humans, animals, and the
Earth.
Practice
Some people practice voluntary simplicity to reduce need for purchased goods or services
and, by extension, reduce their need to sell their time for money. Some will spend the extra
free time helping family or others. During the holiday season, such people often perform
alternative giving. Others may spend the extra free time to improve their quality of life, for
example pursuing creative activities such as art and crafts (see starving artist). The
philosophy behind these choices is examined at length in Ernest Callenbach's 1972
non-fiction book Living Poor with Style, which also devotes hundreds of pages to practical
tips and how-to guides for both voluntary and involuntary practitioners of simple living.
Another approach is to focus more fundamentally on the underlying motivation of buying
and consuming so many resources for a good quality of life.[10] Though our society often
seeks to buy happiness, materialism very frequently fails to satisfy, and may even increase
the level of stress in life. It has been said that "the making of money and the accumulation
of things should not smother the purity of the soul, the life of the mind, the cohesion of the
family, or the good of the society."[11]
The grassroots awareness campaign, National Downshifting Week (UK)[12] (founded 1995)
encourages participants to positively embrace living with less. Campaign creator, British
writer and broadcaster on downshifting and sustainable living, Tracey Smith says, "The
more money you spend, the more time you have to be out there earning it and the less time
you have to spend with the ones you love". National Downshifting Week encourages
participants to 'Slow Down and Green Up' and contains a list of suggestions for individuals,
companies, children and schools to help adopt green or eco-friendly policies and habits,
develop corporate social and environmental responsibility in the workplace, and create
eco-protocols and lessons that work alongside the national curriculum, respectively.
Simple living 22
Another practice is the adoption of a simplified diet. Diets that may simplify domestic food
production and consumption include veganism and the Gandhi diet.
Examples and experiments

The University of Michigan's New England Literature Program is an experiential literature
and writing program run through the university's Department of English Language and
Literature which was started in the 1970s by professors Alan Howes and Walter Clark.
Howes and Clark called upon Thoreauvian ideals of nature, independence and community
to create an academic program modeled after Thoreau's experiment at Walden Pond.
Today, students at NELP study Thoreau's work – as well as that of several other New
England writers from the 19th and 20th centuries – in relative isolation on Sebago Lake in
Raymond, Maine. University students who participate pledge to give up drugs and alcohol
for the duration of the program and live without cell phones or computers and with minimal
access to electricity and heat as part of their academic experience and study of New
England literature, history and culture.
Politics
Many Green Parties often advocate voluntary simplicity as a consequence of their "four
pillars" or the "Ten Key Values" of the United States Green Party. This includes, in policy
terms, their rejection of genetic modification and nuclear power and other technologies
they consider to be hazardous. The Greens' support for simplicity is based on the reduction
in natural resource usage and environmental impact. This concept is expressed in Ernest
Callenbach's "green triangle" of ecology, frugality and health.
Many with similar views avoid involvement even with green politics as compromising
simplicity, however, and advocate forms of green anarchism that attempt to implement
these principles at a smaller scale, e.g. the ecovillage.
The alleged relationship between economic growth and war, when fought for control and
exploitation of natural and human resources, is considered a good reason for promoting a
simple living lifestyle. Avoiding the perpetuation of the resource curse is a similar objective
of many simple living adherents. Opposition to war has led some to a form of tax resistance
in which they reduce their tax liability by taking up a simple living lifestyle.[13]
Technology
Although simple living is often a secular pursuit, it may still involve reconsidering personal
definitions of "→ appropriate technology", as Anabaptist groups such as the Amish or
Mennonites have done. People who eschew modern technology are often referred to as
Luddites or → Neo-Luddism adherents.[14]
People who practice simple living have diverse views on the role of technology. Some
simple living adherents, such as → Kirkpatrick Sale, are strong critics of modern
technology,[14] while others see the Internet as a key component of simple living in the
future, including the reduction of an individual's carbon footprint through telecommuting
and less reliance on paper. Voluntary simplicity may include high-tech components —
indeed computers, Internet, photovoltaic arrays, wind and water turbines, and a variety of
other cutting-edge technologies can be used to make a simple lifestyle within mainstream
culture easier and more sustainable.
Simple living 23
The idea of food miles, the number of miles a given item of food or its ingredients has
travelled between the farm and the table, is used by simple living advocates to argue for
locally grown food. This is now gaining mainstream acceptance, as shown by the popularity
of books such as The 100-Mile Diet, and Barbara Kingsolver's Animal, Vegetable, Miracle: A
Year of Food Life. In each of these cases, the authors devoted a year to reducing their
carbon footprint by eating locally.[15]
Advertising is criticised for encouraging a consumerist mentality. Many advocates of
voluntary simplicity tend to agree that cutting out, or cutting down on, television viewing is
a key ingredient in simple living. Some see the Internet, podcasting, community radio or
pirate radio as viable alternatives.
Economics
A new economics movement has been building since the UN conference on the environment
in 1972,[16] and the publication that year of Only One Earth, The Limits to Growth, and
Blueprint For Survival, followed in 1973 by Small Is Beautiful: Economics As If People
Mattered.[17]
Recently, David Wann has introduced the idea of “simple prosperity” as it applies to a
sustainable lifestyle. From his point of view, and as a point of departure for what he calls
real → sustainability, “it is important to ask ourselves three fundamental questions: what is
the point of all our commuting and consuming? What is the economy for? And, finally, why
do we seem to be unhappier now than when we began our initial pursuit for rich
abundance?”[18] In this context, simple living is the opposite of our modern quest for
affluence and, as a result, it becomes less preoccupied with quantity and more concerned
about the preservation of cities, traditions and nature.
A reference point for this new economics can be found in James Robertson's A New
Economics of Sustainable Development,[17] and the work of thinkers and activists, who
participate in his Working for a Sane Alternative network and program. According to
Robertson, the shift to sustainability is likely to require a widespread shift of emphasis from
raising incomes to reducing costs.
The principles of the new economics, as set out by Robertson, are the following:
• systematic empowerment of people (as opposed to making and keeping them dependent),
as the basis for people-centred development
• systematic conservation of resources and the environment, as the basis for
environmentally sustainable development
• evolution from a “wealth of nations” model of economic life to a one-world model, and
from today's inter-national economy to an ecologically sustainable, decentralising,
multi-level one-world economic system
• restoration of political and ethical factors to a central place in economic life and thought
• respect for qualitative values, not just quantitative values
• respect for feminine values, not just masculine ones[17]
Simple living 24
See also
• Affluenza
• Car-free movement
• Corporate poverty
• Intentional community
• Intentional living
• Wwoofing
Notes and references

[1] Elgin, Duane (1993). Voluntary Simplicity p. 25.
[2] Slocock, N. (May 2004). "'Living a Life of Simplicity?' A Response to Francis of Assisi by Adrian House" (http:/ /
orders. anglican. org/ tssf/ Members/ Studies/ Living a Life of Simplicity. pdf).
[3] Shi, David. The Simple Life. University of Georgia Press (2001).
[4] Smith, M.F. (2001). Lucretius: On the Nature of Things (http:/ / www. epicurus. info/ etexts/ introlucretius.
html#III). Introduction available online at Epicurius.info. Hackett Pub Co ISBN 978-0872205871
[5] Salt quoted in Peter C. Gould, Early Green Politics, p. 22.
[6] Gould, pp. 27-8
[7] Fiona Maccarthy, The Simple Life: C.R. Ashbee in the Cotswolds (London, 1981).
[8] A Philosophy of Solitude, London, 1933. See also David Goodway, Anarchist Seeds Beneath the Snow
(Liverpool, 2006), pgs. 48-9, 174, for Goodway's comparison of Powys' ideas of the Simple Life to Carpenter's.
[9] Hardy, Dennis. Utopian England: Community Experiments 1900-1945 pg. 42. Hardy's book details other
simple living movements in the UK in this period.
[10] Rajvanshi, A.K. "Less Possessions Produce Happiness" Times of India (http:/ / education. vsnl. com/ nimbkar/
possessions. html) January 14, 2005
[11] David Shi, quoted in Elgin, Duane, Voluntary Simplicity, (1993) p. 53.
[12] National Downshifting Week (http:/ / www. downshiftingweek. com) official website
[13] Picket Line Annual Report (http:/ / sniggle. net/ Experiment/ index. php?entry=19Mar05& showyear=2005)
[14] Sale, K. (February 1997). "America's New Luddites." (http:/ / mondediplo. com/ 1997/ 02/ 20luddites) Le
Monde diplomatique.
[15] Taylor, K. (August 8, 2007). "The Year I Saved The World." (http:/ / www. nysun. com/ arts/
year-i-saved-the-world/ 60056/ ) New York: The Sun."
[16] United Nations Environment Program (1972) Report of the United Nations Conference on the Human
Environment (http:/ / www. unep. org/ Documents. Multilingual/ Default. asp?DocumentID=97). Stockholm
1972. Retrieved on March 24, 2008
[17] Robertson, James (2005) "The New Economics of Sustainable Development" (http:/ / www. jamesrobertson.
com/ book/ neweconomicsofsustainabledevelopment. pdf). A Briefing for Policy Makers. Report for the
European Commission. ISBN 0 7494 3093 1
[18] Wann, David. Simple Prosperity: Finding Real Wealth in a Sustainable Lifestyle. New York, St. Martin's
Griffin, 2007. ISBN 978-0-312-36141-9
Further reading
• Berry, Wendell, What Are People For? (North Point Press, 1990), ISBN 0-86547-437-0
• Dacyzyn, Amy, The Complete Tightwad Gazette: Promoting Thrift as a Viable Alternative
Lifestyle. (1998), ISBN 0375752250
• de Graaf et al., John, Affluenza (2002), ISBN 1-57675-199-6
• Eller, Vernard, The Simple Life (1973) (http:/ / www. hccentral. com/ eller3/ index. html),
ISBN 0802815375
• Nearing, Scott and Helen, The Good Life: Helen and Scott Nearing's Sixty Years of
Self-Sufficient Living (Schocken, 1970)
Simple living 25
External links
• Affluenza: PBS Program on the Epidemic of Overconsumption (http:/ / www. pbs. org/
kcts/ affluenza/ )
• Buy Nothing Christmas (http:/ / www. buynothingchristmas. org/ index. html)
• The Testament Of Quaker Simplicity (http:/ / www. nwfriends. org/ wp-content/ uploads/
2007/ 09/ the-testimony-of-quaker-simplicity. pdf)
Neo-Luddism
Neo-Luddism is a modern movement of opposition to specific or general technological
development.
The term "Neo-Luddite" is derived from Luddite, a political/historical term relating to a
political movement by that name, that took place in England during the Industrial
Revolution
The term "neo-Luddite" is often deployed by advocates of technology to describe persons or
organizations that resist technological advances.
Views
Neo-Luddites come from a variety of political backgrounds, ranging from anarchists (such
as anarcho-primitivists) to → political conservatives (such as eco-fascists).
Neo-Luddites claim that there are a wide range of problems with the development of
technology including:
• Increases in government/corporate control over individual lives, which might lead to a
totalitarian state
• loss of personal privacy due to development of surveillance technologies
• dehumanization
• alienation[1] , depression, and other mental disorders[2]
• environmental degradation[3]
• increased division of labor[3] [4]
• Health problems caused by industrialization, such as cancers, heart disease, and birth
defects
• social decay
• the destruction of tribal[5] and → nature-based[6] ways of life
Some neo-Luddites, such as those in the anarcho-primitivist or green anarchist movements
advance explicitly anti-technology arguments, viewing technology as a fundamental form of
oppression, destruction, and alienation. Notable thinkers and writers in this vein include →
John Zerzan, → Derrick Jensen, → Jacques Ellul, → Kirkpatrick Sale, and → Chellis
Glendinning.
The actions and words of → Theodore Kaczynski[7] and groups like the Earth Liberation
Front may also be seen as a militant articulation of Luddism.
The historical Luddite movement of the early 19th century is often referenced positively by
people who consider themselves Luddites.
Neo- Luddism 26
See also
• Green anarchism
• Luddite
• → Deep ecology
• → Transhumanism
• → Monkeywrenching
• Eco-terrorism
• → Theodore Kaczynski
• CLODO
Further reading
• Sale, Kirkpatrick (1996) Rebels Against The Future: The Luddites And Their War On The
Industrial Revolution: Lessons For The Computer Age Basic Books, ISBN
978-0201407181
• Postman, Neil (1992) Technopoly: The Surrender of Culture to Technology Knopf, New
York, ISBN 0-394-58272-1
• Quigley, Peter (1998) Coyote in the Maze: Tracking Edward Abbey in a World of Words
University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City, ISBN 0-87480-563-5
• Roszak, Theodore (1994) The Cult of Information: A Neo-Luddite Treatise on High-Tech,
Artificial Intelligence, and the True Art of Thinking (2nd ed.) University of California
Press, Berkeley, California, ISBN 0-520-08584-1
• Tenner, Edward (1996) Why Things Bite Back: Technology and the Revenge of
Unintended Consequences Knopf, New York, ISBN 0-679-42563-2
External links
• Bill Joy essay: Why The Future Doesn't Need Us - Wired Magazine [8]
• Insurgent Desire (collection of neo-Luddite/Green Anarchist essays) [9]
• Primitivism writings archive [10]
• Luddism and the Neo-Luddite Reaction by Martin Ryder, University of Colorado at
Denver School of Education [11]
References
[1] Jensen, Derrick; Julie Mayeda. " Enemy of the State: An Interview with John Zerzan (http:/ / www.
insurgentdesire. org. uk/ enemy. htm)". . Retrieved on 2009-03-13.
[2] Zerzan, John. " The Mass Psychology of Misery (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ massmisery. htm)". .
Retrieved on 2009-03-13.
[3] Zerzan, John. " Greasing the Rails to a Cyborg Future (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ greasing. htm)". .
[4] Jensen, Derrick (May 15, 2001). " You May Be an Anarchist -And Not Even Know It (http:/ / www.
insurgentdesire. org. uk/ jensen. htm)". The Sun. . Retrieved on 2009-03-13.
[5] Tucker, Kevin. " Revolt of the Savages: Primitive Revolts Against Civilization (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire.
org. uk/ savages. htm)". Green Anarchy Issue #14. . Retrieved on 2009-03-13.
[6] Sepulveda, Jesus (August 2005). " Stones Can Speak: Bolivia and the Lulaization of South America (http:/ /
www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ stones. htm)". Green Anarchy, Issue #21. . Retrieved on 2009-03-13.
[7] Kaczynski, Theodore (Spring 2002). " Hit Where It Hurts (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ hti. htm)".
Green Anarchy Issue #8. . Retrieved on 2009-03-13.
[8] http:/ / www. wired. com/ wired/ archive/ 8. 04/ joy. html
Neo- Luddism 27
[9] http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk

[10] http:/ / www. primitivism. com
[11] http:/ / carbon. cudenver. edu/ ~mryder/ itc_data/ luddite. html
Deep ecology
Part of the Politics series on
Green politics
Environment Portal
Politics portal
Deep ecology is a somewhat recent branch

of ecological philosophy (ecosophy) that
considers humankind an integral part of its
environment. It is a body of thought that
places greater value on the life of human and
non-human species alike, as well as on the
ecosystem and processes in nature, and
establishing environmental and green
movements. Deep ecology has led to a new The retreat of Aletsch Glacier in the Swiss Alps
(situation in 1979, 1991 and 2002), due to global
system of environmental ethics.
warming.
The core principle of deep ecology is the
claim that, like humanity, the living environment as a whole has the same right to live and
flourish. Deep ecology describes itself as "deep" because it persists in asking deeper
questions concerning "why" and "how" and thus is concerned with the fundamental
philosophical questions about the impacts of human life as one part of the ecosphere, rather
than with a narrow view of ecology as a branch of biological science, and aims to avoid
merely anthropocentric environmentalism, which is concerned with conservation of the
environment only for exploitation by and for humans purposes, which excludes the
fundamental philosophy of deep ecology. Deep ecology seeks a more holistic view of the
world we live in and seeks to apply to life the understanding that separate parts of the
ecosystem (including humans) function as a whole.
Deep ecology 28
Development
The phrase "deep ecology" was coined by the Norwegian philosopher Arne Næss in 1973,[1]
and he helped give it a theoretical foundation. "For Arne Næss, ecological science,
concerned with facts and logic alone, cannot answer ethical questions about how we should
live. For this we need ecological wisdom. Deep ecology seeks to develop this by focusing on
deep experience, deep questioning and deep commitment. These constitute an
interconnected system. Each gives rise to and supports the other, whilst the entire system
is, what Næss would call, an ecosophy: an evolving but consistent philosophy of being,
thinking and acting in the world, that embodies ecological wisdom and harmony."[2] Næss
rejected the idea that beings can be ranked according to their relative value. For example,
judgments on whether an animal has an eternal soul, whether it uses reason or whether it
has consciousness (or indeed higher consciousness) have all been used to justify the
ranking of the human animal as superior to other animals. Næss states that from an
ecological point of view "the right of all forms [of life] to live is a universal right which
cannot be quantified. No single species of living being has more of this particular right to
live and unfold than any other species." This metaphysical idea is elucidated in Warwick
Fox's claim that we and all other beings are "aspects of a single unfolding reality".[3] . As
such Deep Ecology would support the view of Aldo Leopold in his book, A Sand County
Almanac that humans are "plain members of the biotic community". They also would
support Leopold's "Land Ethic": "a thing is right when it tends to preserve the integrity,
stability and beauty of the biotic community. It is wrong when it tends otherwise." Daniel
Quinn in Ishmael, showed that an anthropocentric myth underlies our current view of the
world, and a jellyfish would have an equivalent jellyfish centric view[4] .
Deep ecology offers a philosophical basis for environmental advocacy which may, in turn,
guide human activity against perceived self-destruction. Deep ecology and
environmentalism hold that the science of ecology shows that ecosystems can absorb only
limited change by humans or other dissonant influences. Further, both hold that the actions
of modern civilization threaten global ecological well-being. Ecologists have described
change and stability in ecological systems in various ways, including homeostasis, dynamic
[5]
equilibrium, and "flux of nature". Regardless of which model is most accurate,
environmentalists contend that massive human economic activity has pushed the biosphere
far from its "natural" state through reduction of biodiversity, climate change, and other
influences. As a consequence, civilization is causing mass extinction. Deep ecologists hope
to influence social and political change through their philosophy.
Scientific
Næss and Fox do not claim to use logic or induction to derive the philosophy directly from
scientific ecology [6] but rather hold that scientific ecology directly implies the metaphysics
of deep ecology, including its ideas about the self and further, that deep ecology finds
scientific underpinnings in the fields of ecology and system dynamics.
In their 1985 book Deep Ecology,[7] Bill Devall and George Sessions describe a series of
sources of deep ecology. They include the science of ecology itself, and cite its major
contribution as the rediscovery in a modern context that "everything is connected to
everything else". They point out that some ecologists and natural historians, in addition to
their scientific viewpoint, have developed a deep ecological consciousness—for some a
political consciousness and at times a spiritual consciousness. This is a perspective beyond
Deep ecology 29
the strictly human viewpoint, beyond anthropocentrism. Among the scientists they mention
particularly are Rachel Carson, Aldo Leopold, John Livingston, Paul R. Ehrlich and Barry
Commoner, together with Frank Fraser Darling, Charles Sutherland Elton, Eugene Odum
and Paul Sears.
A further scientific source for deep ecology adduced by Devall and Sessions is the "new
physics." which they describe as shattering Descartes's and Newton's vision of the universe
as a machine explainable in terms of simple linear cause and effect, and instead providing a
view of Nature in constant flux and the idea that observers are separate an illusion. They
refer to Fritjof Capra's The Tao of Physics and The Turning Point for their characterisation
of how the new physics leads to metaphysical and ecological views of interrelatedness,
which, according to Capra, should make deep ecology a framework for future human
societies. Devall and Sessions also credit the American poet and social critic → Gary
Snyder—with his devotion to Buddhism, Native American studies, the outdoors, and
alternative social movements—as a major voice of wisdom in the evolution of their ideas.
The scientific version of the Gaia hypothesis was also an influence on the development of
deep ecology.
Spiritual
The central spiritual tenet of deep ecology is that the human species is a part of the Earth
and not separate from it. A process of self-realisation or "re-earthing" is used for an
individual to intuitively gain an ecocentric perspective. The notion is based on the idea that
the more we expand the self to identify with "others" (people, animals, ecosystems), the
more we realize ourselves. Transpersonal psychology has been used by Warwick Fox to
support this idea.
In relation to the Judeo-Christian tradition, Næss offers the following criticism: "The
arrogance of stewardship [as found in the Bible] consists in the idea of superiority which
underlies the thought that we exist to watch over nature like a highly respected middleman
between the Creator and Creation."[8] This theme had been expounded in Lynn Townsend
White, Jr.'s 1967 article "The Historical Roots of Our Ecological Crisis",[9] in which however
he also offered as an alternative Christian view of man's relation to nature that of Saint
Francis of Assisi, who he says spoke for the equality of all creatures, in place of the idea of
man's domination over creation.
Experiential
Drawing upon the Buddhist tradition is the work of Joanna Macy. Macy, working as an
anti-nuclear activist in USA, found that one of the major impediments confronting the
activists' cause was the presence of unresolved emotions of despair, grief, sorrow, anger
and rage. The denial of these emotions led to apathy and disempowerment.
We may have intellectual understanding of our interconnectedness, but our culture,
experiential deep ecologists like John Seed argue, robs us of emotional and visceral
experience of that interconnectedness which we had as small children, but which has been
socialised out of us by a highly anthropocentric alienating culture.
Through "Despair and Empowerment Work" and more recently "The Work that
Reconnects", Macy and others have been taking Experiential Deep Ecology into many
countries including especially the USA, Europe (particularly Britain and Germany), Russia
and Australia.
Deep ecology 30
Philosophical -- Spinoza and Deep Ecology

Arne Næss, who first wrote about the idea of Deep Ecology, from the early days of
developing this outlook conceived Spinoza as a philosophical source[10] .
Others have followed Naess' inquiry, including Eccy de Jonge, in Spinoza and Deep
Ecology: Challenging Traditional Approaches to Environmentalism [11], and Brenden
MacDonald, in Spinoza, Deep Ecology, and Human Diversity—Realization of Eco-Literacies
[12]
One of the topical centres of inquiry connecting Spinoza to Deep Ecology is

"self-realization." See Arne Naess in The Shallow and the Deep, Long-Range Ecology
movement [13] and Spinoza and the Deep Ecology Movement [14] for discussion on the role
of Spinoza's conception of self-realization and its link to Deep Ecology.
Principles
Proponents of deep ecology believe that the world does not exist as a resource to be freely
exploited by humans. The ethics of deep ecology hold that a whole system is superior to any
of its parts. They offer an eight-tier platform to elucidate their claims:[15]
1. The well-being and flourishing of human and nonhuman life on Earth have value in
themselves (synonyms: intrinsic value, inherent value). These values are independent
of the usefulness of the nonhuman world for human purposes.
2. Richness and diversity of life forms contribute to the realization of these values and
are also values in themselves.
3. Humans have no right to reduce this richness and diversity except to satisfy vital
human needs.
4. The flourishing of human life and cultures is compatible with a substantial decrease of
the human population. The flourishing of nonhuman life requires such a decrease.
5. Present human interference with the nonhuman world is excessive, and the situation
is rapidly worsening.
6. Policies must therefore be changed. These policies affect basic economic,
technological, and ideological structures. The resulting state of affairs will be deeply
different from the present.
7. The ideological change is mainly that of appreciating life quality (dwelling in
situations of inherent value) rather than adhering to an increasingly higher standard of
living. There will be a profound awareness of the difference between big and great.
8. Those who subscribe to the foregoing points have an obligation directly or indirectly
to try to implement the necessary changes.
Movement
In practice, deep ecologists support decentralization, the creation of ecoregions, the
breakdown of industrialism in its current form, and an end to authoritarianism.
Deep ecology is not normally considered a distinct movement, but as part of the green
movement. The deep ecological movement could be defined as those within the green
movement who hold deep ecological views. Deep ecologists welcome the labels "Gaian" and
"Green" (including the broader political implications of this term, e.g. commitment to
peace). Deep ecology has had a broad general influence on the green movement by
providing an independent ethical platform for Green parties, political ecologists and
Deep ecology 31
environmentalists.
The philosophy of deep ecology helped differentiate the modern ecology movement by
pointing out the anthropocentric bias of the term "environment", and rejecting the idea of
humans as authoritarian guardians of the environment.
Interests in nature
For something to require rights and protection intrinsically, it must have interests.[16] Deep
ecology is criticised for presuming that plants, for example, have their own interests. Deep
ecologists claim to identify with the environment, and in doing so, criticise those who claim
they have no understanding what the environment's interests are. The criticism is that the
interests that a deep ecologist purports to give to nature, such as growth, survival, balance
are really human interests. "The earth is endowed with 'wisdom', wilderness equates with
'freedom', and life forms are said to emit 'moral' qualities."[17] It has also been argued that
species and ecosystems themselves have rights.[18] However, the overarching criticism
assumes that humans, in governing their own affairs, are somehow immune from this same
assumption; i.e. how can governing humans truly presume to understand the interests of
the rest of humanity. While the deep ecologist critic would answer that the logical
application of language and social mores would provide this justification, i.e. voting
patterns etc, the deep ecologist would note that these "interests" are ultimately observable
solely from the logical application of the behavior of the life form, which is the same
standard used by deep ecologists to perceive the standard of interests for the natural world.
Deepness
Deep ecology is criticised for its claim to be deeper than alternative theories, which by
implication are shallow. However despite repeated complaints about use of the term it still
enjoys wide currency; deep evidently has an attractive resonance for many who seek to
establish a new ethical framework for guiding human action with respect to the natural
world. It may be presumptuous to assert that one's thinking is deeper than others'. When
Arne Næss coined the term deep ecology he compared it favourably with shallow
environmentalism which he criticized for its utilitarian and anthropocentric attitude to
nature and for its materialist and consumer-oriented outlook.[19] [20] Against this is Arne
Næss's own view that the "depth" of deep ecology resides in the persistence of its
interrogative questioning, particularly in asking "Why?" when faced with initial answers.
Ecofeminist response
Both ecofeminism and deep ecology put forward a new conceptualization of the self. Some
ecofeminists, such as Marti Kheel,[21] argue that self-realization and identification with all
nature places too much emphasis on the whole, at the expense of the independent being.
Ecofeminists contend that their concept of the self (as a dynamic process consisting of
relations) is superior. Ecofeminists would also place more emphasis on the problem of
androcentrism rather than anthropocentrism.
Deep ecology 32
Misunderstanding scientific information

Daniel Botkin[22] has likened deep ecology to its antithesis, the wise use movement, when
he says that they both "misunderstand scientific information and then arrive at conclusions
based on their misunderstanding, which are in turn used as justification for their ideologies.
Both begin with an ideology and are political and social in focus." Elsewhere though, he
asserts that deep ecology must be taken seriously in the debate about the relationship
between humans and nature because it challenges the fundamental assumptions of western
philosophy. Botkin has also criticized Næss's restatement and reliance upon the balance of
nature idea and the perceived contradiction between his argument that all species are
morally equal and his disparaging description of pioneering species.
"Shallow" View superior

Writer William Grey believes that developing a non-anthropocentric set of values is "a
hopeless quest" He seeks an improved "shallow" view, writing, "What's wrong with shallow
views is not their concern about the well-being of humans, but that they do not really
consider enough in what that well-being consists. We need to develop an enriched, fortified
anthropocentric notion of human interest to replace the dominant short-term, sectional and
self-regarding conception."[23]
Deep ecology as not "deep" enough

Social ecologists such as Murray Bookchin[24] claim that deep ecology fails to link
environmental crises with authoritarianism and hierarchy. Social ecologists believe that
environmental problems are firmly rooted in the manner of human social interaction, and
protest that an ecologically sustainable society could still be socially exploitative. Deep
ecologists reject the argument that ecological behavior is rooted in the social paradigm
(according to their view, that is an anthropocentric fallacy), and they maintain that the
converse of the social ecologists' objection is also true in that it is equally possible for a
socially egalitarian society to continue to exploit the Earth.
Links with other movements

Parallels have been drawn between deep ecology and other movements, in particular the
animal rights movement and Earth First!.
Peter Singer's 1975 book Animal Liberation critiqued anthropocentrism and put the case
for animals to be given moral consideration. This can be seen as a part of a process of
expanding the prevailing system of ethics to wider groupings. However, Singer has
disagreed with deep ecology's belief in the intrinsic value of nature separate from questions
of suffering, taking a more utilitarian stance. The feminist and civil rights movements also
brought about expansion of the ethical system for their particular domains. Likewise deep
ecology brought the whole of nature under moral consideration.[25] The links with animal
rights are perhaps the strongest, as "proponents of such ideas argue that 'All life has
intrinsic value'".[26]
Many in the radical environmental direct-action movement Earth First! claim to follow deep
ecology, as indicated by one of their slogans No compromise in defence of mother earth. In
particular, David Foreman, the co-founder of the movement, has also been a strong
advocate for deep ecology, and engaged in a public debate with Murray Bookchin on the
Deep ecology 33
subject.[27] [28] Judi Bari was another prominent Earth Firster who espoused deep ecology.
Many Earth First! actions have a distinct deep ecological theme; often these actions will
ostensibly be to save an area of old growth forest, the habitat of a snail or an owl, even
individual trees. It should however be noted that, especially in the United Kingdom, there
are also strong anti-capitalist and anarchist currents in the movement, and actions are
often symbolic or have other political aims. At one point Arne Næss also engaged in
environmental direct action, though not under the Earth First! banner, when he tied himself
to a Norwegian fjord in a successful protest against the building of a dam.[29]
Robert Greenway and Theodore Roszak have employed the Deep Ecology (DE) platform as a
means to argue for Ecopsychology. Although Ecopsychology is a highly differentiated
umbrella that encompasses many practices and perspectives, its ethos is generally
consistent with DE. As this now almost forty-year old "field" expands and continues to be
reinterpreted by a variety of practitioners, social and natural scientists, and humanists,
"ecopsychology" may change to include these novel perspectives.
Early Influences
• Mary Hunter Austin | Ralph Waldo Emerson | Aldo Leopold
• John Muir | Henry David Thoreau
Notable advocates of deep ecology

• Judi Bari • Jerry Mander
• Thomas Berry • Freya Mathews
• Wendell Berry • Terence McKenna
• Leonardo Boff • W.S. Merwin
• Fritjof Capra • Arne Næss
• Michael Dowd • David Orton
• David Foreman • Daniel Quinn
• Vivienne Elanta • Theodore Roszak
• Warwick Fox • Savitri Devi (controversial)
• Edward Goldsmith • John Seed
• Felix Guattari • Paul Shepard
• Martin Heidegger (controversial: see Development above) • Gary Snyder
• Derrick Jensen • Richard Sylvan
• Dolores LaChapelle • Douglas Tompkins
• Pentti Linkola (controversial) • Oberon Zell-Ravenheart
• John Livingston • John Zerzan
• Joanna Macy
Deep ecology 34
See also
• Anarcho-primitivism • Neotribalism
• Coupled human-environment system • Negative Population Growth | Population Connection
• Earth liberation • Pathetic fallacy
• EcoCommunalism • Permaculture
• Ecopsychology • Systems theory | The Great Story
• Environmental psychology • Sustainable development
• EcoTheology • The Revenge of Gaia
• Gaia hypothesis • Voluntary Human Extinction Movement
• Growth Fetish
• Human ecology
Notes
[1] Næss, Arne (1973) 'The Shallow and the Deep, Long-Range Ecology Movement.' Inquiry 16: 95-100
[2] Harding, Stephan (2002), "What is Deep Ecology"
[3] Fox, Warwick, (1990) Towards a Transpersonal Ecology (Shambhala Books)
[4] Quinn, Daniel (1995), "Ishmael: An Adventure of the Mind and Spirit" (Bantam)
[5] Botkin, Daniel B. (1990). Discordant Harmonies: A New Ecology for the Twenty-First Century. Oxford Univ.
Press, NY, NY. ISBN 0-19-507469-6.
[6] : The Shallow and the Deep, Long Range Ecology movements A summary by Arne Naess (http:/ / www. alamut.
com/ subj/ ideologies/ pessimism/ Naess_deepEcology. html)
[7] Devall, Bill; Sessions, George (1985). Deep Ecology. Gibbs M. Smith. ISBN 0-87905-247-3. pp. 85-88
[8] Næss, Arne. (1989). Ecology, Community and Lifestyle: Outline of an Ecosophy. p. 187. ISBN 0-521-34873-0
[9] White, Jr, Lynn Townsend (March 1967). "The Historical Roots of Our Ecological Crisis". Science 155 (3767):
1203–1207. doi: 10.1126/science.155.3767.1203 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1126/ science. 155. 3767. 1203). PMID
17847526. ( HTML copy (http:/ / www. zbi. ee/ ~kalevi/ lwhite. htm), PDF copy (http:/ / web. lemoyne. edu/
~glennon/ LynnWhitearticle. pdf)).
[10] Spinoza and Deep Ecology (http:/ / www. springerlink. com/ content/ e8213222t8hk5736/ )
[11] http:/ / ndpr. nd. edu/ review. cfm?id=2601
[12] http:/ / www. newciv. org/ mem/ prof-newslog. php?did=373& vid=373& xmode=show_article&
artid=000373-000019& amode=standard& aoffset=0& time=1246755640
[13] http:/ / books. google. ca/ books?id=HTBMPKH9_2UC& source=gbs_navlinks_s
[14] http:/ / www. springerlink. com/ content/ x36131180168g245/
[15] Devall and Sessions, op. cit., p. 70.
[16] Feinberg, Joel. " The Rights of Animals and Future Generations (http:/ / www. animal-rights-library. com/
texts-m/ feinberg01. htm)". . Retrieved on 2006-04-25.
[17] Joff (2000). " The Possibility of an Anti-Humanist Anarchism (http:/ / library. nothingness. org/ articles/ anar/
en/ display/ 310)". . Retrieved on 2006-04-25.
[18] Pister, E. Phil (1995). " The Rights of Species and Ecosystems (http:/ / www. nativefish. org/ articles/
Fish_Rights. php)". Fisheries 20 (4). . Retrieved on 2006-04-25.
[19] Great River Earth Institute. " Deep Ecology: Environmentalism as if all beings mattered (http:/ / www.
greatriv. org/ de. htm)". . Retrieved on 2006-04-25.
[20] Panaman, Ben. " Animal Ethics Encyclopedia: Deep Ecology (http:/ / www. animalethics. org. uk/
aec-d-entries. html#Deep Ecology)". . Retrieved on 2006-04-25.
[21] Kheel, Marti. (1990): Ecofeminism and Deep Ecology; reflections on identity and difference from: Diamond,
Irene. Orenstein. Gloria (editors), Reweaving the World; The emergence of ecofeminism. Sierra Club Books. San
Francisco. pp 128-137. ISBN 0-87156-623-0
[22] Botkin, Daniel B. (2000). No Man's Garden: Thoreau and a New Vision for Civilization and Nature.
Shearwater Books. pp. 42, 39. ISBN 1-55963-465-0.
[23] Anthropocentrism and Deep Ecology by William Grey (http:/ / www. uq. edu. au/ ~pdwgrey/ pubs/
anthropocentrism. html)
Deep ecology 35
[24] Bookchin, Murray (1987). " Social Ecology versus Deep Ecology: A Challenge for the Ecology Movement
(http:/ / dwardmac. pitzer. edu/ Anarchist_Archives/ bookchin/ socecovdeepeco. html)". Green
Perspectives/Anarchy Archives. .
[25] Alan AtKisson. " Introduction To Deep Ecology, an interview with Michael E. Zimmerman (http:/ / www.
context. org/ ICLIB/ IC22/ Zimmrman. htm)". In Context (22). . Retrieved on 2006-05-04.
[26] Wall, Derek (1994). Green History. Routledge. ISBN 0-415-07925-X.
[27] David Levine, ed (1991). Defending the Earth: a dialogue between Murray Bookchin and Dave Foreman.
[28] Bookchin, Murray; Graham Purchace, Brian Morris, Rodney Aitchtey, Robert Hart, Chris Wilbert (1993).
Deep Ecology and Anarchism. Freedom Press. ISBN 0-900384-67-0.
[29] J. Seed, J. Macy, P. Flemming, A. Næss, Thinking like a mountain: towards a council of all beings, Heretic
Books (1988), ISBN 0-946097-26-7, ISBN 0-86571-133-X.
Caution by the link to "The Shallow and the Deep" - there are several faults in the quote of
the original article. (Added words, wrong commas which can by misleading)
Bibliography
• Bender, F. L. 2003. The Culture of Extinction: Toward a Philosophy of Deep Ecology
Amherst, New York: Humanity Books.
• Devall, W. and G. Sessions. 1985. Deep Ecology: Living As if Nature Mattered Salt Lake
City: Gibbs M. Smith, Inc.
• Drengson, Alan. 1995. The Deep Ecology Movement
• Katz, E., A. Light, et al. 2000. Beneath the Surface: Critical Essays in the Philosophy of
Deep Ecology Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.
• Næss, A. 1989. Ecology, Community and Lifestyle: Outline of an Ecosophy Translated by
D. Rothenberg. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
• Nelson, C. 2006. Ecofeminism vs. Deep Ecology, Dialogue, San Antonio, TX: Saint Mary's
University Dept. of Philosophy.
• Passmore, J. 1974. Man’s Responsibility for Nature London: Duckworth.
• Sessions, G. (ed) 1995. Deep Ecology for the Twenty-first Century Boston: Shambhala.
• Taylor, B. and M. Zimmerman. 2005. Deep Ecology" in B. Taylor, ed., Encyclopedia of
Religion and Nature, v 1, pp. 456-60, London: Continuum International. Also online at
(http:/ / www. religionandnature. com/ ern/ sample. htm)
Further reading
• Conesa-Sevilla, J. (2006). The Intrinsic Value of the Whole: Cognitive and utilitarian
evaluative processes as they pertain to ecocentric, deep ecological, and ecopsychological
"valuing." The Trumpeter, 22, 2, 26-42.
• Jozef Keulartz, Struggle for nature : a critique of radical ecology, London [etc.] :
Routledge, 1998
• Michael Tobias ed, Deep Ecology, Avant Books (1984, 1988) ISBN 0-932238-13-0.
• Carolyn Merchant, The Death of Nature, HarperOne (1990) ISBN 0062505955,
978-0062505958.
• Harold Glasser (ed), The Selected Works of Arne Næss, Volumes 1-10. Springer, (2005),
ISBN 1-4020-3727-9. ( review (http:/ / home. ca. inter. net/ ~greenweb/
Naess_Appreciation. html))
• Jack Turner, The Abstract Wild, Tucson, Univ of Arizona Press (1996)
• de Steiguer, J.E. 2006. The Origins of Modern Environmental Thought. The University of
Arizona Press. 246 pp.
Deep ecology 36
Educational Programs
• * Naropa University Master of Arts Transpersonal Psychology, Ecopsychology
Concentration (http:/ / www. naropa. edu/ academics/ graduate/ psychology/ tcp/ ecoc/ )
External links
• Northwest Earth Institute (http:/ / www. nwei. org) Discussion course on Deep Ecology
• Philosophy, Cosmology and Conciousness, California Institude of Integral Studies. (http:/
/ www. ciis. edu/ pcc/ )
• Downloadable interview with Dr. Alan Drengson about Deep Ecology and Arne Næss.
June 6, 2008. (http:/ / besustainable. com/ greenmajority/ 2008/ 06/ 06/ tgm-88/ )
• Nature Worship in Hinduism (http:/ / www. hinduwisdom. info/ Nature_Worship. htm)
• Church of Deep Ecology (http:/ / www. churchofdeepecology. org/ )
• Deep Ecology Movement (http:/ / www. deepecology. org/ movement. htm), Alan
Drengson, Foundation for Deep Ecology.
• Environmental Ethics Journal (http:/ / www. cep. unt. edu/ enethics. html)
• Foundation for Deep Ecology (http:/ / www. deepecology. org/ )
• Green Parties World Wide (http:/ / www. greens. org/ )
• The Great Story (http:/ / www. thegreatstory. org/ ) - a leading Deep Ecology/Deep Time
educational website
• Gaia Foundation (http:/ / gaia. iinet. net. au): an Australian organisation based upon the
principles of Deep Ecology. See especially its links page.
• The Green Web (http:/ / home. ca. inter. net/ ~greenweb/ index. htm) a left biocentric
environmental research group, with a number of writings on deep ecology
• The Trumpeter (http:/ / trumpeter. athabascau. ca/ ), Canadian journal of ecosophy, quite
a number of articles from Næss among others
• Welcome to All Beings (http:/ / www. joannamacy. net): Joanna Macy on the work of
Experiential Deep Ecology
• Social Ecology vs Deep Ecology (http:/ / dwardmac. pitzer. edu/ ANARCHIST_ARCHIVES/
bookchin/ socecovdeepeco. html) - A Challenge for the Ecology Movement by Murray
Bookchin
• Deep Ecology in the Song of Songs (http:/ / www. song-of-songs. net)
Neolithic Revolution 37
Neolithic Revolution
The Neolithic Revolution was the first agricultural revolution—the transition from →
hunting and gathering communities and bands, to agriculture and settlement (settlement is
currently being questioned). Archaeological data indicate that various forms of
domestication of plants and animals arose independently in at least 7-8 separate locales
worldwide, with the earliest known developments taking place in the Middle East around
10,000 BC (BCE) or earlier.[1]
However, the Neolithic Revolution involved far more than the adoption of a limited set of
food-producing techniques. During the next millennia it would transform the small, mobile
and fairly egalitarian groups of hunter-gatherers that had hitherto dominated human
history, into sedentary societies based in built-up villages and towns, which radically
modified their natural environment by means of specialized cultivation and storage
technologies (e.g. irrigation) that allowed extensive surplus production. These
developments provided the basis for high population densities, complex labor
diversification, trading economies, centralized administrations and political structures,
hiearchical ideologies and depersonalized systems of knowledge (e.g. property regimes and
writing). The first full-blown manifestation of the entire Neolithic complex is seen in the
Middle Eastern Sumerian cities (ca. 5,300 BC), whose emergence also inaugurates the end
of the prehistoric Neolithic and the beginning of historical time.
The relationship of the above-mentioned Neolithic characteristics to the onset of
agriculture, their sequence of emergence and empirical relation to each other at various
Neolithic sites remains the subject of academic debate, and seems to vary from place to
place, rather than being the outcome of universal laws of social evolution.[2] [3]
Agricultural transition
The term Neolithic Revolution was coined in the 1920s
by Vere Gordon Childe to describe the first in a series
of agricultural revolutions in Middle Eastern history.
The period is described as a "revolution" to denote its
importance, and the great significance and degree of
change affecting the communities in which new
agricultural practices were gradually adopted and
refined.
The beginning of this process in different regions has Knap of Howar farmstead on a site
been dated from perhaps 10,000 years ago in occupied from 3500 BC to 3100 BC
Melanesia[4] [5] to 2,500 BC in Subsaharan Africa, with
some considering the developments of 9000-7000 BC in the → Fertile Crescent to be the
most important. This transition everywhere seems associated with a change from a largely
nomadic → hunter-gatherer way of life to a more settled, agrarian-based one, with the
inception of the domestication of various plant and animal species - depending upon which
species were locally available, and probably also influenced by local culture.
There are several competing (but not mutually exclusive) theories as to the factors which
drove populations to take up agriculture. The most prominent of these are:
• The Oasis Theory, originally proposed by Raphael Pumpelly in 1908, popularized by

Vere Gordon Childe in 1928 and summarised in Childe's book Man Makes Himself.[6] ,
which maintains that as the climate got drier, communities contracted to oases where
they were forced into close association with animals, which were then domesticated
together with planting of seeds. It has little support now because climate data for the
time does not support the theory.
• The Hilly Flanks hypothesis, proposed by Robert Braidwood in 1948, suggests that
agriculture began in the hilly flanks of the Taurus and Zagros mountains, where the
climate was not drier as Childe had believed, and fertile land supported a variety of
plants and animals amenable to domestication.[7]
• The Feasting model by Brian Hayden[8] suggests that agriculture was driven by
ostentatious displays of power, such as giving feasts, to exert dominance. This required
assembling large quantities of food which drove agricultural technology.
• The Demographic theories proposed by Carl Sauer[9] and adapted by Lewis Binford[10]
and Kent Flannery posit an increasingly sedentary population which expanded up to the
carrying capacity of the local environment and required more food than could be
gathered. Various social and economic factors helped drive the need for food.
• The evolutionary/intentionality theory, developed by David Rindos[11] and others,
views agriculture as an evolutionary adaptation of plants and humans. Starting with
domestication by protection of wild plants, it led to specialization of location and then
full-fledged domestication.
• In Ronald Wright's book & CBC radio Ideas Massey Lecture Series A Short History of
Progress, a case was made of the possibility of the development of agriculture
coinciding with an increasingly stable climate. The case was extended to current issues
of global warming/climate change presenting the thought that perhaps a major effect of
increased CO2 levels in the atmosphere could very well be a shift to a less stable and
more unpredictable climate. Such a shift could impact agriculture in profound ways.
developed by Ronald Wright[12]
• The Younger Dryas Impact Event, which devastated life on earth (megafauna extinction)
and ended the last Ice Age, likely provided circumstances that required the evolution of
agricultural societies for humanity to survive. The agrarian revolution itself is a reflection
of typical over-population by certain species following initial events during extinction
eras; this overpopulation itself ultimately propagates the extinction event. That is true in
the present case as well (The Sixth Extinction)
In contrast to the Paleolithic, in which more than one hominid species existed, only one
(Homo sapiens) reached the Neolithic.
Domestication of plants
Once agriculture started gaining momentum, cereal
grasses (beginning with emmer, einkorn and barley),
and not simply those that would favour greater caloric
returns through larger seeds, were selectively bred.
Plants that possessed traits such as small seeds or
bitter taste would have been seen as undesirable.
Plants that rapidly shed their seeds on maturity tended
not to be gathered at harvest, thus not stored and not Neolithic grind stone for processing
seeded the following season; years of harvesting grain
selected for strains that retained their edible seeds

longer. Several plant species, the "pioneer crops" or Neolithic founder crops, were the
earliest plants successfully manipulated by humans. Some of these pioneering attempts
failed at first and crops were abandoned, sometimes to be taken up again and successfully
domesticated thousands of years later: rye, tried and abandoned in Neolithic Anatolia,
made its way to Europe as weed seeds and was successfully domesticated in Europe,
thousands of years after the earliest agriculture.[13] Wild lentils present a different
challenge that needed to be overcome: most of the wild seeds do not germinate in the first
year; the first evidence of lentil domestication, breaking dormancy in their first year, was
found in the early Neolithic at Jerf el-Ahmar, (in modern Syria), and quickly spread south to
the Netiv HaGdud site in the Jordan Valley.[13] This process of domestication allowed the
founder crops to adapt and eventually become larger, more easily harvested, more
dependable in storage and more useful to the human population.
Figs, barley and, most likely, oats were cultivated in the

Jordan Valley, represented by the early Neolithic site of
Gilgal, where in 2006[14] archaeologists found caches of
seeds of each in quantities too large to be accounted for
even by intensive gathering, at strata dateable c.
11,000 years ago. Some of the plants tried and then
abandoned during the Neolithic period in the Ancient
Near East, at sites like Gilgal, were later successfully
domesticated in other parts of the world.
A Sumerian Harvester's sickle dated to
3000 BC Once early farmers perfected their agricultural
techniques, their crops would yield surpluses which
needed storage. Most hunter gatherers could not easily store food for long due to their
migratory lifestyle, whereas those with a sedentary dwelling could store their surplus grain.
Eventually granaries were developed that allowed villages to store their seeds for longer
periods of time. So with more food, the population expanded and communities developed
specialized workers and more advanced tools.
The process was not as linear as was once thought, but a more complicated effort, which
was undertaken by different human populations in different regions in many different ways.
Agriculture in Asia
The Neolithic Revolution is believed to have become widespread in southwest Asia around
8000 BC–7000 BC, though earlier individual sites have been identified. Although
archaeological evidence provides scant evidence as to which of the genders performed
what task in Neolithic cultures, by comparison with historical and contemporary
hunter-gatherer communities it is generally supposed that hunting was typically performed
by the men, whereas women had a more significant role in the gathering. By extension, it
may be theorised that women were largely responsible for the observations and initial
activities which began the Neolithic Revolution, insofar as the gradual selection and
refinement of edible plant species was concerned.
The precise nature of these initial observations and (later) purposeful activities which
would give rise to the changes in subsistence methods brought about by the Neolithic
Revolution are not known; specific evidence is lacking. However, several reasonable
speculations have been put forward; for example, it might be expected that the common
practice of discarding food refuse in middens would result in the regrowth of plants from
the discarded seeds in the (fertilizer-enriched) soils. In all likelihood, there were a number
of factors which contributed to the early onset of agriculture in Neolithic human societies.
Agriculture in the Fertile Crescent

Generalised agriculture apparently first arose in the → Fertile Crescent because of many
factors. The Mediterranean climate has a long dry season with a short period of rain, which
made it suitable for small plants with large seeds, like wheat and barley. These were the
most suitable for domestication because of the ease of harvest and storage and the wide
availability. In addition, the domesticated plants had especially high protein content. The
Fertile Crescent had a large area of varied geographical settings and altitudes. The variety
given made agriculture more profitable for former hunter-gatherers. Other areas with a
similar climate were less suitable for agriculture because of the lack of geographic
variation within the region and the lack of availability of plants for domestication.
Agriculture in Africa
The Revolution developed independently in different parts of the world, not just in the
Fertile Crescent. On the African continent, three areas have been identified as
independently developing agriculture: the Ethiopian highlands, the Sahel and West
Africa.[15]
The most famous crop domesticated in the Ethiopian highlands is coffee. In addition, Khat,
Ensete, Noog, teff and finger millet were also domesticated in the Ethiopian highlands.
Crops domesticated in the Sahel region include sorghum and pearl millet. The Kola nut,
extracts from which became an ingredient in Coca Cola, was first domesticated in West
Africa. Other crops domesticated in West Africa include African rice, African yams and the
oil palm.[15]
A number of crops that have been cultivated in Africa for millennia came after their
domestication elsewhere. Agriculture in the Nile River Valley developed from crops
domesticated in the → Fertile Crescent. Bananas and plantains which were first
domesticated in Southeast Asia, most likely Papua New Guinea, were re-domesticated in
Africa possibly as early as 5,000 years ago. Asian yams and taro were also cultivated in
Africa.[15]
Prof. Fred Wendorf and Dr. Romuald Schild, of the Department of Anthropology at
Southern Methodist University, originally thought to have found evidence of early
agriculture in Upper Paleolithic times at Wadi Kubbaniya, on the Kom Ombos plateau, of
Egypt, including a mortar and pestle, grinding stones, several harvesting implements and
charred wheat and barley grains — which may have been introduced from outside the
region. AMS dating since their first reports has invalidated their hypothesis.[16]
Many such grinding stones are found with the early Egyptian Sebilian and Mechian cultures
and evidence has been found of a neolithic domesticated crop-based economy dating
around 5000 BC.[17] Smith writes: "With the benefit of hindsight we can now see that many
Late Paleolithic peoples in the Old World were poised on the brink of plant cultivation and
animal husbandry as an alternative to the hunter-gatherer's way of life". Unlike the Middle
East, this evidence appears as a "false dawn" to agriculture, as the sites were later
abandoned, and permanent farming then was delayed until 4,500 BC with the Tasian and
Badarian cultures and the arrival of crops and animals from the Near East.
Agriculture in the Americas

Corn, beans and squash were domesticated in Mesoamerica around 3500 BCE. Potatoes
and manioc were domesticated in South America. In what is now the eastern United States,
Native Americans domesticated sunflower, sumpweed and goosefoot around 2500 BCE.[15]
Domestication of animals
When hunter-gathering began to be replaced by sedentary food production it became more
profitable to keep animals close at hand. Therefore, it became necessary to bring animals
permanently to their settlements, although in many cases there was a distinction between
relatively sedentary farmers and nomadic herders. The animals' size, temperament, diet,
mating patterns, and life span were factors in the desire and success in domesticating
animals. Animals that provided milk, such as cows and goats, offered a source of protein
that was renewable and therefore quite valuable. The animal’s ability as a worker (for
example ploughing or towing), as well as a food source, also had to be taken into account.
Besides being a direct source of food, certain animals could provide leather, wool, hides,
and fertilizer. Some of the earliest domesticated animals included dogs (about 15,000 years
ago),[18] sheep, goats, cows, and pigs.[15]
Domestication of animals in the Middle East

The Middle East served as the source for many animals
that could be domesticated, such as goats and pigs.
This area was also the first region to domesticate the
Dromedary Camel. The presence of these animals gave
the region a large advantage in cultural and economic
development. As the climate in the Middle East
changed, and became drier, many of the farmers were
forced to leave, taking their domesticated animals with
them. It was this massive emigration from the Middle
Dromedary Camel caravan in Algeria
East that would later help distribute these animals to
the rest of Afroeurasia. This emigration was mainly on an east-west axis of similar climates,
as crops usually have a narrow optimal climatic range outside of which they cannot grow
for reasons of light or rain changes. For instance, wheat does not normally grow in tropical
climates, just like tropical crops such as bananas do not grow in colder climates. Some
authors like → Jared Diamond postulated that this East-West axis is the main reason why
plant and animal domestication spread so quickly from the → Fertile Crescent to the rest of
Eurasia and North Africa, while it did not reach through the North-South axis of Africa to
reach the Mediterranean climates of South Africa, where temperate crops were
successfully imported by ships in the last 500 years. The African Zebu is a separate breed of
cattle that was better suited to the hotter climates of central Africa than the fertile-crescent
domesticated bovines. North and South America were similarly separated by the narrow
tropical Isthmus of Panama, that prevented the andes llama to be exported to the Mexican
plateau.
Causes of the Neolithic Revolution

Jack Harlan, examining the causes for the Neolithic Revolution, suggests 6 principal
reasons which can be summarized to 3 principal categories:
1. Domestication for religious reasons
2. Domestication by crowding and as a consequence of stress
3. Domestication resulting from discovery, based upon the perceptions of food gatherers
With regard to the first explanation, Ian Hodder, who directs the excavations at Çatalhöyük
(Turkey), has said that the earliest settled communities, and the Neolithic revolution they
represent, actually preceded the development of agriculture. He has been developing the
ideas first expressed by Jacques Cauvin, the excavator of the Natufian settlement at
Mureybet in northern Syria. Hodder believes that the Neolithic revolution was the result of
a revolutionary change in the human psychology, a "revolution of symbols" which led to
new beliefs about the world and shared community rituals embodied in corpulent female
figurines (see Venus of Willendorf) and the methodical assembly of aurochs horns.
An alternative explanation for the origin of agriculture has been advanced by
anthropologist → Mark Nathan Cohen. Cohen believes that following the widespread
extinctions of large mammals in the late Palaeolithic, the human population had expanded
to the limits of the available territory and a population explosion led to a food crisis.
Agriculture was the only way in which it was possible to support the increasing population
on the available area of land. This view has come under criticism due to the obvious
problem of how a population explosion would occur without already having a surplus of
food.
Food gatherers (not the hunters) caring for children, keeping the fires alive, and foraging
near the base camp, led the way in developing language and culture, in knowledge of
plants, and increasingly semi-domesticated animals who travelled with the nomads from
camp to camp.
Consequences of the Neolithic Revolution
Social change
It is often argued that agriculture gave humans more control over their food supply, but
this has been disputed by the finding that nutritional standards of Neolithic populations
were generally inferior to that of hunter gatherers, and life expectancy may in fact have
been shorter, in part due to diseases. Average height, for example, went down from 5' 10"
for men and 5' 6" for women to 5' 3" and 5' 1", respectively and it took until the twentieth
century for average human height to come back to the pre-Neolithic Revolution levels.[19]
Actually, by reducing the necessity for the carrying of children, Neolithic societies had a
major impact upon the spacing of children (carrying more than one child at a time is
impossible for hunter-gatherers, which leads to children being spaced four or more years
apart). This increase in the birth rate was required to offset increases in death rates and
required settled occupation of territory and encouraged larger social groups. These
sedentary groups were able to reproduce at a faster rate due to the possibilities of sharing
the raising of children in such societies. The children accounted for a denser population,
and encouraged the introduction of specialization by providing diverse forms of new labor.
The development of larger societies seemed to have led to the development of different
means of decision making and to governmental organization. Food surpluses made possible
the development of a social elite who were not otherwise engaged in agriculture, industry
or commerce, but dominated their communities by other means and monopolized
decision-making.
Subsequent revolutions
Andrew Sherratt has argued that following upon the
Neolithic Revolution was a second phase of discovery
that he refers to as the secondary products revolution.
Animals, it appears were first domesticated purely as a
source of meat. The Secondary Products Revolution
occurred when it was recognised that animals also
provided a number of other useful products. These
Domesticated cow being milked in
included:
Ancient Egypt
• hides and skins (from no domesticated animals)
• manure for soil conditioning (from all domesticated animals)
• wool (from sheep, llamas, alpacas, and Angora goats)
• milk (from goats, cattle, yaks, sheep, horses and camels)
• traction (from oxen, onagers, donkeys, horses and camels)
Sherratt argues that this phase in agricultural development enabled humans to make use of
the energy possibilities of their animals in new ways, and permitted permanent intensive
subsistence farming and crop production, and the opening up heavier soils for farming. It
also made possible nomadic pastoralism in semi arid areas, along the margins of deserts,
and eventually led to the domestication of both the dromedary and bactrian camel.
Overgrazing of these areas, particularly by herds of goats, greatly extended the areal extent
of deserts. Living in one spot would have more easily permitted the accrual of personal
possessions and an attachment to certain areas of land. From such a position, it is argued,
prehistoric people were able to stockpile food to survive lean times and trade unwanted
surpluses with others. Once trade and a secure food supply were established, populations
could grow, and society would have diversified into food producers and artisans, who could
afford to develop their trade by virtue of the free time they enjoyed because of a surplus of
food. The artisans, in turn, were able to develop technology such as metal weapons. Such
relative complexity would have required some form of social organisation to work efficiently
and so it is likely that populations which had such organisation, perhaps such as that
provided by religion were better prepared and more successful. In addition, the denser
populations could form and support legions of professional soldiers. Also, during this time
property ownership became increasingly important to all people. Ultimately, Childe argued
that this growing social complexity, all rooted in the original decision to settle, led to a
second Urban Revolution in which the first cities were built.
Disease
Throughout the development of sedentary societies, disease
spread more rapidly than it had during the time in which
hunter-gatherer societies existed. Inadequate sanitary practices
and the domestication of animals may explain the rise in deaths
and sickness during the Neolithic Revolution from disease, as
diseases jumped from the animal to the human population.
Some examples of diseases spread from animals to humans are
influenza, smallpox, and measles. In concordance with a
process of natural selection, the humans who first domesticated
the big mammals quickly built up immunities to the diseases as
within each generation the individuals with better immunities
had better chances of survival. In their approximately 10,000
Llama overlooking the ruins
years of shared proximity with animals, Eurasians and Africans of the Inca city of Machu
became more resistant to those diseases compared with the Picchu
indigenous populations encountered outside Eurasia and Africa.
For instance, the population of most Caribbean and several Pacific Islands have been
completely wiped out by diseases. According to the Population history of American
indigenous peoples, 90% of the population of certain regions of North and South America
were wiped out long before direct contact with Europeans. Some cultures like the Inca
Empire did have one big mammal domesticated, the Llama, but the Inca did not drink its
milk or live in a closed space with their herds, hence limiting the risk of contagion.
The causal link between the type or lack of agricultural development, disease and
colonisation is not supported by colonization in other parts of the world. Disease increased
after the establishment of British Colonial rule in Africa and India despite the areas having
diseases that Europeans had no natural immunity to. In India agriculture developed during
the Neolithic period with a wide range of animals domesticated. During colonial rule an
estimated 23 million people died from cholera between 1865 and 1949, and millions more
died from plague, malaria, influenza and tuberculosis. In Africa European colonisation was
accompanied by great epidemics, including malaria and sleeping sickness and despite parts
of colonised Africa having little or no agriculture Europeans were more susceptible than
these Africans. The increase of disease has been attributed to increased mobility of people,
increased population density, urbanisation, environmental deterioration and irrigation
schemes that helped to spread malaria rather than the development of agriculture.[20]
Technology
In his book Guns, Germs, and Steel, → Jared Diamond argues that Europeans and East
Asians benefited from an advantageous geographical location which afforded them a head
start in the Neolithic Revolution. Both shared the temperate climate ideal for the first
agricultural settings, both were near a number of easily domesticable plant and animal
species, and both were safer from attacks of other people than civilizations in the middle
part of the Eurasian continent. Being among the first to adopt agriculture and sedentary
lifestyles, and neighboring other early agricultural societies with whom they could compete
and trade, both Europeans and East Asians were also among the first to benefit from
technologies such as firearms and steel swords. In addition, they developed resistances to
infectious disease, such as smallpox, due to their close relationship with domesticated
animals. Groups of people who had not lived in proximity with other large mammals, such
as the Australian Aborigines and American indigenous peoples were more vulnerable to
infection and largely wiped out by diseases.
During and after the Age of Discovery, European explorers, such as the Spanish
conquistadors, encountered other groups of people who had never or only recently adopted
agriculture, such as in the Pacific Islands, or lacked domesticated big mammals such as the
highlands people of Papua New Guinea.
See also
• Çatalhöyük, a Neolithic site in southern Anatolia
• Natufians, a settled culture preceding agriculture
• → Original affluent society
• Haplogroup G (Y-DNA)
• Haplogroup J2 (Y-DNA)
• Haplogroup J (mtDNA)
• Agricultural Revolution
• Neolithic tomb
• Surplus product
Further reading
• Bailey, Douglass. (2000). Balkan Prehistory: Exclusions, Incorporation and Identity.
Routledge Publishers. ISBN 0-415-21598-6.
• Bailey, Douglass. (2005). Prehistoric Figurines: Representation and Corporeality in the
Neolithic. Routledge Publishers. ISBN 0-415-33152-8.
• Balter, Michael (2005). The Goddess and the Bull: Catalhoyuk, An Archaeological Journey
to the Dawn of Civilization. New York: Free Press. ISBN 0-7432-4360-9.
• Bellwood, Peter. (2004). First Farmers: The Origins of Agricultural Societies. Blackwell
Publishers. ISBN 0-631-20566-7
• Cohen, Mark Nathan (1977)The Food Crisis in Prehistory: Overpopulation and the
Origins of Agriculture. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. ISBN
0-300-02016-3.
• Diamond, Jared (1999). Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies. New
York: Norton Press. ISBN 0-393-31755-2.
• Diamond, Jared (2002) Evolution, Consequences and Future of Plant and Animal
Domestication. Nature Magazine, Vol 418.
• Grinin, L. 2007. Periodization of History: A theoretic-mathematical analysis. In: History &

Mathematics [21]. Moscow: KomKniga/URSS. P.10-38. ISBN 9785484010011.
• Harlan, Jack R. (1992) Crops & Man: Views on Agricultural Origins ASA, CSA, Madison,
WI. http:/ / www. hort. purdue. edu/ newcrop/ history/ lecture03/ r_3-1. html
• Wright, Gary A. (1971) "Origins of Food Production in Southwestern Asia: A Survey of
Ideas" Current Anthropology, Vol. 12,
No. 4/5 (Oct - Dec., 1971) , pp. 447–477
• Bartmen, Jeff M. (2008) Disease.
• House of Anansi Press page [22] for the book
• CBC Radio, Ideas, page on the Massey Lectures 2004 [23] also includes streaming audio
of Chapter 1 of 5
• Chapter I - Gauguin's Questions [24]
• Stu’s Notes #11 [25] a useful summary of many selected passages from the book
• Civilization is a Pyramid Scheme [26] an online copy of Wright's earlier short article
• Chapter I [27] podcast at http:/ / www. radio4all. net (note this site is notoriously
unreliable but it does come back up eventually)
• Chapter II [28] podcast at http:/ / www. radio4all. net
• An Interview with Ronald Wright [29], April 10, 2005, EcoTalk on Air America podcast at
http:/ / www. radio4all. net
• Evidence for food storage and predomestication granaries 11,000 years ago in the Jordan
Valley [30].
References
[1] "Origin of agriculture and domestication of plants and animals linked to early Holocene climate amelioration",
Anil K. Gupta*, Current Science, Vol. 87, No. 1, 10 July 2004 (http:/ / www. ias. ac. in/ currsci/ jul102004/ 54.
pdf)
[2] "The Slow Birth of Agriculture", Heather Pringle* (http:/ / cas. bellarmine. edu/ tietjen/ images/
neolithic_agriculture. htm)
[3] "Zawi Chemi Shanidar", EMuseum, Minnesota State University (http:/ / www. mnsu. edu/ emuseum/
archaeology/ sites/ middle_east/ zawichemishanidar. html)
[4] Denham, Tim P.; et al. (2003). "Origins of Agriculture at Kuk Swamp in the Highlands of New Guinea". Science
301 (5630): 189–193. doi: 10.1126/science.1085255 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1126/ science. 1085255). PMID
12817084.
[5] The Kuk Early Agricultural Site (http:/ / whc. unesco. org/ en/ tentativelists/ 5059/ )
[6] Gordon Childe (1936). Man Makes Himself. Oxford university press.
[7] Charles E. Redman (1978). Rise of Civilization: From Early Hunters to Urban Society in the Ancient Near East.
San Francisco: Freeman.
[8] Hayden, Brian (1992). "Models of Domestication". in Anne Birgitte Gebauer and T. Douglas Price. Transitions
to Agriculture in Prehistory. Madison: Prehistory Press. pp. 11–18.
[9] Sauer, Carl, O (1952). Agricultural origins and dispersals. Cambridge, MA.
[10] Binford, Lewis R. (1968). "Post-Pleistocene Adaptations". in Sally R. Binford and Lewis R. Binford. New
Perspectives in Archaeology. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company. pp. 313–342.
[11] Rindos, David (December 1987). The Origins of Agriculture: An Evolutionary Perspective. Academic Press.
ISBN 978-0125892810).
[12] Wright (2004). A Short History of Progress first=Ronald. Anansi. ISBN 0-88784-706-4).
[13] Weiss, Ehud; Kislev, Mordechai E.; Hartmann, Anat (2006). "Autonomous Cultivation Before Domestication".
Science 312 (5780): 1608–1610. doi: 10.1126/science.1127235 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1126/ science.
1127235). PMID 16778044.
[14] Tamed 11,400 Years Ago, Figs Were Likely First Domesticated Crop (http:/ / www. sciencedaily. com/
releases/ 2006/ 06/ 060602074522. htm),
[15] Diamond, Jared (1999). Guns, Germs, and Steel. New York: Norton Press. ISBN 0-393-31755-2.
[16] DR Harris, HE Gove, P Damon "The Impact on Archaeology of Radiocarbon Dating by Accelerator Mass
Spectrometry" Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London A323, 23-43 1987 (http:/ / journals.
royalsociety. org/ content/ q41hm53kk451q861/ fulltext. pdf)
[17] The Cambridge History of Africa (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=JAca1F3qG34C& pg=PA70&
lpg=PA70& dq=Africa,+ neolithic& source=web& ots=wWVGAvbwDC& sig=oLsfZADAq2fplcionxe5hXjBgXw&
hl=en& ei=V8GKSaSbO9eitge6-eibBw& sa=X& oi=book_result& resnum=10& ct=result#PPA76,M1)
[18] McGourty, Christine (2002-11-22). " Origin of dogs traced (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ science/ nature/
2498669. stm)". BBC News. . Retrieved on 2006-11-29.
[19] The Borderlands of Science by Michael Shermer. p. 250
[20] Marshall, P. J. Ed. (1996), Cambridge illustrated History: British Empire, Cambridge University Press, ISBN
0-521-00254-0, p. 142
[21] http:/ / urss. ru/ cgi-bin/ db. pl?cp=& page=Book& id=53184& lang=en& blang=en& list=1
[22] http:/ / www. anansi. ca/ titles. cfm?pub_subid=237
[23] http:/ / www. cbc. ca/ ideas/ massey/ massey2004. html
[24] http:/ / www. ucalgary. ca/ ~eslinger/ crss/ 200/ 200_read/ 02. Wright,R.
_Gaugin'sQuestions_ShortHistoryOfProgress(2004)1-26. pdf
[25] http:/ / www. transportplanet. ca/ Stu'sNotes11. pdf
[26] http:/ / www. awok. org/ civilization-is-a-pyramid-scheme/
[27] http:/ / www. radio4all. net/ pub/ archive/ 04. 01. 05/ anitya@graffiti. net/
1400-1-20041124-Ronald_Wright_-_Short_History_of_Progress_-_1_-_Gauguin__s_Questions. mp3
[28] http:/ / www. radio4all. net/ pub/ archive/ 04. 01. 05/ anitya@graffiti. net/
1400-1-20041125-Ronald_Wright_-_Short_History_of_Progress_-_2_-_The_Great_Experiment. mp3
[29] http:/ / www. radio4all. net/ pub/ archive/ 09. 01. 05/ philippe@bainbridge. net/
1374-1-20050410-Ronald_Wright. mp3
[30] http:/ / www. pnas. org/ content/ early/ 2009/ 06/ 19/ 0812764106. full. pdf
Fertile Crescent
The Fertile Crescent is a region
in the Near East, incorporating the
Levant and Mesopotamia, and
often incorrectly extended to
Egypt. Mesopotamia is considered
the cradle of civilization and saw
the development of the earliest
human civilizations and is the
birthplace of writing and the
wheel. The region broadly
corresponds to present-day Iraq,
Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Kuwait,
Jordan, south-eastern Turkey and
City-states of the Fertile Crescent in the 2nd millennium BCE
west and south-western Iran. The
term "Fertile Crescent" was coined
by University of Chicago archaeologist James Henry Breasted in his "Ancient Records of
Egypt", around 1900.[1] The region was named so due to its rich soil and crescent shape.
Fertile Crescent 48
Geography
As crucial as rivers were to the rise of civilization in the Fertile Crescent, they were not the
only factor in the area's precocity. Ecologically the area is important as the "bridge"
between Africa and Eurasia. This "bridging role" has allowed the Fertile Crescent to retain
a greater amount of biodiversity than either Europe or North Africa, where climate changes
during the Ice Age led to repeated extinction events due to ecosystems becoming squeezed
against the waters of the Mediterranean Sea. Coupled with the Saharan pump theory, this
Middle Eastern land-bridge is of extreme importance to the modern distribution of Old
World flora and fauna, including the spread of humanity.
The fact that this area has borne
the brunt of the tectonic
divergence between the African
and Arabian plates, and the
converging Arabian and Eurasian
plates, has also made this region a
very diverse zone of high
snow-covered mountains, fertile
broad alluvial basins and desert
plateaux, which has also increased
its biodiversity further and enabled
the survival into historic times of
species not found elsewhere.
Furthermore the Fertile Crescent

had a climate diversity and major
climatic changes which
encouraged the evolution of many
"r" type annual plants, which
produce more edible seeds than
"K" type perennial plants, and the
region's dramatic variety of
elevation gave rise to many species
of edible plants for early PPNB Neolithic settlements of the Fertile Crescent in the mid
experiments in cultivation. Most 8th millennium BCE
importantly, the Fertile Crescent

possessed the wild progenitors of the eight Neolithic founder crops important in early
agriculture (i.e. wild progenitors to emmer wheat, einkorn, barley, flax, chick pea, pea,
lentil, bitter vetch), and four of the five most important species of domesticated animals —
cows, goats, sheep, and pigs — and the fifth species, the horse, lived nearby.[2]
As a result the Fertile Crescent has an impressive record of past human activity. As well as
possessing many sites with the skeletal and cultural remains of both pre-modern and early
modern humans (e.g. at Kebara Cave in Israel), later Pleistocene → hunter-gatherers and
Epipalaeolithic semi-sedentary hunter-gatherers (the Natufians), this area is most famous
for its sites related to the origins of agriculture. The western zone around the Jordan and
upper Euphrates rivers gave rise to the first known Neolithic farming settlements (referred
to as Pre-Pottery Neolithic A (PPNA)), which date to around 9,000 BCE (and includes sites
Fertile Crescent 49
such as Jericho). This region, alongside Mesopotamia (which lies to the east of the Fertile
Crescent, between the rivers Tigris and Euphrates), also saw the emergence of early
complex societies during the succeeding Bronze Age. There is also early evidence from this
region for writing, and the formation of state-level societies. This has earned the region the
nickname "The Cradle of Civilization."
Both the Tigris and Euphrates start in the Taurus Mountains of what is today Turkey.
Farmers in southern Mesopotamia had to protect their fields from flooding each year,
except Northern Mesopotamia which had just enough rain to make some farming
possible.[3]
Since the Bronze Age, the region's natural fertility has been greatly extended by irrigation
works, upon which much of its agricultural production continues to depend. The last two
millennia have seen repeated cycles of decline and recovery as past works have fallen into
disrepair through the replacement of states, to be replaced under their successors. Another
ongoing problem has been salination — the gradual concentration of salt and other
minerals in soils with a long history of irrigation.
In the contemporary era, river waters remain a potential source of friction in the region.
The Jordan lies on the borders of Israel, the kingdom of Jordan and the areas administered
by the Palestinian Authority. Turkey and Syria each control about a quarter of the length of
the Euphrates, on whose lower reaches Iraq is still heavily dependent.
See also
• Ancient Near East
• Cradle of civilization
• Early civilizations
• Greater Syria
• Fertile Crescent Plan
• Levant
• Mesopotamia
• → Neolithic Revolution
External links
[4]
• Ancient Fertile Crescent Almost Gone, Satellite Images Show - from National
Geographic News, May 18, 2001
References
[1] " Fertile Crescent (http:/ / education. yahoo. com/ reference/ encyclopedia/ entry/ FertileC)". Columbia
Encyclopedia. Columbia University Press. 2008. . Retrieved on 2008-09-23.
[2] Diamond, J. (March 1997). Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies. W.W. Norton & Company.
ISBN 0-393-03891-2.
[3] Beck, Roger B.; Linda Black, Larry S. Krieger, Phillip C. Naylor, Dahia Ibo Shabaka, (1999). World History:
Patterns of Interaction. Evanston, IL: McDougal Littell. ISBN 0-395-87274-X.
[4] http:/ / news. nationalgeographic. com/ news/ 2001/ 05/ 0518_crescent. html
Hunter- gatherer 50
Hunter-gatherer
A hunter-gatherer society is one whose primary subsistence method involves the direct
procurement of edible plants and animals from the wild, foraging and hunting without
significant recourse to the domestication of either. Hunter-gatherers obtain most from
gathering rather than hunting; up to 80% of the food is obtained by gathering.[1] The
demarcation between hunter-gatherers and other societies which rely more upon
domestication (see agriculture and pastoralism and neolithic revolution) is not a clear-cut
one, as many contemporary societies use a combination of both strategies to obtain the
foodstuffs required to sustain themselves.
History
Hunting and gathering was presumably the subsistence strategy employed by human
societies for more than two million years, until the end of the Mesolithic period. The first
hunter-gatherers may have lived in mixed habitats which allowed them to collect seafood,
eggs, nuts, and fruits and scavenge the occasional dead animal and in this sense were more
meat scavengers than actual hunters. Rather than killing large animals themselves for
meat, they used carcasses of large animals killed by other predators or carcasses from
animals that died by natural causes.[2] The transition into the subsequent Neolithic period
is chiefly defined by the unprecedented development of nascent agricultural practices.
Agriculture → originated and spread in several different areas including the Middle East,
Asia, Mesoamerica, and the Andes beginning as early as 10,000 years ago.
Many groups continued their hunter-gatherer ways of life, although their numbers have
perpetually declined partly as a result of pressure from growing agricultural and pastoral
communities. Many of them reside in arid regions and tropical forests in the developing
world. Areas which formerly were available to hunter-gatherers were -and continue to be-
encroached upon by the settlements of agriculturalists. In the resulting competition for land
use, hunter-gatherer societies either adopted these practices or moved to other areas. In
addition, → Jared Diamond has blamed a decline in the availability of wild foods,
particularly animal resources. In North and South America, for example, most large
mammal species had gone extinct by the end of the Pleistocene, according to Diamond,
because of overexploitation by humans,[3] although the overkill hypothesis he advocates is
strongly contested.
As the number and size of agricultural societies increased, they expanded into lands
traditionally used by hunter-gatherers. This process of agriculture-driven expansion led to
the development of complex forms of government in agricultural centers such as the →
Fertile Crescent, Ancient India, Ancient China, Olmec, and Norte Chico.
As a result of the now near-universal human reliance upon agriculture, the few
contemporary hunter-gatherer cultures usually live in areas seen as undesirable for
agricultural use.
Hunter- gatherer 51
Methods of study
Archaeological and paleontological evidence must be used to learn about prehistoric
hunter-gatherers, and ethnographic studies, as well as historical information, provide
information about living or historic hunter-gatherers. Interdisciplinary fields such as
ethnohistory, ethnoarchaeology, human behavioral ecology, paleoanthropology and
paleoethnobotany have also arisen in the search for insight into the hunter-gatherer past.
Common characteristics
Habitat and population

Hunter-gatherer societies tend to be relatively mobile or
"nomadic", given their reliance upon the ability of a given
natural environment to provide sufficient resources in order
to sustain their population and the variable availability of
these resources owing to local climatic and seasonal
conditions. Their population densities tend to be lower than
those of agriculturalists, since cultivated land is capable of
sustaining population densities 60–100 times greater than
land left uncultivated. Individual band societies tend to be
small in number (10-30 individuals), but these may gather
together seasonally to temporarily form a larger group (100
or more) when resources are abundant. In a few places
where the environment is especially productive, such as that
A San man from Namibia. Fewer
of the Pacific Northwest coast or Jomon-era Japan, than 10,000 San live in the
hunter-gatherers are able to settle permanently. traditional way, as
hunter-gatherers. Since the
Hunter-gatherer settlements may be either permanent, mid-1990s the central
temporary, or some combination of the two, depending upon government of Botswana has
been trying to move San out of
the mobility of the community. Mobile communities typically [4]
their lands.
construct shelters using impermanent building materials, or
they may use natural rock shelters, where they are available.
Social and economic structure

Hunter-gatherer societies also tend to have relatively non-hierarchical, egalitarian social
structures. This might have been more pronounced in the more mobile societies, which
generally are not able to store surplus food. Thus, full-time leaders, bureaucrats, or artisans
are rarely supported by these societies.[5] [6] [7] In addition to social and economic equality
in hunter-gatherer societies there is often though not always sexual parity as well.[8] [5]
Hunter-gatherers are often grouped together based on kinship and band (or tribe)
membership.[8]
Others, such as the Haida of present-day British Columbia, lived in such a rich environment
that they could remain sedentary, like many other Native Americans of the Pacific
Northwest coast. These groups demonstrate more hierarchical social organization.
War in hunter-gatherer societies is usually caused by grudges and vendettas rather than for
territory or economic benefit.[8]
Hunter- gatherer 52
A vast amount of ethnographic and archaeological evidence demonstrates that the sexual
division of labor in which men hunt and women gather wild fruits and vegetables is an
extremely common phenomenon among hunter-gatherers worldwide, but there are a
number of documented exceptions to this general pattern. A study done on the Aeta people
of the Philippines states: "About 85% of Philippine Aeta women hunt, and they hunt the
same quarry as men. Aeta women hunt in groups and with dogs, and have a 31% success
rate as opposed to 17% for men. Their rates are even better when they combine forces with
men: mixed hunting groups have a full 41% success rate among the Aeta."[6] It was also
found among the Ju'/hoansi people of Namibia that women helped the men during hunting
by helping them track down quarry.[9] Moreover, recent archaeological research done by
the anthropologist and archaeologist Steven Kuhn from the University of Arizona suggests
that the sexual division of labor did not exist prior to the Upper Paleolithic and developed
relatively recently in human history. The sexual division of labor may have arisen to allow
humans to acquire food and other resources more efficiently.[10] It would, therefore, be an
over-generalization to say that men always hunt and women always gather.
At the 1966 "Man the Hunter" conference,
anthropologists → Richard Borshay Lee and
→ Irven DeVore suggested that
egalitarianism was one of several central
characteristics of nomadic hunting and
gathering societies because mobility
requires minimization of material
possessions throughout a population;
therefore, there was no surplus of
A 19th century engraving of an Indigenous Australian
resources to be accumulated by any single encampment.
member. Other characteristics Lee and
DeVore proposed were flux in territorial boundaries as well as in demographic composition.
At the same conference, → Marshall Sahlins presented a paper entitled, "→ Notes on the
Original Affluent Society," in which he challenged the popular view of hunter-gatherers
living lives "solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short," as Thomas Hobbes had put it in 1651.
According to Sahlins, ethnographic data indicated that hunter-gatherers worked far fewer
hours and enjoyed more leisure than typical members of industrial society, and they still ate
well. Their "affluence" came from the idea that they are satisfied with very little in the
material sense. This, he said, constituted a Zen economy.
One way to divide hunter-gatherer groups is by their return systems. James Woodburn uses
the categories "immediate return" hunter-gatherers for egalitarian and "delayed return" for
nonegalitarian. Immediate return foragers consume their food within a day or two after
they procure it. Delayed return foragers store the surplus food (Kelly[11] , 31). Some
Marxists have theorised that hunter-gatherers would have used primitive communism, and
anarcho-primitivists elaborate the mechanics further by asserting it would have been a gift
economy, (although this would not have applied for all hunter-gatherer societies). Mutual
exchange and sharing of resources (i.e., meat gained from hunting) are important in the
economic systems of hunter-gatherer societies.[8]
Hunter- gatherer 53
Problems with generalizing

There is far too much variability among hunter-gatherer cultures across the world to be
able to illustrate a “typical” society in anything but the broadest strokes. The
“hunter-gatherer” category roughly circumscribes an extremely diverse range of societies
who happen to share certain traits. It is therefore important not to mistake common
characteristics of hunter-gatherer societies for a universal description.
On the other hand, that hunter-gatherer societies seem to manifest significant variability as
studies in relatively modern times clearly support, does not allow us to generalize about the
extent of variability characteristic of the human Environment of Evolutionary Adaptedness
(EEA) that is so important to the development of evolutionary psychological theory. The
hunter-gatherer cultures examined today have had much contact with modern civilization
and do not represent "pristine" original human culture (see succeeding paragraphs re:
post-agricultural effect on original hunter-gatherers).[12] Much variability we now see in
hunter-gatherers is also the result of this mode of living being carried into environmental
conditions significantly divergent from our original habitat. Unlike other primates still
living in warm climate conditions within Africa, the human primate has moved far beyond
the realm of its original EEA ---the Inuit are a clear example of hunter-gatherers clearly
divergent from the human EEA (understandably, there was little "gathering" of vegetation
among the Inuit). Yet it may well be that, like the more rigidly defined social structures of
other primates, our original social behaviors did not diverge so significantly from one
nomadic family to the next in the EEA. So the point of not generalizing until more data is
forthcoming extends not only to the possible behavioral consistency of social patterns in the
human EEA, but also to possible behavioral variability of such social patterns.
The transition from hunting and gathering to agriculture is not necessarily a one way
process. It has been argued that hunting and gathering represents an adaptive strategy
which may still be exploited, if necessary, when environmental change causes extreme food
stress for agriculturalists. [13]
In fact, it is sometimes difficult to draw a clear line between agricultural and
hunter-gatherer societies, especially since the widespread adoption of agriculture and
resulting cultural diffusion that has occurred in the last 10,000 years. Many
hunter-gatherers consciously manipulate the landscape through cutting or burning
undesirable plants while encouraging desirable ones, some even going to the extent of
slash-and-burn to create habitat for game animals. These activities are on an entirely
different scale than those associated with agriculture, but they are nevertheless
domestication on some level. Today, almost all hunter-gatherers depend to some extent
upon domesticated food sources either produced part-time or traded for products acquired
in the wild. Some agriculturalists also regularly hunt and gather (e.g. farming during the
frost-free season and hunting during the winter). Still others in developed countries go
hunting, primarily for leisure. In the Brazilian rainforest, groups which recently did or
continue to rely on hunting and gathering techniques seem to have adopted this lifestyle,
abandoning most agriculture, as a way to escape colonial control and as a result of the
introduction of European diseases reducing their populations to levels where agriculture
became difficult.
Hunter- gatherer 54
Modern context
In the early 1980s, a small but vocal
segment of anthropologists and
archaeologists attempted to
demonstrate that contemporary
groups usually identified as
hunter-gatherers do not, in most
cases, have a continuous history of
hunting and gathering, and that in
many cases their ancestors were
agriculturalists and/or pastoralists
who were pushed into marginal areas
as a result of migrations, economic
Shoshoni tipis, circa 1900.
exploitation, and/or violent conflict.
The result of their effort has been the
general acknowledgement that there has been complex interaction between
hunter-gatherers and non-hunter-gatherers for millennia.
Some of the theorists who advocate this “revisionist” critique imply that, because the "pure
hunter-gatherer" disappeared not long after colonial (or even agricultural) contact began,
nothing meaningful can be learned about prehistoric hunter-gatherers from studies of
modern ones (Kelly[14] , 24-29; see Wilmsen[15] ); however, most specialists who study
hunter-gatherer ecology (see cultural ecology and human behavioral ecology) disagree with
this conclusion. As well, Lee and Guenther have refuted most of the arguments put forward
by Wilmsen and currently the revisionist school has been largely discredited.
There are contemporary hunter-gatherer peoples who, after contact with other societies,
continue their ways of life with very little external influence. One such group is the Pila
Nguru or the Spinifex People of Western Australia, whose habitat in the Great Victoria
Desert has proved unsuitable for European agriculture (and even pastoralism). Another are
the Sentinelese of the Andaman Islands in the Indian Ocean, who live on North Sentinel
Island and to date have maintained their independent existence, repelling attempts to
engage with and contact them.
Social movements
There are some modern social movements related to the hunter-gatherer lifestyle:
• → Anarcho-primitivism, which strives for the abolishment of civilization and the return to
a life in the wild.
• Freeganism involves gathering of discarded food (and sometimes other materials) in the
context of an urban or suburban environment.
• Gleaning involves the gathering of food that traditional farmers have left behind in their
fields.
• Paleolithic diet, which strives to achieve a diet similar to that of ancient hunter-gatherer
groups.
Hunter- gatherer 55
See also
• Anarcho-primitivism • Neanderthals
• Anarchy • Neolithic Revolution
• Batek • Nomads
• Bushmen • Nukak-Makú
• Cro-Magnon • Paleolithic
• Hadza people • Pirahã
• Homo erectus • Prehistoric music
• Human migration • Primitive skills
• Indigenous Australians • Pygmies
• Indigenous peoples • Sentinelese
• Inuit • Spinifex People
• Man of Flores • Uncontacted tribes
• Mbuti
Further reading
• Barnard, A. J., ed. (2004). Hunter-gatherers in history, archaeology and anthropology.
Berg. ISBN 1-85973-825-7.
• Bettinger, R. L. (1991). Hunter-gatherers: archaeological and evolutionary theory.
Plenum Press. ISBN 0-306-43650-7.
• Brody, Hugh (2001). The Other Side Of Eden: hunter-gatherers, farmers and the shaping
of the world. North Point Press. ISBN 0-571-20502-X.
• Lee, Richard B. and Irven DeVore, eds. (1968). Man the hunter. Aldine de Gruyter. ISBN
0-202-33032-X.
• Morrison, K. D. and L. L. Junker, eds. (2002). Forager-traders in South and Southeast
Asia: long term histories. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-01636-3.
• Panter-Brick, C., R. H. Layton and P. Rowley-Conwy, eds. (2001). Hunter-gatherers: an
interdisciplinary perspective. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-77672-4.
• Turnbull, Colin (1987). The Forest People. Touchstone. ISBN 978-0671640996.
External links
• African Pygmies [16] Culture and photos of these African hunter-gatherers.
• Nature's Secret Larder - Wild Foods & Hunting Tools. [17]
• Reconstructed bone flutes, sound sample and playing instructions. [18]
• A wiki dedicated to the scientific study of the diversity of foraging societies without
recreating myths [19]
• Balmer, Yves (2003–2009). "Ethnological videos clips. Living or recently extinct
traditional tribal groups and their origins. [20]". Andaman Association. http:/ / www.
andaman-video. org.
Hunter- gatherer 56
References
[1] Traditional Peoples Today: Continuity and Change in the Modern World by Göran Burenhult
[2] The Last Rain Forests: A World Conservation Atlas by David Attenborough, Mark Collins
[3] Diamond, Jared. (1998). Guns, Germs and Steel. London: Vintage. ISBN 0-09-930278-0.
[4] African Bushmen Tour U.S. to Fund Fight for Land (http:/ / news. nationalgeographic. com/ news/ 2004/ 09/
0914_040914_labushmen_2. html)
[5] John Gowdy (1998). Limited Wants, Unlimited Means: A reader on Hunter-Gatherer Economics and the
Environment. St Louis: Island Press. pp. 342. ISBN 155963555X.
[6] Dahlberg, Frances. (1975). Woman the Gatherer (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=eTPULzP1MZAC&
pg=PA120& dq=Gathering+ and+ Hominid+ Adaptation& sig=f2ulfIDfAvoqEcolNjz6MTIrM84#PPA126,M1).
London: Yale university press. ISBN 0-30-02989-6. .
[7] Erdal, D. & Whiten, A. (1996) "Egalitarianism and Machiavellian Intelligence in Human Evolution" in Mellars,
P. & Gibson, K. (eds) Modelling the Early Human Mind. Cambridge MacDonald Monograph Series
[8] Thomas M. Kiefer (Spring 2002). " Anthropology E-20 (http:/ / www. suluarchipelago. com/ E20Website2002/
default. htm)". Lecture 8 Subsistence, Ecology and Food production. Harvard University. . Retrieved on
2008-03-11.
[9] Biesele, Megan; Barclay, Steve (March 2001), "Ju/’Hoan Women’s Tracking Knowledge And Its Contribution To
Their Husbands’ Hunting Success", African Study Monographs Suppl.26: 67–84
[10] Stefan Lovgren. " Sex-Based Roles Gave Modern Humans an Edge, Study Says (http:/ / news.
nationalgeographic. com/ news/ 2006/ 12/ 061207-sex-humans. html)". National Geographic News. . Retrieved
on 2008-02-03.
[11] Kelly, Robert L. (1995). The Foraging Spectrum: Diversity in Hunter-Gatherer Life ways. Washington:
Smithsonian Institution. ISBN 1-56098-465-1.
[12] Portera, Claire C.; Marlowe, Frank W. (January 2007). " How marginal are forager habitats? (http:/ / www.
anthro. fsu. edu/ people/ faculty/ marlowe_pubs/ how marginal are forager habitats. pdf)" (PDF). Journal of
Archaeological Science 34 (1): 59–68. doi: 10.1016/j.jas.2006.03.014 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1016/ j. jas. 2006.
03. 014). .
[13] Lee, Richard B. & Daly, Richard, eds., ed (1999). The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Hunters and Gatherers.
Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-60919-4.
[14] Kelly, Raymond (October 2005). "The evolution of lethal intergroup violence". PNAS 102: 15294. doi:
10.1073/pnas.0505955102 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1073/ pnas. 0505955102). PMID 16129826.
[15] Wilmsen, Edwin (1989). Land Filled With Flies: A Political Economy of the Kalahari. University Of Chicago
Press. ISBN 0-226-90015-0.
[16] http:/ / www. pygmies. info/
[17] http:/ / www. naturessecretlarder. co. uk
[18] http:/ / www. ancientinstruments. co. uk
[19] http:/ / foragers. wikidot. com/ start
[20] http:/ / www. andaman-video. org
Original affluent society 57
Original affluent society

The "original affluent society" is a theory postulating that hunter-gatherers were the
original affluent society. This theory was first articulated by → Marshall Sahlins at a
symposium entitled "Man the Hunter" held in Chicago in 1966. The significance of the
theory stems from its role in shifting anthropological thought away from seeing
hunter-gatherer societies as primitive, to seeing them as practitioners of a refined mode of
subsistence from which much can be learned.
At the time of the symposium new research by anthropologists, such as → Richard B. Lee’s
work on the !Kung of southern Africa, was challenging popular notions that hunter-gatherer
societies were always near the brink of starvation and continuously engaged in a struggle
for survival (Barnard, 197). Sahlins gathered the data from these studies and used it to
support a comprehensive argument that states that hunter-gatherers did not suffer from
deprivation, but instead lived in a society in which "all the people’s wants are easily
satisfied" (Sahlins, Man, 85).
Overview
The basis of Sahlins’ argument is that hunter-gatherer societies are able to achieve
affluence by desiring little and meeting those needs/desires with what is available to them.
This he calls the "Zen road to affluence, which states that human material wants are finite
and few, and technical means unchanging but on the whole adequate" (Sahlins, Original).
This he compares to the western way towards affluence, which he terms as the
"Galbraithean way" where "man’s wants are great, not to say infinite, whereas his means
are limited..." and "the gap between means and ends can eventually be narrowed by
industrial productivity" (Sahlins, Man, 86). Thus Sahlins argues that hunter-gatherer and
western societies take separate roads to affluence, the former by desiring little, the latter
by producing much (85). Through this comparison Sahlins also stresses that
hunter-gatherer societies cannot be examined through an ethnocentric framework when
measuring their affluence. For example, one cannot apply the general principles of
economics (principles which reflect western values and emphasize surplus) to
hunter-gatherers nor should one believe that the → Neolithic Revolution brought
unquestioned progress.
By stepping away from western notions of affluence, the theory of the original affluent
society thus dispels notions about hunter-gatherer societies that were popular at the time of
the symposium. Sahlins states that hunter-gatherers have a "marvellously varied diet"
(Sahlins, Original) based on the abundance of the local flora and fauna. This demonstrates
that hunter-gatherers do not exist on a mere subsistence economy but rather live amongst
plenty. Through thorough knowledge of their environment hunter-gatherers are able to
change what foreigners may deem as meagre and unreliable natural resources into rich
subsistence resources. Through this they are able to effectively and efficiently provide for
themselves and minimize the amount of time spent procuring food. "[T]he food quest is so
successful that half the time the people do not know what to do with themselves" (Sahlins,
Original). Hunter-gatherers also experience "affluence without abundance" (Sahlins,
Original) as they simply meet their required ends and do not require surplus nor material
possessions (as these would be a hindrance to their nomadic lifestyle). The lack of surplus
also demonstrates that they trust their environment will continuously provide for them. By
foraging only for their immediate needs amongst plentiful resources, hunter-gatherers are
able to increase the amount of leisure time available to them. Thus, despite living in what
western society deems to be material poverty, hunter-gatherer societies work less than
people practicing other modes of subsistence while still providing for all their needs, and
therefore increase their amount of leisure time. These are the reasons why the original
affluent society is that of the hunter-gatherer (Sahlins, Affluent).
Through his thesis on the affluent society, Sahlins deconstructed the then popular notions
that hunter-gatherers are primitive and constantly working hard to ward off starvation.
However, one must take into consideration that there has been much progress in this field
since 1966 and that ideas on the category of hunter-gatherer are always shifting, with new
paradigms continuously emerging (Barnard, 210). One must also acknowledge that one
cannot generalize about hunter-gatherer societies. Although they have been pushed to the
margins of society, there are still many such societies in the world and they differ greatly
from each other.
Criticisms
"Work time" and "leisure time"

Sahlins' argument relies on studies undertaken by McCarthy and McArthur in Arnhem
Land, and by Richard Lee among the !Kung. These studies apparently show that
hunter-gatherers need only work about twenty hours a week in order to survive and may
devote the rest of their time to leisure (Sahlins, Affluent). However, Kaplan points out that
it can be difficult to distinguish between work and leisure in hunter-gatherer societies as
members of these societies do not have jobs or employment. Lee did not include food
preparation time in his study, arguing that "work" should be defined as the time spent
gathering enough food for subsistence. But, Kaplan argues, if work is defined as mere
subsistence, people in Western societies would do hardly any work at all (Kaplan,
2000:313). When work is seen as all life-sustaining activity, the !Kung will be observed as
working for more than forty hours a week (about as much as a Westerner spends at their
job alone) (Kaplan, 2000:308). However, if cooking, bathing and all life-sustaining activity
were counted in addition to employment in Western societies, the average person would
spend far more than 40 hours per week sustaining themselves.
Further problems with the data used

Some anthropologists claim that the studies Sahlins relies on are far from representative of
the people they observe. The Arnhem Land studies observe groups of only nine and thirteen
over a period of one or two weeks. Moreover, McCarthy herself admitted that the
individuals used in one of the studies were picked up from a mission station and were
accustomed to using the food available at these stations (Bird-David, 1992:26; Kaplan,
2000:305).
Lee's study is also alleged to be a poor representation of a hunter-gatherer society. Kaplan
argues that as the investigation only covered a four-week period, it is in no way
representative of the living conditions of a whole year -- especially as there are significant
differences in climate between the wet and dry seasons (Kaplan, 2000:507). Moreover, Lee
discovered that the !Kung he studied occasionally worked for wages or grew their own food
(Bird-David, 1992:26). Hence, it is claimed that the society studied is far from "purely"
hunter-gatherer.
See also
• → Marshall Sahlins
• → Hunter-gatherer
• → Richard Borshay Lee
• The Affluent Society
References
• Barnard, A. (1983). "Contemporary Hunter-Gatherers: Current Theoretical Issues in
Ecology and Social Organization", Annual Review of Anthropology 12 pp.193-214.
• Bird-David, N. (1992), “Beyond the Original Affluent Society: A Culturalist Reformation”,
Current Anthropology 33(1) pp.25-47.
• Kaplan, D. (2000), “The Darker Side of the Original Affluent Society”, Journal of
Anthropological Research 56(3) pp.301-324.
• Lee, R. B. (1965). Subsistence Ecology of !Kung Bushmen. PhD Dissertation, * University
of California, Berkeley.
• Lee, R. B. (1979). The !Kung San: Men, Women and Work in a Foraging Society.
(Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press).
• Sahlins, M. (1968). "Notes on the Original Affluent Society", Man the Hunter. R.B. Lee
and I. DeVore (New York: Aldine Publishing Company) pp.85-89.
• Sahlins, M. (2005). The Original Affluent Society [1] [Online] in M. Sahlins, Stone Age
Economics
References
[1] http:/ / www. eco-action. org/ dt/ affluent. html
Sustainability 60
Sustainability
Blue Marble composite images generated by NASA in 2001 (left)

and 2002 (right).
The supreme reality of our time... is the vulnerability of this planet.

[1]
—John F Kennedy
Sustainability, in a broad sense, is the capacity to endure. In ecology the word describes
how biological systems remain diverse and productive over time. For humans it is the
potential for long-term improvements in wellbeing, which in turn depend on the wellbeing
of the natural world and the responsible use of natural resources.
Sustainability has become a wide-ranging term that can be applied to almost every facet of
life on Earth, from a local to a global scale and over various time periods. Long-lived and
healthy wetlands and forests are examples of sustainable biological systems. Invisible
chemical cycles redistribute water, oxygen, nitrogen and carbon through the world's living
and non-living systems, and have sustained life for millions of years. As the earth’s human
population has increased, natural ecosystems have declined and changes in the balance of
natural cycles has had a negative impact on both humans and other living systems.
There is now abundant scientific evidence that humanity is living unsustainably. Returning
human use of natural resources to within sustainable limits will require a major collective
effort. Since the 1980s, human sustainability has implied the integration of economic, social
and environmental spheres to: “meet the needs of the present without compromising the
ability of future generations to meet their own needs.”[2]
Efforts to live more sustainably can take many forms from reorganising living conditions
(e.g., ecovillages, eco-municipalities and sustainable cities), reappraising economic sectors
(green building, sustainable agriculture), or work practices (sustainable architecture),
using science to develop new technologies (green technologies, renewable energy), to
adjustments in individual lifestyles.
Sustainability 61
Definition
Although the definition of sustainable
development (above), given by the
Brundtland Commission, is frequently
quoted,[4] it is not universally accepted and
has undergone various interpretations.[5] [6]
Definitions of sustainability may be
expressed as statements of fact, intent, or
value with sustainability treated as either a
"journey" or "destination."[7] Where we are
now, where we need to be going, and how
we are to get there are all open to
interpretation[8] and will depend on the
particular context under consideration.[9] The three pillars of sustainability. Adams, W.M.
(2006). "The Future of Sustainability: Re-thinking
What can meaningfully be described as
Environment and Development in the Twenty-first
sustainable will depend on the scale of Century." Report of the IUCN Renowned Thinkers
space and time that is appropriate to the Meeting, 29–31 January, 2006. Retrieved on:
item under consideration. For example, if 2009-02-16.
time criteria have not been met, then

assertions of sustainability are more like predictions than definitions.[10] This difficult mix
has been described as a dialogue of values that defies consensual definition.[11]
Sustainability has been regarded as both an important but unfocused concept like "liberty"
or "justice"[12] [13] and as a feel-good buzzword with little meaning or substance.[14] [15] The
idea of sustainable development is sometimes viewed as an oxymoron because development
inevitably depletes and degrades the environment.[16] Consequently some definitions either
avoid the word development and use the term sustainability exclusively, or emphasise the
environmental component, as in "environmentally sustainable development."[17]
The dimensions of sustainability are often

taken to be: environmental, social and
economic, known as the "three pillars".[19]
These can be depicted as three overlapping
circles (or ellipses), to show that they are
not mutually exclusive and can be mutually
reinforcing.[20] While this model initially
improved the standing of environmental
concerns,[21] it has since been criticised for
not adequately showing that societies and
economies are fundamentally reliant on the
natural world. According to English
Another representation showing economy and society environmentalist and author Jonathon
[18]
bounded by the environment.
Porritt, "The economy is, in the first
instance, a subsystem of human society ...
which is itself, in the second instance, a subsystem of the totality of life on Earth (the
biosphere). And no subsystem can expand beyond the capacity of the total system of which
Sustainability 62
it is a part."[22] For this reason a second diagram shows economy as a component of society,
both bounded by, and dependent upon, the environment. As the American World Bank
ecological economist Herman Daly famously asked, "what use is a sawmill without a
forest?"[23] The concept of living within environmental constraints underpins the IUCN,
UNEP and WWF definition of sustainability: "improving the quality of human life while
living within the carrying capacity of supporting eco-systems."[24]
The Earth Charter goes beyond defining what sustainability is, and seeks to establish the
values and direction needed to achieve it: "We must join together to bring forth a
sustainable global society founded on respect for nature, universal human rights, economic
justice, and a culture of peace. Towards this end, it is imperative that we, the peoples of
Earth, declare our responsibility to one another, to the greater community of life, and to
future generations."[25]
The next section traces the evolution of thinking about sustainability in human history.
History
Early civilizations
In early human history, although the energy and other resource demands of nomadic
hunter-gatherers was small, the use of fire and desire for specific foods may have altered
the natural composition of plant and animal communities.[26] Between 8,000 and 10,000
years ago, agriculture emerged in various regions of the world.[27] Agrarian communities
depended largely on their environment and the creation of a "structure of permanence."[28]
Societies outgrowing their local food supply or depleting critical resources either moved on
or faced collapse.
Archeological evidence suggests that the first
civilizations arose in Sumer, in southern
Mesopotamia (now Iraq) and Egypt, both dating
from around 3000 BCE. By 1000 BCE, civilizations
were also established in India, China, Mexico, Peru
and in parts of Europe.[29] [30] Sumer illustrates
issues central to the sustainability of human
civilization.[31] Sumerian cities practised intensive,
year-round agriculture from ca. 5300 BCE. The
surplus of storable food created by this economy
Sumerian harvester's sickle, 3000 BC,
allowed the population to settle in one place instead
made from baked clay.
of migrating in search of wild foods and grazing
land. It also allowed for a much greater population
density. The development of agriculture in Mesopotamia required many labourers to build
and maintain its irrigation system. This, in turn, led to political hierarchy, bureaucracy, and
religious sanction, along with standing armies to protect the emergent civilization.
Intensified agriculture allowed for population increase, but also led to deforestation in
upstream areas with resultant flooding and over-irrigation, which raised soil salinity. While
there was a shift from the cultivation of wheat to the more salt-tolerant barley, yields still
diminished. Eventually, decreasing agricultural production and other factors led to the
decline of the civilization. From 2100 BC to 1700 BC, it is estimated that the population was
reduced by nearly sixty percent.[31] [32] Civilizations similarly thought to have eventually
Sustainability 63
fallen because of poor management of resources include the Mayans, Anasazi and Easter
Islanders, among many others.[33] [34] In contrast, stable communities of shifting cultivators
and horticulturists existed in New Guinea and South America, and large agrarian
communities in China, India and elsewhere have farmed in the same localities for centuries.
Polynesian cultures have maintained stable communities for between 1,000 and 3,000 years
on small islands with minimal resources using rahui[35] and kaitiakitanga[36] to control
human pressure on the environment.
Emergence of industrial societies

Technological advances over several millennia gave
humans increasing control over the environment.
But it was the Western industrial revolution of the
17th to 19th centuries that tapped into the vast
growth potential of the energy in fossil fuels. Coal
was used to power ever more efficient engines and
later to generate electricity. Modern sanitation
systems and advances in medicine protected large
populations from disease.[37] Such conditions led to
a human population explosion and unprecedented
A Watt steam engine, the steam engine
industrial, technological and scientific growth that fuelled primarily by coal that propelled the
has continued to this day, marking the Industrial Revolution in Britain and the
commencement of a period of global human world
influence known as the Anthropocene. From 1650 to

1850 the global population doubled from around 500 million to 1 billion people.[38]
Concerns about the environmental and social impacts of industry were expressed by some
Enlightenment political economists and through the Romantic movement of the 1800s.
Overpopulation was discussed in an essay by → Thomas Malthus (see Malthusian
catastrophe), while John Stuart Mill foresaw the desirability of a "stationary state"
economy, thus anticipating concerns of the modern discipline of ecological economics.[39]
[40] [41]
In the late 19th century Eugenius Warming was the first botanist to study
physiological relations between plants and their environment, heralding the scientific
discipline of ecology.[42]
Early 20th century

By the 20th century, the industrial revolution had led to an exponential increase in the
human consumption of resources. The increase in health, wealth and population was
perceived as a simple path of progress.[43] However, in the 1930s economists began
developing models of non-renewable resource management (see Hotelling's rule)[44] and
the sustainability of welfare in an economy that uses non-renewable resources (Hartwick's
rule).[45]
Ecology had now gained general acceptance as a scientific discipline, and many concepts
vital to sustainability were being explored. These included: the interconnectedness of all
living systems in a single living planetary system, the biosphere; the importance of natural
cycles (of water, nutrients and other chemicals, materials, waste); and the passage of
energy through trophic levels of living systems.[46]
Sustainability 64
Mid 20th century: environmentalism

Following the deprivations of the great depression and World War II the developed world
entered a new period of escalating growth, a post-1950s "great acceleration ... a surge in
the human enterprise that has emphatically stamped humanity as a global geophysical
force."[47] A gathering environmental movement pointed out that there were environmental
costs associated with the many material benefits that were now being enjoyed. Innovations
in technology (including plastics, synthetic chemicals, nuclear energy) and the increasing
use of fossil fuels, were transforming society. Modern industrial agriculture—the "Green
Revolution" — was based on the development of synthetic fertilizers, herbicides and
pesticides which had devastating consequences for rural wildlife, as documented by
American marine biologist, naturalist and environmentalist Rachel Carson in Silent Spring
(1962).
In 1956, American geoscientist M. King Hubbert's → peak oil theory predicted an inevitable
peak of oil production, first in the United States (between 1965 and 1970), then in
successive regions of the world - with a global peak expected thereafter.[48] In the 1970s
environmentalism's concern with pollution, the population explosion, consumerism and the
depletion of finite resources found expression in Small Is Beautiful, by British economist E.
F. Schumacher in 1973, and The Limits to Growth published by the global think tank, the
Club of Rome, in 1975.
Late 20th century
→ Peak oil
Mitigation of peak oil
Predicting the timing of peak oil
Hubbert peak theory
Related articles
Environmental problems were now becoming global in scale.[49] [50] [51] [52] The 1973 and
1979 energy crises demonstrated the extent to which the global community had become
dependent on a nonrenewable resource; President Carter in his State of the Union Address
called on Americans to "Conserve energy. Eliminate waste. Make 1980 indeed a year of
energy conservation."[53] While the developed world was considering the problems of
unchecked development the developing countries, faced with continued poverty and
deprivation, regarded development as essential to raise the living standards of their
peoples.[54] In 1980 the International Union for Conservation of Nature had published its
influential World Conservation Strategy,[24] followed in 1982 by its World Charter for
Nature,[55] which drew attention to the decline of the world’s ecosystems.
Sustainability 65
In 1987 the United Nation's World Commission on

Environment and Development (the Brundtland
Commission), in its report Our Common Future
suggested that development was acceptable, but it
must be sustainable development that would meet the
needs of the poor while not increasing environmental
problems. Humanity’s demand on the planet has more
than doubled over the past 45 years as a result of
Solar concentrator population growth and increasing individual
North America
consumption. In 1961 almost all countries in the world
had more than enough capacity to meet their own
demand; by 2005 the situation had changed radically with many countries able to meet
their needs only by importing resources from other nations.[50] A move toward sustainable
living by increasing public awareness and adoption of recycling, and renewable energies
emerged. The development of renewable sources of energy in the 1970s and 80's, primarily
in wind turbines and photovoltaics and increased use of hydroelectricity, presented some of
the first sustainable alternatives to fossil fuel and nuclear energy generation, the first
large-scale solar and wind power plants appearing during the 1980s and 90's.[56] [57] Also at
this time many local and state governments in developed countries began to implement
small-scale sustainability policies.[58]
21st century: global awareness
Renewable energy
Biofuel
Biomass
Geothermal
Hydropower
Solar power
Tidal power
Wave power
Wind power
Through the work of climate scientists in the IPCC there is increasing global awareness of
the threat posed by the human-induced enhanced greenhouse effect, produced largely by
forest clearing and the burning of fossil fuels.[59] [60] In March 2009 the Copenhagen
Climate Council, an international team of leading climate scientists, issued a strongly
worded statement: "The climate system is already moving beyond the patterns of natural
variability within which our society and economy have developed and thrived. These
parameters include global mean surface temperature, sea-level rise, ocean and ice sheet
dynamics, ocean acidification, and extreme climatic events. There is a significant risk that
many of the trends will accelerate, leading to an increasing risk of abrupt or irreversible
Sustainability 66
climatic shifts."[61]
Ecological economics now seeks to bridge the gap between ecology and traditional
neoclassical economics.[62] [63] : it provides an inclusive and ethical economic model for
society. A plethora of new concepts to help implement and measure sustainability are
becoming more widely accepted including: the Car-free movement, Smart Growth (more
sustainable urban environments), Life Cycle Assessment (the Cradle to Cradle analysis of
resource use and environmental impact over the life cycle of a product or process),
Ecological Footprint Analysis, green building, dematerialization (increased recycling of
materials), decarbonisation (removing dependence on fossil fuels) and much more.
The work of Bina Agarwal and → Vandana Shiva amongst many others, has brought some of
the cultural wisdom of traditional, sustainable agrarian societies into the academic
discourse on sustainability, and also blended that with modern scientific principles.[64] In
2009 the Environmental Protection Agency of the United States determined that
greenhouse gases "endanger public health and welfare" of the American people by
contributing to climate change and causing more heat waves, droughts and flooding, and
threatening food and water supplies.[65] Rapidly advancing technologies now provide the
means to achieve a transition of economies, energy generation, water and waste
management, and food production towards sustainable practices using methods of systems
ecology and industrial ecology.[66] [67]
Principles and concepts

Sustainability science and environmental science[68] form the basis for much of the
philosophical and analytic framework of sustainability.[69] Quantitative data is collected
through sustainability measurement and this data is then used in governance for
sustainability.[70]
Scale and context

Sustainability is studied and managed over many scales (levels or frames of reference) of
time and space and in many contexts of environmental, social and economic organization.
The focus ranges from the total carrying capacity (sustainability) of planet Earth to the
sustainability of economic sectors, ecosystems, countries, municipalities, neighbourhoods,
home gardens, individual lives, individual goods and services, occupations, lifestyles,
behaviour patterns and so on. In short, it can entail the full compass of biological and
human activity or any part of it.[71] As Daniel Botkin, author and environmentalist, has
stated: "We see a landscape that is always in flux, changing over many scales of time and
space."[72]
Sustainability 67
Global goals
At the global level a number of key goals have been isolated:
Consumption & sustainability
• Intergenerational equity - providing future generations with the same environmental

potential as presently exists
• Decoupling economic growth from environmental degradation - managing economic
growth to be less resource intensive and less polluting
• Integration of all pillars - integrating environmental, social and economic sectors when
developing sustainability policies
• Ensuring environmental adaptability and resilience - maintaining and enhancing the
adaptive capacity of the environmental system
• Preventing irreversible long-term damage to ecosystems and human health
• Ensuring distributional equity - avoiding unfair or high environmental costs on
vulnerable populations
• Accepting global responsibility - assuming responsibility for environmental effects that
occur outside areas of jurisdiction
• Education and grassroots involvement - people and communities investigating
problems and developing new solutions[73]
Consumption, population, technology, resources

The overall driver of human impact on Earth systems is the consumption of biophysical
resources. Human consumption can be divided into three key components: population
numbers, levels of consumption (affluence), and impact per unit of resource use (which
depends on the technology used). This has been expressed through an equation:
I=P×A×T
Where: I = Environmental impact, P = Population, A = Affluence, T =
Technology[74]
Historically, humanity has responded to a demand for more resources by trying to increase
supply. Sustainability, instead, applies demand management of all goods and services by
promoting reduced consumption, using renewable resources where possible, and
encouraging practices that minimise resource intensity while maximising resource
productivity. Careful resource management is applied at many scales, but especially at the
levels of economic sectors like agriculture, manufacturing and industry as well as to
individual goods and services and the consumption patterns of households and
individuals.[75] [76]
Sustainability 68
Population
According to the 2008
Revision of the official United
Nations population estimates
and projections, the world
population is projected to
reach 7 billion early in 2012,
up from the current 6.9 billion
(May 2009), to exceed 9 billion
people by 2050. Most of the
increase will be in developing
Graph showing human population growth from 10,000 BC – AD 2000, countries whose population is
illustrating current exponential growth. projected to rise from 5.6
billion in 2009 to 7.9 billion in
2050. This increase will be distributed among the population aged 15–59 (1.2 billion) and
60 or over (1.1 billion) because the number of children under age 15 in developing
countries will decrease. In contrast, the population of the more developed regions is
expected to undergo only slight increase from 1.23 billion to 1.28 billion, and this would
have declined to 1.15 billion but for a projected net migration from developing to developed
countries, which is expected to average 2.4 million persons annually from 2009 to 2050.[77]
Long-term estimates of global population suggest a peak at around 2070 of nine to ten
billion people, and then a slow decrease to 8.4 billion by 2100.[78]
Emerging economies like those of China and India aspire to the living standards of the
Western world as does the non-industrialized world in general. It is the combination of
population increase in the developing world and unsustainable consumption levels in the
developed world that poses a stark challenge to sustainability.[79]
Direct and indirect environmental impacts

At a fundamental level energy flow and biogeochemical cycling set an upper limit on the
number and mass of organisms in any ecosystem.[80] Human impacts on the Earth are
demonstrated through detrimental changes in the global biogeochemical cycles of
chemicals that are critical to life, most notably those of water, oxygen, carbon, nitrogen and
phosphorus.[81]
GLOBAL BIOPHYSICAL CYCLES CRITICAL FOR LIFE
Phosphorus cycle
Water cycle
Nitrogen cycle Carbon cycle Oxygen cycle
Sustainability 69
Measurement
Sustainability measurement
To survive on planet Earth humans must live within its measurable biophysical
constraints.[82] By establishing quantitative measures for sustainability it is possible to set
goals, apply management strategies, and measure progress. The Natural Step (TNS)
framework developed by Karl-Henrik Robèrt examines sustainability and resource use from
its thermodynamic foundations to determine how humans use and apportion natural capital
in a way that is sustainable and just. The TNS framework's system conditions of
sustainability provide a means for the scientifically-based measurement of sustainability.[83]
Natural capital includes resources from the earth's crust (i.e., minerals, oil), those produced
by humans (synthetic substances), and those of the biosphere. Equitable access to natural
capital is also a component of sustainability.[83] The energy generated in use of
resources—referred to as exergy[84] —can be measured as the embodied energy of a
product or service over its life cycle. Its analysis, using methods such as Life Cycle Analysis
or Ecological Footprint analysis provide basic indicators of sustainability on various
scales.[85]
There is now a vast number of sustainability indicators,[86] metrics, benchmarks, indices,
reporting procedures, audits and more. They include environmental, social and economic
measures separately or together over many scales and contexts. Environmental factors are
integrated with economics through ecological economics, resource economics and
thermoeconomics, and social factors through metrics like the Happy Planet Index which
measures the well-being of people in the nations of the world while taking into account
their environmental impact.[87] [88] Some of the best known and most widely used
sustainability measures are listed in the side bar, they include corporate sustainability
reporting, Triple Bottom Line accounting, and estimates of the quality of sustainability
governance for individual countries using the Environmental Sustainability Index and
Environmental Performance Index.
Sustainability 70
Human sustainability
Is humanity living within the
carrying capacity of the planet
– are humans living sustainably
on planet Earth? The
Ecological footprint measures
human consumption in terms of
the biologically productive land
needed to provide the
resources, and absorb the
wastes of the average global
citizen. In 2008 it required 2.7
global hectares per person,
30% more than the natural Ecological footprint for different nations compared to their HDI.
biological capacity of 2.1 global
hectares (assuming no provision for other organisms).[50] The resulting ecological deficit
must be met from unsustainable extra sources and these are obtained in three ways:
embedded in the goods and services of world trade; taken from the past (e.g. fossil fuels);
or borrowed from the future as unsustainable resource usage (e.g. by over exploiting
forests and fisheries).
The figure (right) indicates the sustainability of a range of countries in terms of the
Ecological Footprint compared to the UN Human Development Index (a measure of
standard of living): it shows what is necessary for countries to maintain an acceptable
standard of living for their citizens while, at the same time, living at a globally sustainable
level. The general trend is for higher standards of living to become less sustainable. As
always population growth has a marked influence on levels of consumption and the
efficiency of resource use.[89] At present Cuba is the best example in this category.[90] The
sustainability goal is to raise the global standard of living without increasing the use of
resources beyond globally sustainable levels; that is, to not exceed "one planet"
consumption. A wealth of information generated by reports at the national, regional and
city scales confirm the global trend towards societies that are becoming less sustainable
over time.[91] [92]
Sustainability 71
Global human impact on biodiversity

The Millennium Ecosystem Assessment is an
international synthesis by over 1000 of the
world's leading biological scientists that
analyses the state of the Earth’s ecosystems. It
concludes that human activity is having a
significant and escalating impact on the
biodiversity of world ecosystems, reducing both
their resilience and biocapacity. The report
refers to natural systems as humanity's
"life-support system", providing essential
"ecosystem services". The assessment measures
Chicago, a heavily urbanised area devoid of
24 ecosystem services concluding that only four natural ecosystems.
have shown improvement over the last 50 years,
15 are in serious decline, and five are in a precarious condition.[93]
Environmental dimension
Healthy ecosystems provide vital goods and services to humans and other organisms. There
are two major ways of reducing negative human impact and enhancing ecosystem services:
a) Environmental management. This direct approach is based largely on information
gained from earth science, environmental science and conservation biology.
However, this is management at the end of a long series of indirect causal factors that are
initiated by human consumption, so a second approach is through demand management of
human resource use.
b) Management of human consumption of resources, an indirect approach based
largely on information gained from economics. Herman Daly has suggested three
broad criteria for ecological sustainability: renewable resources should provide a
sustainable yield (the rate of harvest should not exceed the rate of regeneration); for
non-renewable resources there should be equivalent development of renewable
substitutes; waste generation should not exceed the assimilative capacity of the
environment. [94]
Sustainability 72
Environmental management
At the global scale and in the broadest sense environmental management involves the
oceans, freshwater systems, land and atmosphere, but following the sustainability principle
of scale it can be equally applied to any ecosystem from a tropical rainforest to a home
garden.[95]
Atmosphere, oceans, freshwater, land, forests, cultivated land

Atmosphere
Natural Resource Management
In March 2009 at a meeting of the Copenhagen Climate Council 2,500 climate experts from
80 countries issued a keynote statement that there is now "no excuse" for failing to act on
global warming and that without strong carbon reduction targets "abrupt or irreversible"
shifts in climate may occur that "will be very difficult for contemporary societies to cope
with".[96] [97] Management of the global atmosphere now involves assessment of all aspects
of the carbon cycle to identify opportunities to address human-induced climate change and
this has become a major focus of scientific research because of the potential catastrophic
effects on biodiversity and human communities (see Energy below).
Other human impacts on the atmosphere include the air pollution in cities, the pollutants
including toxic chemicals like nitrogen oxides, sulphur oxides, volatile organic compounds
and particulate matter that produce photochemical smog and acid rain, and the
chlorofluorocarbons that degrade the ozone layer. Anthropogenic particulates such as
sulphate aerosols in the atmosphere reduce the direct irradiance and reflectance (albedo)
of the Earth's surface. Known as global dimming the decrease is estimated to have been
about 4% between 1960 and 1990 although the trend has subsequently reversed. Global
dimming may have disturbed the global water cycle by reducing evaporation and rainfall in
some areas. It also creates a cooling effect and this may have partially masked the effect of
greenhouse gases on global warming.[98]
Oceans
Sustainability 73
Ocean circulation patterns have a strong influence on

climate and weather and, in turn, the food supply of
both humans and other organisms. Scientists have
warned of the possibility, under the influence of climate
change, of a sudden alteration in circulation patterns of
ocean currents that could drastically alter the climate
in some regions of the globe.[99] Major human
environmental impacts occur in the more habitable
regions of the ocean fringes – the estuaries, coastline
Saltwater fish
and bays. Ten per cent of the world's population – about
600 million people – live in low-lying areas vulnerable
to sea level rise. Trends of concern that require management include: over-fishing (beyond
sustainable levels); coral bleaching due to ocean warming and ocean acidification due to
increasing levels of dissolved carbon dioxide;[100] and sea level rise due to climate change.
Because of their vastness oceans also act as a convenient dumping ground for human
waste.[101] Remedial strategies include: more careful waste management, statutory control
of overfishing by adoption of sustainable fishing practices and the use of environmentally
sensitive and sustainable aquaculture and fish farming, reduction of fossil fuel emissions
and restoration of coastal and other marine habitat.[102]
Freshwater
Biodiversity & sustainability
Water covers 71% of the Earth's surface . Of this, 97.5% is the salty water of the oceans
and only 2.5% freshwater, most of which is locked up in the Antarctic ice sheet. The
remaining freshwater is found in lakes, rivers, wetlands, the soil, aquifers and atmosphere.
All life depends on the solar-powered global water cycle, the evaporation from oceans and
land to form water vapour that later condenses from clouds as rain, which then becomes
the renewable part of the freshwater supply.[103] Awareness of the global importance of
preserving water for ecosystem services has only recently emerged as, during the 20th
century, more than half the world’s wetlands have been lost along with their valuable
environmental services. Biodiversity-rich freshwater ecosystems are currently declining
faster than marine or land ecosystems [104] making them the world's most vulnerable
habitats.[50] Increasing urbanization pollutes clean water supplies and much of the world
still does not have access to clean, safe water.[103] In the industrial world demand
management has slowed absolute usage rates but increasingly water is being transported
over vast distances from water-rich natural areas to population-dense urban areas and
Sustainability 74
energy-hungry desalination is becoming more widely used. Greater emphasis is now being
placed on the improved management of blue (harvestable) and green (soil water available
for plant use) water, and this applies at all scales of water management. [104]
Land
Loss of biodiversity stems largely from the habitat loss and fragmentation produced by the
human appropriation of land for development, forestry and agriculture as natural capital is
progressively converted to man-made capital. Land use change is fundamental to the
operations of the biosphere because alterations in the relative proportions of land dedicated
to urbanisation, agriculture, forest, woodland, grassland and pasture have a marked effect
on the global water, carbon and nitrogen biogeochemical cycles and this can impact
negatively on both natural and human systems.[105] At the local human scale major
sustainability benefits accrue from the pursuit of green cities and sustainable parks and
[106] [107]
gardens.
Forests
Since the Neolithic Revolution about 47% of the world’s forests have been lost to human
use. Present-day forests occupy about a quarter of the world’s ice-free land with about half
of these occurring in the tropics[108] In temperate and boreal regions forest area is
gradually increasing (with the exception of Siberia), but deforestation in the tropics is of
major concern.[109]
Forests moderate the local climate and the global water
cycle through their light reflectance (albedo) and
evapotranspiration. They also conserve biodiversity,
protect water quality, preserve soil and soil quality,
provide fuel and pharmaceuticals, and purify the air.
These free ecosystem services have no market value
and so forest conservation has little appeal when
compared with the economic benefits of logging and
clearance which, through soil degradation and organic
decomposition returns carbon dioxide to the
[110]
atmosphere. The United Nations Food and
Beech Forest – Grib Skov, Denmark
Agriculture Organization (FAO) estimates that about
90% of the carbon stored in land vegetation is locked
up in trees and that they sequester about 50% more carbon than is present in the
atmosphere. Changes in land use currently contribute about 20% of total global carbon
emissions (heavily logged Indonesia and Brazil are a major source of emissions).[110]
Climate change can be mitigated by sequestering carbon in reafforestation schemes,
plantations and timber products. Also wood biomass can be utilized as a renewable
carbon-neutral fuel. The FAO has suggested that, over the period 2005–2050, effective use
of tree planting could absorb about 10–20% of man-made emissions – so monitoring the
condition of the world's forests must be part of a global strategy to mitigate emissions and
protect ecosystem services.[111] However, climate change may pre-empt this FAO scenario
as a study by the International Union of Forest Research Organizations in 2009 concluded
that the stress of a 2.5C (4.5F) temperature rise above pre-industrial levels could result in
the release of vast amounts of carbon[112] so the potential of forests to act as carbon "sinks"
is "at risk of being lost entirely".[113]
Sustainability 75
Cultivated land
Feeding more than six billion human bodies takes a heavy toll on
the Earth’s resources. This begins with the appropriation of
about 38% of the Earth’s land surface[114] and about 20% of its
net primary productivity.[115] Added to this are the
resource-hungry activities of industrial agribusiness – everything
from the crop need for irrigation water, synthetic fertilizers and
pesticides to the resource costs of food packaging, transport
(now a major part of global trade) and retail. Food is essential to
Rice paddy
life. But the list of environmental costs of food production is a
long one: topsoil depletion, erosion and conversion to desert
from constant tillage of annual crops; overgrazing; salinization; sodification; waterlogging;
high levels of fossil fuel use; reliance on inorganic fertilisers and synthetic organic
pesticides; reductions in genetic diversity by the mass use of monocultures; water resource
depletion; pollution of waterbodies by run-off and groundwater contamination; social
problems including the decline of family farms and weakening of rural communities.[116]
All of these environmental problems associated with industrial agriculture and agribusiness
are now being addressed through such movements as sustainable agriculture, organic
farming and more sustainable business practices.[117]
Extinctions
Although biodiversity loss can be monitored simply as loss of

species, effective conservation demands the protection of
species within their natural habitats and ecosystems. Following
human migration and population growth, species extinctions
have progressively increased to a rate unprecedented since the
Cretaceous–Tertiary extinction event. Known as the Holocene
extinction event this current human-induced extinction of
species ranks as one of the worlds six mass extinction events.
Some scientific estimates indicate that up to half of presently
existing species may become extinct by 2100.[118] [119] Current The extinct Dodo (Raphus
extinction rates are 100 to 1000 times their prehuman levels cucullatus)
with more than 10% birds and mammals threatened, about 8%

of plants, 5% of fish and more than 20% of freshwater species. [120]
The 2008 IUCN Red List warns that long-term droughts and extreme weather put additional
stress on key habitats and, for example, lists 1,226 bird species as threatened with
extinction, which is one-in-eight of all bird species.[121] [122] The Red List Index also
identifies 44 tree species in Central Asia as under threat of extinction due to
over-exploitation and human development and threatening the region's forests which are
home to more than 300 wild ancestors of modern domesticated fruit and nut cultivars.[123]
Sustainability 76
Biological invasions
In many parts of the industrial world land clearing for

agriculture has diminished and here the greatest threat
to biodiversity, after climate change, has become the
destructive effect of invasive species.[124] Increasingly
efficient global transport has facilitated the spread of
organisms across the planet. The potential danger of
this aspect of globalization is starkly illustrated through
Kudzu (Pueraria lobata) infesting trees the spread of human diseases like HIV AIDS, mad cow
in Atlanta, Georgia disease, bird flu and swine flu, but invasive plants and
animals are also having a devastating impact on native
biodiversity. Non-indigenous organisms can quickly occupy disturbed land and natural
areas where, in the absence of their natural predators, they are able to thrive.[125] At the
global scale this issue is being addressed through the Global Invasive Species Information
Network but there is improved international biosecurity legislation to minimise the
transmission of pathogens and invasive organisms. Also, through CITES legislation there is
control the trade in rare and threatened species. Increasingly at the local level public
awareness programs are alerting communities, gardeners, the nursery industry, collectors,
and the pet and aquarium industries, to the harmful effects of potentially invasive
species.[126]
Management of human consumption

The underlying driver of direct human impacts on the
environment is human consumption. This impact is reduced
by not only consuming less but by also making the full
cycle of production, use and disposal more sustainable.
Consumption of goods and services can be analysed and
managed at all scales through the chain of consumption,
starting with the effects of individual lifestyle choices and
spending patterns, through to the resource demands of
specific goods and services, the impacts of economic Helix of sustainability – the carbon
sectors, through national economies to the global economy. cycle of manufacturing
Analysis of consumption patterns relates resource use to
the environmental, social and economic impacts at the scale or context under investigation.
The ideas of embodied resource use (the total resources needed to produce a product or
service ), resource intensity (the resources needed for each dollar spent on a good or
service), and resource productivity (the amount of good or service produced for a given
input of resource) are important tools for understanding the impacts of consumption with
simple key resource categories indicating human needs being food, energy, materials and
water.
Sustainability 77
Energy, water, food

Energy
The Sun's energy, stored by plants (primary producers)
during photosynthesis, passes through the food chain to
other organisms to ultimately power all living
processes. Since the industrial revolution the
concentrated energy of the Sun stored in fossilized
plants as fossil fuels has been a major driver of
technology which, in turn, has been the source of both
economic and political power. In 2007 climate scientists
of the IPCC concluded that there was at least a 90%
Flow of CO2 in the global ecosystem
probability that atmospheric increase in CO2 was
human-induced, mostly as a result of fossil fuel
emissions but, to a lesser extent from changes in land use. Stabilize the world’s climate will
require high income countries to reduce their emissions by 60-90% over 2006 levels by
2050 which should hold CO2 levels at 450-650 ppm from current levels of about 380 ppm.
Above this level and temperatures could rise by more than 2 °C (36 °F) to produce
“catastrophic” climate change.[127] [128] Reduction of current CO2 levels must be achieved
against a background of global population increase and developing countries aspiring to
energy-intensive high consumption Western lifestyles.[129]
Reducing greenhouse emissions, referred to as decarbonization, is being tackled at all

scales, ranging from tracking the passage of carbon through the carbon cycle [130] to the
exploration of renewable energies, developing less carbon-hungry technology and transport
systems and attempts by individuals to lead carbon neutral lifestyles by monitoring the
fossil fuel use embodied in all the goods and services they use.[131]
Water
Water & sustainability
Water security and food security are inextricably linked. In the decade 1951-60 human
water withdrawals were four times greater than the previous decade. This rapid increase
resulted from scientific and technological developments impacting through the economy -
especially the increase in irrigated land, growth in industrial and power sectors, and
intensive dam construction on all continents. This altered the water cycle of rivers and
lakes, affected their water quality and had a significant impact on the global water
cycle.[132] Currently towards 35% of human water use is unsustainable, drawing on
diminishing aquifers and reducing the flows of major rivers: this percentage is likely to
increase if climate change worsens, populations increase, aquifers become progressively
depleted and supplies become polluted and unsanitary.[133] From 1961 to 2001 water
Sustainability 78
demand doubled - agricultural use increased by 75%, industrial use by more than 200%,
and domestic use more than 400%.[134] Humans currently use 40-50% of the globally
available freshwater in the approximate proportion of 70% for agriculture, 22% for
industry, and 8% for domestic purposes and the total volume is progressively
[132]
increasing.
Water efficiency is being improved on a global scale by increased demand management,
improved infrastructure, improved water productivity of agriculture, minimising the water
intensity (embodied water) of goods and services, addressing shortages in the
non-industrialised world, concentrating food production in areas of high productivity; and
planning for climate change. At the local level people are becoming more
water-self-sufficient by harvesting rainwater and reducing use of mains water. [104] [135]
Food
Food & sustainability
The American Public Health Association (APHA) defines a "sustainable food system"[136]
[137]
as "one that provides healthy food to meet current food needs while maintaining
healthy ecosystems that can also provide food for generations to come with minimal
negative impact to the environment. A sustainable food system also encourages local
production and distribution infrastructures and makes nutritious food available, accessible,
and affordable to all. Further, it is humane and just, protecting farmers and other workers,
consumers, and communities."[138] Concerns about the environmental impacts of
agribusiness and the stark contrast between the obesity problems of the Western world and
the poverty and food insecurity of the developing world have generated a strong movement
towards healthy, sustainable eating as a major component of overall ethical
consumerism.[139] The environmental effects of different dietary patterns depend on many
factors, including the proportion of animal and plant foods consumed and the method of
food production.[140] [141] [142] [143] The World Health Organization has published a Global
Strategy on Diet, Physical Activity and Health which was endorsed by the May 2004 World
Health Assembly. It recommends the Mediterranean diet which is associated with health
and longevity and is low in meat, rich in fruits and vegetables, low in added sugar and
limited salt, and low in saturated fatty acids; the traditional source of fat in the
Mediterranean is olive oil, rich in monounsaturated fat. The healthy rice-based Japanese
diet is also high in carbohydrates and low in fat. Both diets are low in meat and saturated
fats and high in legumes and other vegetables; they are associated with a low incidence of
Sustainability 79
ailments and low environmental impact.[144]

At the global level the environmental impact of agribusiness is being addressed through
sustainable agriculture and organic farming. At the local level there are various movements
working towards local food production, more productive use of urban wastelands and
domestic gardens including permaculture, urban horticulture, local food, slow food, and
organic gardening.[145] [146]
Materials, toxic substances, waste

As global population and affluence increases, so does the use of materials which has
increased in volume, diversity and distance transported. Included here are raw materials,
minerals, synthetic chemicals (including hazardous substances), manufactured products,
food, living organisms and waste.[147]
Dematerialization and sustainability
Materials
Sustainable use of materials has targeted the idea of dematerialization, converting the
linear path of materials (extraction, use, disposal in landfill) to a circular material flow that
reuses materials as much as possible, much like the cycling and reuse of waste in
nature.[148] This approach is supported by product stewardship and the increasing use of
material flow analysis at all levels, especially individual countries and the global
economy.[149]
Toxic substances
Synthetic chemical production has escalated following the stimulus it received during the
second World War. Chemical production includes everything from herbicides, pesticides
and fertilizers to domestic chemicals and hazardous substances.[150] Apart from the
build-up of greenhouse gas emissions in the atmosphere, chemicals of particular concern
include: heavy metals, nuclear waste, chlorofluorocarbons, persistent organic pollutants
and all harmful chemicals capable of bioaccumulation. Although most synthetic chemicals
are harmless there there needs to be rigorous testing of new chemicals, in all countries, for
adverse environmental and health effects. International legislation has been established to
deal with the global distribution and management of dangerous goods.[151] [152]
Sustainability 80
Waste
Every economic activity produces material that can
be classified as waste. The average human uses
45-85 tonnes of materials each year.[147] To reduce
waste industry, business and government are now
mimicing nature by turning the waste produced by
industrial metabolism into resource.
Dematerialization is being encouraged through the The waste hierarchy
[153]
ideas of industrial ecology, ecodesign and
ecolabelling (see side bar). In addition to the well-established “reduce, reuse and recycle”
shoppers are using their purchasing power for ethical consumerism.[154]
Economic dimension
Sustainability interfaces with
economics through the social and
ecological consequences of
economic activity.[155]
Sustainability economics
represents: "... a broad
interpretation of ecological
economics where environmental
and ecological variables and issues
are basic but part of a
multidimensional perspective.
Social, cultural, health-related and
The Great Fish Market, painted by Jan Brueghel the Elder monetary/financial aspects have to
be integrated into the
[156]
analysis." At present the average per capita consumption of people in the developing
world is sustainable but population numbers are increasing and individuals are aspiring to
high consumption Western lifestyles. The developed world population is only increasing
slightly but consumption levels are unsustainable. The challenge for sustainability is to curb
and manage Western consumption while raising the standard of living of the developing
world without increasing its resource use and environmental impact. This must be done by
using strategies and technology that break the link between, on the one hand, economic
growth and on the other, environmental damage and resource depletion.[157]
In addressing this issue several key areas have been targeted for economic analysis and
reform: the environmental effects of unconstrained economic growth; the consequences of
nature being treated as an economic externality; and the possibility of a more ethical
economics that takes greater account of the social and environmental consequences of
market behaviour.[158]
Sustainability 81
Decoupling environmental degradation and economic growth

In the second half of the 20th century world population doubled,
food production tripled, energy use quadrupled, and overall
economic activity quintupled.[159] Historically there has been a
close correlation between economic growth and environmental
degradation: as communities grow, so the environment declines.
This trend is clearly demonstrated on graphs of human population
numbers, economic growth, and environmental indicators.[160]
Unsustainable economic growth has been starkly compared to the
International Recycle
malignant growth of a cancer[161] because it eats away at the
Symbol
Earth's ecosystem services which are its life-support system.
There is concern that, unless resource use is checked, modern
global civilization will follow the path of ancient civilizations that collapsed through
overexploitation of their resource base.[162] [163] While conventional economics is
concerned largely with economic growth and the efficient allocation of resources,
ecological economics has the explicit goal of sustainable scale (rather than continual
growth), fair distribution and efficient allocation, in that order.[164] [165] The World Business
Council for Sustainable Development states that "business cannot succeed in societies that
fail".[166] Sustainability studies analyse ways to reduce (decouple) the amount of resource
(e.g. water, energy, or materials) needed for the production, consumption and disposal of a
unit of good or service whether this be achieved from improved economic management,
product design, new technology etc.[167] Ecological economics includes the study of societal
metabolism, the throughput of resources that enter and exit the economic system in
relation to environmental quality.[168] [169]
Nature as an economic externality
Economics & sustainability
The economic importance of nature is indicated by the use of the expression ecosystem
services to highlight the market relevance of an increasingly scarce natural world that can
no longer be regarded as both unlimited and free.[170] In general as a commodity or service
becomes more scarce the price increases and this acts as a restraint that encourages
frugality, technical innovation and alternative products. However, this only applies when
the product or service falls within the market system.[171] As ecosystem services are
generally treated as economic externalities they are unpriced and therefore overused and
degraded, a situation sometimes referred to as the Tragedy of the Commons.[170]
Part of the business of protecting the biological world has been the "internalisation" of
these "externalities" using market strategies like ecotaxes and incentives, tradeable permits
for carbon, water and nitrogen use etc., and an increasing willingness to accept payment
for ecosystem services. Green economics encourages alternatives to free market capitalism
Sustainability 82
by supporting a gift economy, local currencies, Local Exchange Trading Systems and other
methods (see side bar).[172]
Economic opportunity
Treating the environment as an externality may generate short-term profit at the expense of
sustainability.[173] Sustainable business practices, on the other hand, integrate ecological
concerns with social and economic ones (i.e., the triple bottom line).[174] Growth that
depletes ecosystem services is sometimes termed "uneconomic growth" as it leads to a
decline in quality of life.[175] [176] Minimising such growth can provide opportunities for
local businesses. For example, industrial waste can be treated as an "economic resource in
the wrong place". The benefits of waste reduction include savings from disposal costs,
fewer environmental penalties, and reduced liability insurance. This may lead to increased
market share due to an improved public image.[177] Energy efficiency can also increase
profits by reducing costs.
The idea of sustainability as a business opportunity has led to the formation of
organizations such as the Sustainability Consortium of the Society for Organizational
Learning, the Sustainable Business Institute, and the World Council for Sustainable
Development.[178] The expansion of sustainable business opportunities can contribute to job
creation through the introduction of green-collar workers.[179]
Social dimension
Society & sustainability
Sustainability issues are generally expressed in scientific and environmental terms, but
implementing change is a social challenge that entails, among other things, international
and national law, urban planning and transport, local and individual lifestyles and ethical
consumerism.[180] "The relationship between human rights and human development,
corporate power and environmental justice, global poverty and citizen action, suggest that
responsible global citizenship is an inescapable element of what may at first glance seem to
be simply matters of personal consumer and moral choice."[181]
Peace, security, social justice

Social disruptions like war, crime and corruption divert resources from areas of greatest
human need, they damage the capacity of societies to plan for the future and generally
threaten human well-being and the environment.[181] Broad-based strategies for more
sustainable social systems include: improved education and the political empowerment of
women, especially in developing countries; greater regard for social justice notably equity
between rich and poor both within and between countries; and intergenerational
Sustainability 83
equity.[182] Depletion of natural resources including fresh water[183] increases the

likelihood of “resource wars”.[184] This aspect of sustainability has been referred to as
environmental security and creates a clear need for global environmental agreements to
manage resources such as aquifers and rivers which span political boundaries, and to
[185]
protect global systems including oceans and the atmosphere.
Human settlements
Local sustainability
One approach to sustainable living, exemplified by small-scale urban transition towns and
rural ecovillages, seeks to create self-reliant communities based on principles of → simple
living, which maximise self-sufficiency particularly in food production. These principles, on
a broader scale, underpin the concept of a bioregional economy.[186] Other approaches,
loosely based around new urbanism, are successfully reducing environmental impacts by
altering the built environment to create and preserve sustainable cities which support
sustainable transport. Residents in compact urban neighbourhoods drive fewer miles, and
have significantly lower environmental impacts across a range of measures, compared with
those living in sprawling suburbs.[187]
Ultimately, the degree of human progress towards sustainability will depend on large scale
social movements which influence both community choices and the built environment.
Eco-municipalities may be one such movement.[188] Eco-municipalities take a systems
approach, based on sustainability principles. The eco-municipality movement is
participatory, involving community members in a bottom-up approach. In Sweden, more
than 70 cities and towns — 25 per cent of all municipalities in the country — have adopted
a common set of "Sustainability Principles" and implemented these systematically
throughout their municipal operations. There are now twelve eco-municipalities in the
United States and the American Planning Association has adopted sustainability objectives
based on the same principles.[189]
Human relationship to nature
Sustainability principles
1. Reduce dependence upon fossil fuels,
underground metals, and minerals.
2. Reduce dependence upon synthetic chemicals
and other unnatural substances.
3. Reduce encroachment upon nature.
[189]
4. Meet human needs fairly & efficiently.
Sustainability 84
According to Murray Bookchin, the idea that humans must dominate nature is common in
hierarchical societies. Bookchin contends that capitalism and market relationships, if
unchecked, have the capacity to reduce the planet to a mere resource to be exploited.
Nature is thus treated as a commodity: “The plundering of the human spirit by the market
place is paralleled by the plundering of the earth by capital.” [190] Still more basically,
Bookchin [191] argued that most of the activities - work - that consume energy and destroy
the environment is senseless because it contributes little to quality of life and well being.
It's function is quite other. It is to legitimse, even constitute, hierarchy. Thus understanding
the apparently unstoppable transformation of organic into hierarchical societies is crucial
to finding a way forward. Social ecology, founded by Bookchin, is based on the conviction
that nearly all of humanity's present ecological problems originate in, indeed are mere
symptoms of, dysfunctional social arrangements. Whereas most authors proceed as if our
ecological problems can be fixed by implementing recommendations which stem from
physical, biological, economic etc studies, Bookchin's claim is that these problems can only
be resolved by understanding the underlying social processes and intervening in those
processes by applying the concepts and methods of the social sciences.[192]
→ Deep ecology establishes principles for the well-being of all life on Earth and the richness
and diversity of life forms. This is only compatible with a substantial decrease of the human
population and the end of human interference with the nonhuman world. To achieve this,
deep ecologists advocate policies for basic economic, technological, and ideological
structures that will improve the quality of life rather than the standard of living . Those who
subscribe to these principles are obliged to make the necessary change happen.[193]
Transition
The earth has a finite capacity to provide resources and to
absorb waste, and human demands already exceed that
capacity.[194] Current lifestyles in the developed world, to which
many people in the developing world also aspire, rely on
depleting natural capital and are unsustainable.[195] The United
Nations have stated, in the Millennium Declaration, that
"current unsustainable patterns of production and consumption
must be changed".[196] Yet weight of information and scientific
evidence is often insufficient to produce necessary social
change, especially if that change entails moving people out of
their comfort zones.[197]
There is a wealth of advice available to individuals wishing to

reduce their personal impact on the environment through small,
Old and new approaches to cheap and easily achievable steps.[198] [199] But the transition
human use of the required to reduce global human consumption to within
atmosphere
sustainable limits involves much larger changes, at all levels and
contexts of society.[200] The United Nations have recognised the
central role of education, and have declared a decade of education for sustainable
development, 2005-2014, which aims to "challenge us all to adopt new behaviours and
practices to secure our future".[201] The Worldwide Fund for Nature proposes a strategy for
Sustainability 85
sust.ainability that goes beyond education to tackle underlying individualistic and

materialistic societal values head-on and strengthen people's connections with the natural
world.[202]
The level of change required to safeguard the life-supporting capacity of the Earth sets new
challenges for community and political structures.[203] Al Gore states that "We have
everything we need, save perhaps, political will. But, you know what, political will is a
renewable resource.” [204] Political views appear to be changing, however. China initiated a
National Climate Change Program in 2007, with a focus on raising the proportion of
renewable energy and setting targets for reducing energy consumption per unit GDP.[205]
On assuming office as prime minister of Australia in December 2007, Kevin Rudd
immediately signed documents to ratify the Kyoto Protocol.[206] Since his election in 2008,
U.S. President Barack Obama has initiated a science and technology-based approach to
moving the U.S. towards sustainability.[207] During his election campaign, Obama had
promised: "Generations from now, we will be able to look back and tell our children that...
this was the moment when the rise of the oceans began to slow and our planet began to
heal".[208]
See also
• Agroecology
• Applied Sustainability
• Conservation biology
• Conservation ethic
• Conservation movement
• Conservation reliant species
• centre for Appropriate Rural Technology
• Energy and Environment
• Energetics
• Environmental movement
• Environmental protection
• Ecology movement
• Habitat conservation
• List of sustainability principles
• Natural resource
• Social sustainability
• Timeline of environmental events
• Water conservation
• World Forestry Congress
• Zero carbon city
Sustainability 86
Further reading
Books
• Atkinson, G., Dietz, S. & Neumayer, E. (2007). Handbook of Sustainable Development.
Cheltenham: Edward Elgar. ISBN 9781843765776.
• Benyus, J. (1997). Biomimicry: Innovations Inspired by Nature. New York: William
Morrow. ISBN 0060533226.
• Blackburn, W.R. (2007). The Sustainability Handbook. London: Earthscan. ISBN
9781844074952.
• Bookchin, M. (2005). The Ecology of Freedom: the Emergence and Dissolution of
Hierarchy. Oakland, CA.: AK Press. ISBN 9781904859260.
• Brundtland, G.H. (ed.), (1987). Our Common Future: The World Commission on
Environment and Development, Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 019282080X.
• Costanza, R., Graumlich, L.J. & Steffen, W. (eds), (2007). Sustainability or Collapse? An
Integrated History and Future of People on Earth. Cambridge, MA.: MIT Press. ISBN
9780262033664.
• Cothran, H. (ed.). (2003). Global Resources: Opposing Viewpoints. New York:
Greenhaven Press. ISBN 1565106733.
• Daly, H. (1996). Beyond Growth: The Economics of Sustainable Development. Boston:
Beacon Press. ISBN 0807047090
• Daly, H. & Cobb, J. (1989). For the Common Good: Redirecting the Economy Toward
Community, the Environment, and a Sustainable Future. Boston: Beacon Press. ISBN
0807047058 Review [209] Retrieved on: 2009-03-12.
• Dodds, W.K. (2008). Humanity’s Footprint: Momentum, Impact, and our Global
Environment. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 9780231139670 .
• Hargroves, K. & Smith, M. (eds.) (2005). The Natural Advantage of Nations: Business
Opportunities, Innovation and Governance in the 21st Century. London:
Earthscan/James&James. ISBN 1844071219. (See the book's online companion here
[210]) Retrieved on: 2009-03-12.
• McDonough, W. & Braungart, M. (2002). Cradle to Cradle. New York: North Point Press.
ISBN 0865475873.
• Norton, B. (2005). Sustainability, A Philosophy of Adaptive Ecosystem Management.
Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. ISBN 9780226595214.
• Richardson, B.J. & Wood, S. (eds) (2006). Environmental Law for Sustainability: a
Reader. Oxford: Hart Publishing. ISBN 9781841135441.
• Robèrt, K-H. (2002). The Natural Step Story: Seeding a Quiet Revolution. Gabriola Island,
BC.: New Society Publishers. ISBN 9780865714533.
• Speth, J.G. (2008). The Bridge at the edge of the World: Capitalism, the Environment, and
Crossing from Crisis to Sustainability. Devon, PA.: Yale University Press. ISBN
9780300151152.
• Steffen, A. (2006). Worldchanging: A User's Guide to the 21st Century. New York:
Abrams. ISBN 9780810930957.
Sustainability 87
Articles and reports

• Adams, W. M. and Jeanrenaud, S. J. (2008). Transition to Sustainability: Towards a
Humane and Diverse World. [211] Gland, Switzerland: IUCN. 108 pp. ISBN
9782831710723. Retrieved on: 2009-07-06.
• Bartlett, A. (1998). Reflections on Sustainability, Population Growth, and the
Environment—Revisited [212] revised version (January 1998) paper first published in
Population & Environment 16(1): 5–35. Retrieved on: 2009-03-12.
• Marks, N., Simms, A., Thompson, S., and Abdallah, S. (2006). The (Un)happy Planet
Index. London: New Economics Foundation.
• Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (2005). World Resources Institute, Washington, DC.
Full set of reports available here [213].
• Raskin, P., Banuri, T., Gallopin, G., Gutman, P., Hammond, A., Kates, R., and Swart, R.
(2002). "Great Transition: The Promise and Lure of the Times Ahead" [214]. Boston: Tellus
Institute. Retrieved on: 2009-03-12.
• Rolando, L. (2008). "Children and Youth in Sustainable Development" [215]. HUGS
Movement, New York. Retrieved on: 2009-03-12.
External links
• Sustainability [216] at the Open Directory Project
• Elements of sustainability [217] at Microdocs.
• Breaking news in sustainability [218] at Microdocs
• Roadmap for a Sustainable Earth [219] on-line book by Hiroshi Komiyama and Steven
Kraines
• Learning for sustainability [220]
• International Federation of Accountants Sustainability Framework [221]
• Sustainable Food Guidelines [222] published by Sustain: The alliance for better food and
farming (UK)
• Going Green: Sustainable Living Resource Guide [223] by Middletown Thrall Library
• Compilation of Fact Sheets Published by the University of Michigan's Center for
Sustainable Systems [224]
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[211] http:/ / cmsdata. iucn. org/ downloads/ transition_to_sustainability__en__pdf_1. pdf
[212] http:/ / www. hubbertpeak. com/ bartlett/ reflections. htm
[213] http:/ / www. millenniumassessment. org/ en/ index. aspx
[214] http:/ / www. gtinitiative. org/ documents/ Great_Transitions. pdf
[215] http:/ / www. hugsmovement. org/ index. php?news=681
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[218] http:/ / www. stanford. edu/ group/ microdocs/
[219] http:/ / www. springerlink. com/ content/ n1x671/ ?p=f493b0b03f4d4cc39facd89eecfea21e& pi=1
[220] http:/ / learningforsustainability. net/
[221] http:/ / web. ifac. org/ sustainability-framework/ splash
[222] http:/ / www. sustainweb. org/ sustainablefood/
[223] http:/ / www. thrall. org/ special/ goinggreen. html
[224] http:/ / www. css. snre. umich. edu/ facts/ factsheets. html
Peak oil 96
Peak oil
→ Peak oil
Mitigation of peak oil
Predicting the timing of peak oil
Hubbert peak theory
Related articles
Peak oil is the point in time when

the maximum rate of global
petroleum extraction is reached,
after which the rate of production
enters terminal decline. The
concept is based on the observed
production rates of individual oil
wells, and the combined
production rate of a field of related
oil wells. The aggregate
production rate from an oil field
over time usually grows
exponentially until the rate peaks
A bell-shaped production curve, as originally suggested by M.
and then declines—sometimes King Hubbert in 1956.
rapidly—until the field is depleted.
This concept is derived from the
Hubbert curve, and has been
shown to be applicable to the sum
of a nation’s domestic production
rate, and is similarly applied to the
global rate of petroleum
production. Peak oil is often
confused with oil depletion; peak
oil is the point of maximum
production while depletion refers
Peak oil depletion scenarios graph
to a period of falling reserves and
which depicts cumulative published
supply. depletion studies by ASPO and other
depletion analysts.
M. King Hubbert created and first
used the models behind peak oil in 1956 to accurately predict that United States oil
production would peak between 1965 and 1970.[1] His logistic model, now called Hubbert
peak theory, and its variants have described with reasonable accuracy the peak and decline
of production from oil wells, fields, regions, and countries,[2] and has also proved useful in
other limited-resource production-domains. According to the Hubbert model, the
production rate of a limited resource will follow a roughly symmetrical bell-shaped curve
based on the limits of exploitability and market pressures. Various modified versions of his
Peak oil 97
original logistic model are used, using more complex functions to allow for real world
factors. While each version is applied to a specific domain, the central features of the
Hubbert curve (that production stops rising and then declines) remain unchanged, albeit
with different profiles.
Some observers, such as petroleum industry experts Kenneth S. Deffeyes and Matthew
Simmons, believe the high dependence of most modern industrial transport, agricultural
and industrial systems on the relative low cost and high availability of oil will cause the
post-peak production decline and possible severe increases in the price of oil to have
negative implications for the global economy. Predictions vary greatly as to what exactly
these negative effects would be. If political and economic changes only occur in reaction to
high prices and shortages rather than in reaction to the threat of a peak, then the degree of
economic damage to importing countries will largely depend on how rapidly oil imports
decline post-peak. According to the Export Land Model, oil exports drop much more quickly
than production drops due to domestic consumption increases in exporting countries.
Supply shortfalls would cause extreme price inflation, unless demand is mitigated with
planned conservation measures and use of alternatives.[3]
Optimistic estimations of peak production forecast the global decline will begin by 2020 or
later, and assume major investments in alternatives will occur before a crisis, without
requiring major changes in the lifestyle of heavily oil-consuming nations. These models
show the price of oil at first escalating and then retreating as other types of fuel and energy
sources are used.[4]
Pessimistic predictions of future oil production operate on the thesis that either the peak
has already occurred,[5] [6] [7] we are on the cusp of the peak, or that it will occur shortly[8]
and, as proactive mitigation may no longer be an option, predict a global depression,
perhaps even initiating a chain reaction of the various feedback mechanisms in the global
market which might stimulate a collapse of global industrial civilization, potentially leading
to large population declines within a short period. Throughout the first two quarters of
2008, there were signs that a global recession was being made worse by a series of record
oil prices.[9]
Demand for oil

The demand side of peak oil is concerned with the
consumption over time, and the growth of this demand.
World crude oil demand grew an average of 1.76% per
year from 1994 to 2006, with a high of 3.4% in
2003-2004. World demand for oil is projected to
increase 37% over 2006 levels by 2030 (118 million
barrels per day (18.8×106 m3/d) from 86 million barrels
(13.7×106 m3)), due in large part to increases in
Petroleum: top consuming nations,
demand from the transportation sector.[10] [11]
1960-2006
Energy demand is distributed amongst four broad

sectors: transportation, residential, commercial, and industrial.[12] [13] In terms of oil use,
transportation is the largest sector and the one that has seen the largest
Peak oil 98
growth in demand in recent decades. This growth has

largely come from new demand for personal-use
vehicles powered by internal combustion engines.[14]
This sector also has the highest consumption rates,
accounting for approximately 68.9% of the oil used in
the United States in 2006,[15] and 55% of oil use
worldwide as documented in the Hirsch report.
Transportation is therefore of particular interest to
those seeking to mitigate the effects of peak oil.
The world increased its daily oil
consumption from 63 million barrels in
1980 to 85 million barrels in 2006
Although demand growth is highest in the

[16]
developing world, the United States is the
world's largest consumer of petroleum. Between
1995 and 2005, US consumption grew from 17.7
million barrels a day to 20.7 million barrels a day, a
3 million barrel a day increase. China, by
comparison, increased consumption from 3.4 million
barrels a day to 7 million barrels a day, an increase
of 3.6 million barrels a day, in the same time
frame.[17]
As countries develop, industry, rapid urbanization

and higher living standards drive up energy use,
United States oil production peaked in most often of oil. Thriving economies such as China
1970. By 2005 imports were twice the and India are quickly becoming large oil
production.
consumers.[18] China has seen oil consumption grow
by 8% yearly since 2002, doubling from
[16]
1996-2006, In 2008, auto sales in China were expected to grow by as much as 15-20%,
resulting in part from economic growth rates of over 10% for 5 years in a row.[19] Although
swift continued growth in China is often predicted, others predict that China's export
dominated economy will not continue such growth trends due to wage and price inflation
and reduced demand from the United States.[20] India's oil imports are expected to more
than triple from 2005 levels by 2020, rising to 5 million barrels per day (790×103 m3/d).[21]
The International Energy Agency estimated in January 2009 that oil demand fell in 2008 by
0.3%, and that it would fall by 0.6% in 2009. Oil consumption had not fallen for two years in
a row since 1982-1983.[22]
The EIA estimated that the United States' demand for petroleum-based transportation fuels
fell 7.1% in 2008, which is "the steepest one-year decline since at least 1950." The agency
stated that gasoline usage in the United States may have peaked in 2007, in part due to
increasing interest in and mandates for use of biofuels and energy efficiency.[23]
Peak oil 99
Population
Another significant factor on petroleum demand has
been human population growth. Oil production per
capita peaked in the 1970s.[24] The United States
Census Bureau predicts that the world’s population in
2030 will be almost double that of 1980.[25] Author Matt
Savinar predicts that oil production in 2030 will have
declined back to 1980 levels as worldwide demand for
oil significantly out-paces production.[26] [27] Physicist World population
Albert Bartlett claims that the rate of oil production per

capita is falling, and that the decline has gone undiscussed because a politically incorrect
form of population control may be implied by mitigation.[28] Oil production per capita has
declined from 5.26 barrels per year (0.836 m³/a) in 1980 to 4.44 barrels per year
(0.706 m³/a) in 1993,[25] [29] but then increased to 4.79 barrels per year (0.762 m³/a) in
2005.[25] [29] In 2006, the world oil production took a downturn from 84.631 to 84.597
million barrels per day (13.4553×106 to 13.4498×106 m3/d) although population has
continued to increase. This has caused the oil production per capita to drop again to
4.73 barrels per year (0.752 m³/a).[25] [29]
One factor that has so far helped ameliorate the effect of population growth on demand is
the decline of population growth rate since the 1970s, although this is offset to a degree by
increasing average longevity in developed nations. In 1970, the population grew at 2.1%.
By 2007, the growth rate had declined to 1.167%.[30] However, oil production is still
outpacing population growth to meet demand. World population grew by 6.2% from 6.07
billion in 2000 to 6.45 billion in 2005,[25] whereas according to BP, global oil production
during that same period increased from 74.9 to 81.1 million barrels (11.91×106 to
12.89×106 m3), or by 8.2%.[31] or according to EIA, from 77.762 to 84.631 million barrels
(12.3632×106 to 13.4553×106 m3), or by 8.8%.[29]
Agricultural effects and population limits

Because supplies of oil and gas are essential to modern agriculture techniques, a fall in
global oil supplies could cause spiking food prices and unprecedented famine in the coming
decades.[32] [33] Geologist Dale Allen Pfeiffer contends that current population levels are
unsustainable, and that to achieve a sustainable economy and avert disaster the United
States population would have to be reduced by at least one-third, and world population by
two-thirds.[34] The largest consumer of fossil fuels in modern agriculture is ammonia
production (for fertilizer) via the Haber process, which is essential to high-yielding
intensive agriculture. The specific fossil fuel input to fertilizer production is primarily
natural gas, to provide hydrogen via steam reforming. Given sufficient supplies of
renewable electricity, hydrogen can be generated without fossil fuels using methods such
as electrolysis. For example, the Vemork hydroelectric plant in Norway used its surplus
electricity output to generate renewable ammonia from 1911 to 1971.[35] Iceland currently
generates ammonia using the electrical output from its hydroelectric and geothermal power
plants, because Iceland has those resources in abundance while having no domestic
hydrocarbon resources, and a high cost for importing natural gas.[36] However, in the near
term, almost every large-scale source of renewable energy still requires petroleum inputs,
such as to fuel construction equipment and to transport workers and materials. Iceland, for
Peak oil 100
example, has abundant renewable energy resources, but still depends critically on liquid
fuels from petroleum, all of which it must import. If the supply of petroleum should fall
faster than people can learn how to build renewable energy infrastructure using only
renewable inputs, it may not be possible to maintain the intensive agriculture necessary to
support the high global population.
Petroleum Supply
Discoveries
“ All the easy oil and gas in the world has pretty much been found. Now comes the harder ”
work in finding and producing oil from more challenging environments and work areas.
[37]
— William J. Cummings, Exxon-Mobil company spokesman, December 2005
To pump oil, it first needs to be discovered. The peak of world oilfield discoveries occurred
in 1965[38] at around 55 billion barrels(Gb)/year.[39] According to the ASPO, the rate of
discovery has been falling steadily since. Less than 10 Gb/yr of oil were discovered each
year between 2002-2007.[40]
Reserves
Conventional crude oil reserves
include all crude oil that is
technically possible to produce
from reservoirs through a well
bore, using primary, secondary,
improved, enhanced, or tertiary
methods. This does not include
liquids extracted from mined solids
or gasses (oil sands, oil shales,
gas-to-liquid processes, or
coal-to-liquid processes).[41]
Oil reserves are classified as

proven, probable and possible.
2004 U.S. government predictions for oil production other than
Proven reserves are generally in OPEC and the former Soviet Union
intended to have at least 90% or
95% certainty of containing the amount specified. Probable Reserves have an intended
probability of 50%, and the Possible Reserves an intended probability of 5% or 10%.[42]
Current technology is capable of extracting about 40% of the oil from most wells. Some
speculate that future technology will make further extraction possible,[43] but to some, this
future technology is already considered in Proven and Probable reserve numbers.
In many major producing countries, the majority of reserves claims have not been subject
to outside audit or examination. Most of the easy-to-extract oil has been found.[37] Recent
price increases have led to oil exploration in areas where extraction is much more
expensive, such as in extremely deep wells, extreme downhole temperatures, and
environmentally sensitive areas or where high technology will be required to extract the oil.
A lower rate of discoveries per explorations has led to a shortage of drilling rigs, increases
Peak oil 101
in steel prices, and overall increases in costs due to complexity.[44] [45]
Peak reserves
Reserves in effect peaked in 1980, when production first surpassed new discoveries, though
[6]
creative methods of recalculating reserves has made this difficult to establish exactly.
Concerns over stated reserves
“ World reserves are confused and in fact inflated. Many of the so-called reserves are in fact ”
resources. They’re not delineated, they’re not accessible, they’re not available for production
— Sadad I. Al Husseini, former VP of Aramco, presentation to the Oil and Money conference,
[7]
October 2007.
Al-Husseini's estimated that 300 billion () of the world’s 1200 billion barrels (190×109 m3)
of proved reserves should be recategorized as speculative resources.[7]
One difficulty in forecasting the date of peak oil is the
opacity surrounding the oil reserves classified as
'proven'. Many worrying signs concerning the depletion
of 'proven reserves' have emerged in recent years.[46]
[47]
This was best exemplified by the 2004 scandal
surrounding the 'evaporation' of 20% of Shell's
reserves.[48]
For the most part, 'proven reserves' are stated by the

oil companies, the producer states and the consumer Graph of OPEC reported reserves
showing refutable jumps in stated
states. All three have reasons to overstate their proven
reserves without associated
reserves: discoveries, as well as the lack of
• Oil companies may look to increase their potential depletion despite yearly production.
worth.
• Producer countries are bestowed a stronger international stature
• Governments of consumer countries may seek a means to foster sentiments of security
and stability within their economies and among consumers.
The Energy Watch Group (EWG) 2007 report shows total world Proved (P95) plus Probable
(P50) reserves to be between 854 and 1,255 Gb (30 to 40 years of supply if demand growth
were to stop immediately). Major discrepancies arise from accuracy issues with OPEC's
self-reported numbers. Besides the possibility that these nations have overstated their
reserves for political reasons (during periods of no substantial discoveries), over 70 nations
also follow a practice of not reducing their reserves to account for yearly production. 1,255
Gb is therefore a best-case scenario.[6] Analysts have suggested that OPEC member nations
have economic incentives to exaggerate their reserves, as the OPEC quota system allows
greater output for countries with greater reserves.[43]
Kuwait, for example, was reported by a January 2006 issue of Petroleum Intelligence
Weekly to have only 48 Gb in reserve, of which only 24 were "fully proven." This report was
based on "leaks of confidential documents" from Kuwait, and has not been formally denied
by the Kuwaiti authorities. This leaked document dates back from 2001[49] so the figure
includes oil that have been produced since 2001, roughly 5-6 billion barrels,[17] but
excludes revisions or discoveries made since then. Additionally, the reported 1.5 Gb of oil
burned off by Iraqi soldiers in the first Gulf War[50] are conspicuously missing from Kuwait's
Peak oil 102
figures.
On the other hand investigative journalist Greg Palast argued in 2006 that oil companies
have an interest in making oil look more rare than it is, to justify higher prices.[51] Other
analysts in 2003 argued that oil producing countries understated the extent of their
reserves to drive up the price.[52]
Unconventional sources
Unconventional sources, such as

heavy crude oil, oil sands, and oil
shale are not counted as part of oil
reserves. However, oil companies
can book them as proven reserves
after opening a strip mine or
thermal facility for extraction. Oil
industry sources such as Rigzone
have stated that these
unconventional sources are not as
efficient to produce, however,
requiring extra energy to refine,
resulting in higher production
costs and up to three times more
greenhouse gas emissions per Syncrude's Mildred Lake mine site and plant near Fort
[53] McMurray, Alberta
barrel (or barrel equivalent).
While the energy used, resources
needed, and environmental effects of extracting unconventional sources has traditionally
been prohibitively high, the three major unconventional oil sources being considered for
large scale production are the extra heavy oil in the Orinoco Belt of Venezuela,[54] the
Athabasca Oil Sands in the Western Canadian Sedimentary Basin,[55] and the oil shales of
the Green River Formation in Colorado, Utah and Wyoming in the United States.[56] [57]
Chuck Masters of the USGS estimates that, "Taken together, these resource occurrences, in
the Western Hemisphere, are approximately equal to the Identified Reserves of
conventional crude oil accredited to the Middle East."[58] Authorities familiar with the
resources believe that the world's ultimate reserves of unconventional oil are several times
as large as those of conventional oil and will be highly profitable for companies as a result
of higher prices in the 21st century.[59]
Peak oil 103
Despite the large quantities of oil available

in non-conventional sources, Matthew
Simmons argues that limitations on
production prevent them from becoming an
effective substitute for conventional crude
oil. Simmons states that "these are high
energy intensity projects that can never
reach high volumes" to offset significant
losses from other sources.[61] Another study
claims that even under highly optimistic
assumptions, "Canada's oil sands will not
prevent peak oil," although production
could reach 5 million bbl/day by 2030 in a
Unconventional resources are much larger than
"crash program" development effort.[62] conventional ones.
[60]
Moreover, oil extracted from these sources

typically contains contaminants such as sulfur, heavy metals and carbon that are
energy-intensive to extract and leave highly toxic tailings.[63] The same applies to much of
the Middle East's undeveloped conventional oil reserves, much of which is heavy, viscous
and contaminated with sulfur and metals to the point of being unusable.[64] However,
recent high oil prices make these sources more financially appealing.[43] A study by Wood
Mackenzie suggests that within 15 years all the world’s extra oil supply will likely come
from unconventional sources.[65]
A 2003 article in Discover magazine claimed that thermal depolymerization could be used
to manufacture oil indefinitely, out of garbage, sewage, and agricultural waste. The article
claimed that the cost of the process was $15 per barrel.[66] A follow-up article in 2006
stated that the cost was actually $80 per barrel because the feedstock which had previously
been considered as hazardous waste now had market value.[67]
Production
The point in time when peak global oil production
occurs is the measure which defines peak oil. This is
because production capacity is the main limitation of
supply. Therefore, when production decreases, it
becomes the main bottleneck to the petroleum
supply/demand equation.
World wide oil discoveries have been less than annual

production since 1980.[6] According to several sources,
worldwide production is past or near its maximum.[5] [6]
[7] [8]
OPEC Crude Oil Production
2002-2006. Source: Middle East
World oil production growth trends were flat from 2005
Economic Survey
to 2008. According to a January 2007 International
Energy Agency report, global supply (which includes
biofuels, non-crude sources of petroleum, and use of strategic oil reserves, in addition to
crude production) averaged 85.24 million barrels per day (13.552×106 m3/d) in 2006, up
0.76 million barrels per day (121×103 m3/d) (0.9%), from 2005.[68] Average yearly gains in
Peak oil 104
global supply from 1987 to 2005 were 1.2 million barrels per day (190×103 m3/d)
(1.7%).[68] In 2008, the IEA drastically reduced its prediction of production decline from
3.7% a year to 6.7% a year, based largely on better accounting methods, including actual
research of individual oil field production through out the world.[69]
The IEA's March 2008 Oil Market report showed global supply to be 87.5 mb/d, compared
to 84.3 mb/d in July 2007, a 3.8% increase on that interval. The great bulk of the increase
came in the non-OPEC sector, which now makes up 65% of global production.
Of the largest 21 fields, at least 9 are in decline.[70] In
April, 2006, a Saudi Aramco spokesman admitted that
its mature fields are now declining at a rate of 8% per
year (with a national composite decline of about
2%).[71] This information has been used to argue that
Ghawar, which is the largest oil field in the world and
responsible for approximately half of Saudi Arabia's oil
production over the last 50 years, has peaked.[43] [72]
The world's second largest oil field, the Burgan field in
Kuwait, entered decline in November, 2005.[73]
According to a study of the largest 811 oilfields

conducted in early 2008 by CERA, the average rate of Alaska's oil production has declined
65% since peaking in 1988
field decline is 4.5% per year. There are also projects
expected to begin production within the next decade
which are hoped to offset these declines. The CERA report projects 2017 production level of
over 100mbpd.[74] Kjell Aleklett of the Association for the Study of Peak Oil & Gas agrees
with their decline rates, but considers the rate of new fields coming online—100% of all
projects in development, but with 30% of them experiencing delays, plus a mix of new small
fields and field expansions—overly optimistic.[75] A more rapid annual rate of decline of
5.1% in 800 of the world's largest oil fields was reported by the IEA in their World Energy
Outlook 2008.[76]
Mexico announced that its giant Cantarell Field entered depletion in March, 2006,[77] due
to past overproduction. In 2000, PEMEX built the largest nitrogen plant in the world in an
attempt to maintain production through nitrogen injection into the formation,[78] but by
2006, Cantarell was declining at a rate of 13% per year.[79]
OPEC had vowed in 2000 to maintain a production level sufficient to keep oil prices
between $22–28 per barrel, but did not prove possible. In its 2007 annual report, OPEC
projected that it could maintain a production level which would stabilize the price of oil at
around $50–60 per barrel until 2030.[80] On November 18, 2007, with oil above $98 a
barrel, King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia, a long-time advocate of stabilized oil prices,
announced that his country would not increase production to lower prices.[81] Saudi
Arabia's inability, as the world's largest supplier, to stabilize prices through increased
production during that period suggests that no nation or organization had the spare
production capacity to lower oil prices. The implication is that those major suppliers who
had not yet peaked were operating at or near full capacity.[43]
Commentators have pointed to the Jack 2 deep water test well in the Gulf of Mexico,
announced September 5, 2006,[82] as evidence that there is no imminent peak in global oil
production. According to one estimate, the field could account for up to 11% of US
production within seven years.[83] However, even though oil discoveries are expected after
Peak oil 105
the peak oil of production is reached,[84] the new reserves of oil will be harder to find and
extract. The Jack 2 field, for instance, is more than 20000 feet (6100 m) under the sea floor
in 7000 feet (2100 m) of water, requiring 8.5 kilometers of pipe to reach. Additionally, even
the maximum estimate of 15 billion barrels (2.4×109 m3) represents slightly less than 2
[13]
years of U.S. consumption at present levels.
The increasing investment in harder-to-reach oil is a sign of oil companies' belief in the end
of easy oil.[37] In addition, while it is widely believed that increased oil prices spur an
increase in production, an increasing number of oil industry insiders are now coming to
believe that even with higher prices, oil production is unlikely to increase significantly
beyond its current level. Among the reasons cited are both geological factors as well as
"above ground" factors that are likely to see oil production plateau near its current level.[85]
Recent work points to the difficulty of increasing production even with vastly increased
investment in exploration and production, at least in mature petroleum regions. A 2008
Journal of Energy Security analysis of the energy return on drilling effort in the United
States points to an extremely limited potential to increase production of both gas and
(especially) oil. By looking at the historical response of production to variation in drilling
effort, this analysis showed very little increase of production attributable to increased
drilling. This was due to a tight quantitative relationship of diminishing returns with
increasing drilling effort: as drilling effort increased, the energy obtained per active drill rig
was reduced according to a severely diminishing power law. This fact means that even an
enormous increase of drilling effort is unlikely to lead to significantly increased oil and gas
production in a mature petroleum region like the United States.[86]
Because world population grew faster than oil production, production per capita peaked in
1979 (preceded by a plateau during the period of 1973-1979).[24]
Control over supply

Entities such as governments or cartels can artificially reduce supply to the world market
by limiting access to the supply through nationalizing oil, cutting back on production,
limiting drilling rights, imposing taxes, etc. International sanctions, corruption, and military
conflicts can also reduce supply.
Nationalization of oil supplies

Another factor affecting global oil supply is the nationalization of oil reserves by producing
nations. The nationalization of oil occurs as countries begin to deprivatize oil production
and withhold exports. Kate Dourian, Platts' Middle East editor, points out that while
estimates of oil reserves may vary, politics have now entered the equation of oil supply.
"Some countries are becoming off limits. Major oil companies operating in Venezuela find
themselves in a difficult position because of the growing nationalization of that resource.
These countries are now reluctant to share their reserves."[87]
According to consulting firm PFC Energy, only 7% of the world's estimated oil and gas
reserves are in countries that allow companies like ExxonMobil free rein. Fully 65% are in
the hands of state-owned companies such as Saudi Aramco, with the rest in countries such
as Russia and Venezuela, where access by Western companies is difficult. The PFC study
implies political factors are limiting capacity increases in Mexico, Venezuela, Iran, Iraq,
Kuwait and Russia. Saudi Arabia is also limiting capacity expansion, but because of a
self-imposed cap, unlike the other countries.[88] As a result of not having access to countries
Peak oil 106
amenable to oil exploration, ExxonMobil is not making nearly the investment in finding new
oil that it did in 1981.[89]
Cartel influence on supply

OPEC is an alliance between 12 diverse oil producing countries (Algeria, Angola, Ecuador,
Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Libya, Nigeria, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and
Venezuela) to control the supply of oil. OPEC's power was consolidated as various countries
nationalized their oil holdings, and wrested decision-making away from the "Seven Sisters,"
(Anglo-Iranian, Socony-Vacuum, Royal Dutch Shell, Gulf, Esso, Texaco, and Socal.) and
created their own oil companies to control the oil. OPEC tries to influence prices by
restricting production. It does this by allocating each member country a quota for
production. All 12 members agree to keep prices high by producing at lower levels than
they otherwise would. There is no way to verify adherence to the quota, so every member
faces the same incentive to ‘cheat’ the cartel.[90] Washington kept the oil flowing and
gained favorable OPEC policies mainly by arming, and propping up Saudi regimes.
According to some, the purpose for the second Iraq war is to break the back of OPEC and
return control of the oil fields to western oil companies.[91]
Alternately, commodities trader Raymond Learsy, author of Over a Barrel: Breaking the
Middle East Oil Cartel, contends that OPEC has trained consumers to believe that oil is a
much more finite resource than it is. To back his argument, he points to past false alarms
and apparent collaboration.[52] He also believes that peak oil analysts are conspiring with
OPEC and the oil companies to create a "fabricated drama of peak oil" to drive up oil prices
and profits. It is worth noting oil had risen to a little over $30/barrel at that time. A
counter-argument was given in the Huffington Post after he and Steve Andrews, co-founder
of ASPO, debated on CNBC in June 2007.[92]
Timing of peak oil

M. King Hubbert initially predicted in 1974 that peak oil would occur in 1995 "if current
trends continue."[93] However, in the late 1970s and early 1980s, global oil consumption
[94]
actually dropped (due to the shift to energy-efficient cars, the shift to electricity and
natural gas for heating,[95] and other factors), then rebounded to a lower level of growth in
the mid 1980s. Thus oil production did not peak in 1995, and has climbed to more than
double the rate initially projected. This underscores the fact that the only reliable way to
identify the timing of peak oil will be in retrospect. However, predictions have been refined
through the years as up-to-date information becomes more readily available, such as new
reserve growth data.[96] Predictions of the timing of peak oil include the possibilities that it
has recently occurred, that it will occur shortly, or that a plateau of oil production will
sustain supply for up to 100 years. None of these predictions dispute the peaking of oil
production, but disagree only on when it will occur.
According to Mathew Simmons, author of Twilight in the Desert: The Coming Saudi Oil
Shock and the World Economy, "...peaking is one of these fuzzy events that you only know
clearly when you see it through a rear view mirror, and by then an alternate resolution is
generally too late."[97]
Peak oil 107
Pessimistic predictions of future oil production

Saudi Arabia's King Abdullah told his subjects in 1998, "The oil boom is over and will not
return... All of us must get used to a different lifestyle." Since then he has implemented a
series of corruption reforms and government programs intended to lower Saudi Arabia's
dependence on oil revenues. The royal family was put on notice to end its history of excess
and new industries were created to diversify the national economy.[98]
The Association for the Study of Peak Oil and Gas (ASPO) predicted in their January 2008
newsletter that the peak in all oil (including non-conventional sources), would occur in
2010. This is earlier than the July 2007 newsletter prediction of 2011.[99] ASPO Ireland in
its May 2008 newsletter, number 89, revised its depletion model and advanced the date of
the peak of overall liquids from 2010 to 2007.[100]
Kenneth S. Deffeyes argued at one point that world oil production peaked on December 16,
2005.[5]
Sadad Al Husseini, former head of Saudi Aramco's production and exploration, stated in an
October 29, 2007 interview that oil production had likely already reached its peak in
2006,[7] and that assumptions by the IEA and EIA of production increases by OPEC to over
45 MB/day are "quite unrealistic."[7]
Texas oilman T. Boone Pickens stated in 2005 that
worldwide conventional oil production was very close to
peaking.[101] On June 17, 2008, in testimony before the
U.S. Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee,
Pickens stated that "I do believe you have peaked out at
85 million barrels a day globally,".[102] Data from the
United States Energy Information Administration show
that world production leveled out in 2004, and an
October 2007 retrospective report by the Energy Watch 2004 U.S. government predictions for
Group concluded that this data showed the peak of oil production other than in OPEC and
theformer Soviet Union
conventional oil production in the third quarter of
2006.[6]
The July 2007 IEA Medium-Term Oil Market Report

projected a 2% non-OPEC liquids supply growth in
2007-2009, reaching 51.0 mb/d in 2008, receding
thereafter as the slate of verifiable investment projects
diminishes. They refer to this decline as a plateau. The
report expects only a small amount of supply growth
from OPEC producers, with 70% of the increase coming
from Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Angola as security and
World Crude Oil Production
investment issues continue to impinge on oil exports 1960-2004. Sources: DOE/EIA, IEA
from Iraq, Nigeria and Venezuela.[103]
In October 2007, the Energy Watch Group, a German research group founded by MP
Hans-Josef Fell, released a report claiming that oil production peaked in 2006 and will
decline by several percent annually. The authors predict negative economic effects and
social unrest as a result.[6] [104] They state that the IEA production plateau prediction uses
purely economic models which rely on an ability to raise production and discovery rates at
will.[6]
Peak oil 108
Matthew Simmons, Chairman of Simmons & Company International, said on October 26,
2006 that global oil production may have peaked in December 2005, though he cautions
that further monitoring of production is required to determine if a peak has actually
occurred.[105]
At least one oil company, French supermajor Total S.A., has announced plans to shift their
focus to nuclear energy instead of oil and gas. A Total senior vice president explained that
this is because they believe oil production will peak before 2020, and they would like to
diversify their position in the energy markets.[106]
The UK Industry Taskforce on Peak Oil and Energy Security (ITPOES) reported in late
October 2008 that peak oil is likely to occur by 2013. ITPOES consists of eight companies:
Arup, FirstGroup, Foster + Partners, Scottish and Southern Energy, Solarcentury,
Stagecoach Group, Virgin Group, Yahoo. Their report includes a chapter written by Shell
corporation.[107]
Optimistic predictions of future oil production

Non-'peakists' can be divided into several different categories based on their specific
criticism of peak oil. Some claim that any peak will not come soon or have a dramatic effect
on the world economies. Others claim we will not reach a peak for technological reasons,
while still others claim our oil reserves are regenerated quickly over time.
Plateau oil
CERA, which counts unconventional sources in reserves

while discounting EROEI, believes that global
production will eventually follow an “undulating
plateau” for one or more decades before declining
slowly.[4] In 2005 the group had predicted that
"petroleum supplies will be expanding faster than
demand over the next five years."[108]
Monthly world oil supply data from
In 2007, The Wall Street Journal reported that "a
1995 to 2008. Supply is defined as
growing number of oil-industry chieftains" believed that crude oil production (including lease
oil production would soon reach a ceiling for a variety condensates), natural gas plant liquids,
of reasons, and plateau at that level for some time. other liquids, and refinery processing
gains.
Several chief executives stated that projections of over
100 million barrels of production per day are
unrealistic, contradicting the projections of the International Energy Agency and United
States Energy Information Administration.[109]
In 2008, the IEA predicted a plateau by 2020 and a peak by 2030. The report called for a
"global energy revolution" to prepare mitigations by 2020 and avoid "more difficult days"
and large wealth transfers from OECD nations to oil producing nations.[69]
Peak oil 109
Energy Information Administration and USGS 2000 reports

The United States Energy Information Administration projects world consumption of oil to
increase to 98.3 million barrels per day (15.63×106 m3/d) in 2015 and 118 million barrels
per day (18.8×106 m3/d) in 2030.[110] This would require a more than 35% increase in
world oil production by 2030. A 2004 paper by the Energy Information Administration
based on data collected in 2000 disagrees with Hubbert peak theory on several points:[14]
• Explicitly incorporates demand into model as well as supply
• Does not assume pre/post-peak symmetry of production levels
• Models pre- and post-peak production with different functions (exponential growth and
constant reserves-to-production ratio, respectively)
• Assumes reserve growth, including via technological advancement and exploitation of
small reservoirs
The EIA estimates of future oil supply are countered by Sadad Al Husseini, retired VP
Exploration of Aramco, who calls it a 'dangerous over-estimate'.[111] Husseini also points
out that population growth and the emergence of China and India means oil prices are now
going to be structurally higher than they have been.
Colin Campbell argues that the 2000 USGS estimates is a methodologically flawed study
that has done incalculable damage by misleading international agencies and governments.
Campbell dismisses the notion that the world can seamlessly move to more difficult and
expensive sources of oil and gas when the need arises. He argues that oil is in profitable
abundance or not there at all, due ultimately to the fact that it is a liquid concentrated by
nature in a few places having the right geology. Campbell believes OPEC countries raised
their reserves to get higher oil quotas and to avoid internal critique. He also points out that
the USGS failed to extrapolate past discovery trends in the world’s mature basins.[112]
No peak oil
The view that oil extraction will never enter a depletion phase is often referred to as
"cornucopian" in ecology and sustainability literature[113] [114] [115]
Abdullah S. Jum'ah, President, Director and CEO of Saudi Aramco states that the world has
adequate reserves of conventional and nonconventional oil sources that will last for more
than a century.[116] [117] As recently as 2008 he pronounced "We have grossly
underestimated mankind’s ability to find new reserves of petroleum, as well as our capacity
to raise recovery rates and tap fields once thought inaccessible or impossible to produce.”
Jum’ah believes that in-place conventional and non-conventional liquid resources may
ultimately total between 13 trillion and 16 trillion barrels and that only a small fraction (1.1
trillion) has been extracted to date.[118]
“ I do not believe the world has to worry about ‘peak oil’ for a very long time. ”
[118]
— Abdullah S. Jum'ah, 2008-01
Economist Michael Lynch says that the Hubbert Peak theory is flawed and that there is no
imminent peak in oil production. He argued in 2004 that production is determined by
demand as well as geology, and that fluctuations in oil supply are due to political and
economic effects as well as the physical processes of exploration, discovery and
production.[119] This idea is echoed by Jad Mouawad, who explains that as oil prices rise,
new extraction technologies become viable, thus expanding the total recoverable oil
Peak oil 110
reserves. This, according to Mouwad, is one explanation of the changes in peak production
estimates.[120]
Leonardo Maugeri, group senior vice president, Corporate Strategies of Eni S.p.A.,
dismissed the peak oil thesis in a 2004 policy position piece in Science as "the current
model of oil doomsters," and based on several flawed assumptions. He characterizes the
peak oil theory as part of a series of "recurring oil panics" which have "driven Western
political circles toward oil imperialism and attempts to assert direct or indirect control over
oil-producing regions". Maugeri claims that the geological structure of the earth has not
been explored thoroughly enough to conclude that the declining trend in discoveries, which
began in the 1960s, will continue. He goes on to claim that complete global oil production,
discovery trends, and geological data are not available globally.[121]
Abiogenesis
The theory that petroleum is derived from biogenic processes is held by the overwhelming
majority of petroleum geologists.[122] Abiogenic theorists however, such as the late
professor of astronomy Thomas Gold at Cornell University, assert that the source of oil may
not be a limited supply of “fossil fuels”, but instead an abiotic process. They theorize that if
abiogenic petroleum sources are found to be abundant, Earth would contain vast reserves
of untapped petroleum.[123] The abiogenic origin hypothesis lacks scientific support, and all
current oil reserves have evidence of biological origin. It also has not been successfully
used in uncovering oil deposits by geologists.[122]
The most important counter arguments to the abiotic theory involve various biomarkers
which have been found in all samples of all the oil and gas accumulations found to date. The
prevailing view among geologists and petroleum engineers is that this evidence "provides
irrefutable proof that 99.99999% of all the oil and gas accumulations found up to now in the
planet earth have a biologic origin." In this process, oil is generated from kerogen by
pyrolysis.[124] While Thomas Gold hypothesized that bacteria exist deep within the Earth's
crust, and are the source of the biomarkers,[125] these bacteria have not been found, the
natural abiogenic formation of high-carbon hydrocarbons has not been demonstrated, and
evidence for the biotic origin of petroleum is abundant.
Possible effects and consequences of peak oil

The widespread use of fossil fuels has been one of the most important stimuli of economic
growth and prosperity since the industrial revolution, allowing humans to participate in
takedown, or the consumption of energy at a greater rate than it is being replaced. Some
believe that when oil production decreases, human culture and modern technological
society will be forced to change drastically. The impact of peak oil will depend heavily on
the rate of decline and the development and adoption of effective alternatives. If
alternatives are not forthcoming, the products produced with oil (including fertilizers,
detergents, solvents, adhesives, and most plastics) would become scarce and expensive.
Peak oil 111
The Hirsch Report

In 2005, the US Department of Energy published a report titled Peaking of World Oil
Production: Impacts, Mitigation, & Risk Management.[126] Known as the Hirsch report, it
stated, "The peaking of world oil production presents the U.S. and the world with an
unprecedented risk management problem. As peaking is approached, liquid fuel prices and
price volatility will increase dramatically, and, without timely mitigation, the economic,
social, and political costs will be unprecedented. Viable mitigation options exist on both the
supply and demand sides, but to have substantial impact, they must be initiated more than
a decade in advance of peaking."
Conclusions from the Hirsch Report and three scenarios

• World oil peaking is going to happen.
• As a transition in energy usage, peak oil will be a unique challenge, in that it "will be
abrupt and revolutionary".
• Oil peaking will adversely affect global economies, particularly those most dependent on
oil.
• The problem is liquid fuels (growth in demand mainly from the transportation sector).
• Mitigation efforts will require substantial time.
• 20 years is required to transition without substantial impacts
• A 10 year rush transition with moderate impacts is possible with extraordinary efforts
from governments, industry, and consumers
• Late initiation of mitigation may result in severe consequences.
• Both supply and demand will require attention.
• It is a matter of risk management (mitigating action must come before the peak).
• Government intervention will be required.
• Economic upheaval is not inevitable (“given enough lead-time, the problems can be
solved with existing technologies.”)
• More information is needed to more precisely determine the peak time frame.
Possible Scenarios:
• Waiting until world oil production peaks before taking crash program action leaves the
world with a significant liquid fuel deficit for more than two decades.
• Initiating a mitigation crash program 10 years before world oil peaking helps
considerably but still leaves a liquid fuels shortfall roughly a decade after the time that
oil would have peaked.
• Initiating a mitigation crash program 20 years before peaking appears to offer the
possibility of avoiding a world liquid fuels shortfall for the forecast period.
Other predictions
Export Land Model

The Export Land Model states that after peak oil petroleum exporting countries will be
forced to reduce their exports more quickly than their production decreases because of
internal demand growth. Countries which rely on imported petroleum will therefore be
affected earlier and more dramatically than exporting countries.[127] Mexico is already in
this situation. Internal consumption grew by 5.9% in 2006 in the five biggest exporting
countries, and their exports declined by over 3%. It is estimated that by 2010 internal
Peak oil 112
demand will decrease worldwide exports by 2.5 million barrels.[128]
Transportation and housing
A majority of Americans live in suburbs, a

type of low-density settlement designed
around universal personal automobile use.
Commentators such as James Howard
Kunstler argue that because over ninety
percent of transportation in the United
States relies on oil, the suburbs' reliance on
the automobile is an unsustainable living
arrangement. Peak oil would leave many
Americans unable to afford petroleum
based fuel for their cars, and force them to
move to higher density areas, where
walking and public transportation are more Housing subdivision near Union, Kentucky, a suburb
of Cincinnati, Ohio.
viable options. Suburbia may become the
"slums of the future."[129] [130] The issues of
petroleum supply and demand is also a concern for growing cities in developing countries
(where urban areas are expected to absorb most of the world's projected 2.3 billion
population increase by 2050). Stressing the energy component of future development plans
is seen as an important goal.[131]
Methods which have been suggested for mitigating these urban and suburban issues
include the use of non-petroleum vehicles such as electric cars, battery electric vehicles,
transit-oriented development, new trains, new pedestrianism, smart growth, shared space,
urban consolidation and New Urbanism.
Mitigation
To avoid the serious social and economic implications a global decline in oil production
could entail, the Hirsch report emphasized the need to find alternatives at least 10–20 years
before the peak, and to phase out the use of petroleum over that time,[132] similar to the
plan Sweden announced in 2005. Such mitigation could include energy conservation, fuel
substitution, and the use of unconventional oil. Because mitigation can reduce the
consumption of traditional petroleum sources, it can also affect the timing of peak oil and
the shape of the Hubbert curve.
Positive aspects of peak oil

There are those who believe that peak oil should be viewed as a positive event.[133] Many of
these critics reason that if the price of oil rises high enough, the use of alternative clean
fuels could help control the pollution of fossil fuel use as well as mitigate global
warming.[134]
Permaculture, particularly as expressed in the work of Australian David Holmgren, and
others, sees peak oil as holding tremendous potential for positive change - assuming we act
with foresight. The rebuilding of local food networks, energy production, and the general
implementation of 'energy descent culture' are argued to be ethical responses to the
acknowledgment of finite fossil resources.[135]
Peak oil 113
The "Transition town" Movement, started in Ireland and spread internationally by 'The
Transition Handbook' (Rob Hopkins) sees the combination of peak oil and climate change as
an opportunity to restructure society with local resilience and ecological stewardship.[136]
Peak oil for individual nations

Peak oil as a concept applies globally, but it is based
on the summation of individual nations experiencing
peak oil. In State of the World 2005, Worldwatch
Institute observes that oil production is in decline in
33 of the 48 largest oil-producing countries.[137]
Other countries have also passed their individual oil
production peaks.
The following list shows significant oil-producing

nations and their approximate peak oil production
years, organized by year.[138]
• Japan: 1932 (assumed; source does not specify)
• Germany: 1966
• Libya: 1970 US oil production (lower 48 crude oil only)
and Hubbert's high estimate.
• Venezuela: 1970
• USA: 1970[139]
• Iran: 1974
• Nigeria: 1979
• Trinidad & Tobago: 1981[140]
• Egypt: 1987[141]
• France: 1988
• Indonesia: 1991[142]
• Syria: 1996[143]
• India: 1997
[144]
• New Zealand: 1997
• UK: 1999
• Argentina: 1999 (BP statistical workbook 2007)
• Colombia: 1999 (BP statistical workbook 2007)
• Australia: 2000 (BP statistical workbook 2007)
Canadian conventional oil production
• Norway: 2000[145] peaked in 1973, but oil sands production is
• Oman: 2000[146] forecast to increase to at least 2020
• Mexico: 2004[147]
• Russia: an artificial peak occurred in 1987 shortly before the Collapse of the Soviet
Union, but production subsequently recovered, making Russia the second largest oil
exporter in the world. Figures from early 2008, statements by officials, and analysis
suggest that production may have peaked in 2006/2007.[148] [149] Lukoil vice president
Leonid Fedun has said $1 trillion
Peak oil 114
would have to be spent on developing new

reserves if current production levels were to be
maintained.[150]
Peak oil production has not been reached in the
following nations (these numbers are estimates and
subject to revision):[151]
• Kuwait: 2013
Mexican production peaked in 2004 and is

now in decline
• Saudi Arabia: 2014

• Iraq: 2018
In addition, the most recent International Energy Agency and United States Energy
Information Administration production data show record and rising production in Canada
and China.
Oil price
In terms of 2007 inflation
adjusted dollars, the price of
oil peaked on 30 June 2008 at
over $143 a barrel. Before this
period, the maximum inflation
adjusted price was the
equivalent of $95–100, in
1980.[152] Crude oil prices in
the last several years have
steadily risen from about $25
a barrel in August 2003 to
over $130 a barrel in May New York Mercantile Exchange prices for West Texas
2008, with the most significant Intermediate 1996 - 2009
increases happening within
the last year. These prices are
well above those which caused
the 1973 and 1979 energy
crises. This has contributed to
fears of an economic recession
similar to that of the early
1980s.[9] One important
Long-term oil prices, 1861-2007 (top line adjusted for inflation).
Peak oil 115
indicator which supported the possibility that the price of oil had begun to have an effect on
economies was that in the United States, gasoline consumption dropped by .5% in the first
two months of 2008,[153] compared to a drop of .4% total in 2007.[154]
However some claim the decline in the US dollar against other significant currencies from
2007 to 2008 is a significant part of oil's price increases from $66 to $130.[155] The dollar
lost approximately 14% of its value against the Euro from May 2007 to May 2008, and the
price of oil rose 96% in the same time period.
Helping to fuel these price increases were reports that petroleum production is at[5] [6] [7]
or near full capacity.[8] [109] [156] In June 2005, OPEC admitted that they would 'struggle' to
pump enough oil to meet pricing pressures for the fourth quarter of that year.[157]
Demand pressures on oil have been strong. Global consumption of oil rose from 30 billion
barrels (4.8×109 m3) in 2004 to 31 billion in 2005. These consumption rates are far above
new discoveries for the period, which had fallen to only eight billion barrels of new oil
reserves in new accumulations in 2004.[158] In 2005, consumption was within 2 million
barrels per day (320×103 m3/d) of production, and at any one time there are about 54 days
of stock in the OECD system plus 37 days in emergency stockpiles.
Besides supply and demand pressures, at times security related factors may have
contributed to increases in prices,[156] including the "War on Terror," missile launches in
North Korea,[159] the Crisis between Israel and Lebanon,[160] nuclear brinkmanship
between the US and Iran,[161] and reports from the U.S. Department of Energy and others
showing a decline in petroleum reserves,[162]
Another factor in oil price is the cost of extracting crude. As the extraction of oil has
become more difficult, oil's historically high ratio of Energy Returned on Energy Invested
has seen a significant decline. The increased price of oil makes unconventional sources of
oil retrieval more attractive. For example, oil sands are actually a reserve of bitumen, a
heavier, lower value oil compared to conventional crude. It only became attractive to
production companies when oil prices exceeded about $25/bbl, high enough to cover the
costs of production and upgrading to synthetic crude.
Effects of rising oil prices

In the past, the price of oil has led
to economic recessions, such as
the 1973 and 1979 energy crises.
The effect the price of oil has on
an economy is known as a price
shock. In many European
countries, which have high taxes
on fuels, such price shocks could
potentially be mitigated somewhat
by temporarily or permanently
suspending the taxes as fuel costs
rise.[164] This method of softening
price shocks is less in countries
World consumption of primary energy by energy type in
with much lower gas taxes, such [163]
terawatts (TW), 1965-2005.
as the United States.
Peak oil 116
Some economists predict that a substitution effect will spur demand for alternate energy
sources, such as coal or liquefied natural gas. This substitution can only be temporary, as
coal and natural gas are finite resources as well.
Prior to the run-up in fuel prices, many motorists opted for larger, less fuel-efficient sport
utility vehicles and full-sized pickups in the United States, Canada and other countries. This
trend has been reversing due to sustained high prices of fuel. The September 2005 sales
data for all vehicle vendors indicated SUV sales dropped while small cars sales increased.
Hybrid and diesel vehicles are also gaining in popularity.[165]
In 2008, a report by Cambridge Energy Research Associates stated that 2007 had been the
year of peak gasoline usage in the United States, and that record energy levels would cause
an "enduring shift" in energy consumption practices.[166] According to the report, in April
gas consumption had been lower than a year before for the sixth straight month, suggesting
2008 would be the first year US gasoline usage declined in 17 years. The total miles driven
in the US peaked in 2006.[167]
Historical understanding of world oil supply limits

Although the Earth's finite oil supply means that peak oil is inevitable, technological
innovations in finding and drilling for oil have at times changed the understanding of the
total oil supply on Earth. As scientific understanding of petroleum geology has increased, so
has our understanding of the Earth's total recoverable reserves. Since 1965, major oil
surveys have averaged a 95% confidence Estimated Ultimate Retrieval (P95 EUR) of a little
under 2000 billion barrels (320×109 m3), though some estimates have been as low as
1500 billion barrels (240×109 m3), and as high as 2400 billion barrels (380×109 m3).[6]
The EUR reported by the 2000 USGS survey of 2300 billion barrels (370×109 m3) has been
criticized for assuming a discovery trend over the next 20 years which would reverse the
observed trend of the past 40 years. Their 95% confidence EUR of 2300 billion barrels
(370×109 m3) assumed that discovery levels would stay steady, despite the fact that
discovery levels have been falling steadily since the 1960s. That trend of falling discoveries
has continued in the 7 years since the USGS made their assumption. The 2000 USGS is also
criticized for introducing other methodological errors, as well as assuming 2030 production
rates which are inconsistent with projected reserves.[6]
Criticisms
Some do not agree with peak oil, at least as it has been presented by Matthew Simmons.
The president of Royal Dutch Shell's US operations John Hofmeister, while agreeing that
conventional oil production will soon start to decline, has criticized Simmons's analysis for
being "overly focused on a single country: Saudi Arabia, the world's largest exporter and
OPEC swing producer." He also points to the large reserves at the "US Outer Continental
Shelf, which holds an estimated 100 billion barrels (16×109 m3) of oil and natural gas. As
things stand, however, only 15 percent of those reserves are currently exploitable, a good
part of that off the coasts of Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi and Texas. Hofmeister also
contends that Simmons erred in excluding unconventional sources of oil such as the oil
sands of Canada, where Shell is already active. The Canadian oil sands — a natural
combination of sand, water and oil found largely in Alberta — is believed to contain one
trillion barrels of oil. Another trillion barrels are also said to be trapped in rocks in
Colorado, Utah and Wyoming,[168] but are in the form of oil shale. These particular reserves
Peak oil 117
present major environmental, social, and economic obstacles to recovery.[169] [170]

Hofmeister also claims that if oil companies were allowed to drill more in the United States
enough to produce another 2 million barrels per day (320×103 m3/d), oil and gas prices
would not be as high as they are in the later part of the 2000 to 2010 decade. He thinks
that high energy prices are causing social unrest similar to levels surrounding the Rodney
King riots.[171]
Dr. Christoph Rühl, Chief economist of BP, repeatedly uttered strong doubts about the peak
oil hypothesis[172]
Physical peak oil, which I have no reason to accept as a valid statement either on
theoretical, scientific or ideological grounds, would be insensitive to prices. (...)In
fact the whole hypothesis of peak oil – which is that there is a certain amount of
oil in the ground, consumed at a certain rate, and then it's finished – does not
react to anything.... (Global Warming) is likely to be more of a natural limit than
all these peak oil theories combined. (...) Peak oil has been predicted for 150
years. It has never happened, and it will stay this way.
According to Rühl, the main limitations for oil availability are "above ground" and are to be
found in the availability of staff, expertise, technology, investment security, money and last
but not least in global warming. The oil question is about price and not the basic
availability. His views are shared by Daniel Yergin of CERA, who added that the recent high
price phase might add to a future demise of the oil industry - not of lack of resources or an
apocalyptic shock but the timely and smooth setup of alternatives.[173]
In Fiction
A novel set in a Peak-Oil crisis is Alex Scarrow's book - Last Light.[174] The book portrays
the collapse of the United Kingdom, as a result of a full-scale terrorist attack against
several important key installations in the Middle-East. It follows the experiences of a family,
a father trapped in Iraq, a mother far away from her children, a daughter and son fending
for themselves, as the complete break-down of law and order causes looting, deaths and
worse.
James Howard Kunstler, author of The Long Emergency[175] and The Geography of
Nowhere[176] , fictionalized his predictions of post-oil civilization into a novel entitled World
Made by Hand[177] [178] The book portrays the efforts of Robert Earle, a former software
executive elected mayor of a small town in New York State, who faces the struggle of
rebuilding a civil society amid arguing factions.
The Mad Max movies are based in a dystopian Australia, in which (Mad Max 2: The Road
Warrior explains) the general social collapse has occurred because of a global energy
shortage, particularly of oil.
Peak oil 118
See also
• Category:Peak oil
Prediction Economics
• Backstop resources • Bioeconomics
• Global strategic petroleum reserves • 2007–2008 world food price crisis
• Hirsch report • Economic crisis of 2008
• Hubbert Linearization • Energy Accounting
• Malthusian catastrophe • Energy security
• Oil depletion • Econophysics
• Oil Storm, a docudrama about a future oil-shortage • Food security
crisis. • Gross domestic product per barrel
• Olduvai theory • Kuznets curve
• → What a Way to Go: Life at the End of Empire - • Limits to Growth
documentary film • Low-carbon economy
• World energy resources and consumption • Oil crises
Technology • Oil price increases since 2003
• Energy conservation
• Energy efficiency
• Energy development • OPEC

• Green Revolution • The Carbon War: Global Warming and the End of
• Fuel economy in automobiles the Oil Era (book)
• Oil phase-out in Sweden • Thermoeconomics
• Renewable energy Others
• Soft energy path
• Energy Crisis and The Power of Community: How
Cuba Survived Peak Oil, a documentary about the
Special Period
• Oil Shockwave
• → Overpopulation
• Over-consumption
• Risks to civilization, humans and planet Earth
Further information
Books
• Colin J. Campbell,
• Campbell Colin J (2004). The Essence of Oil & Gas Depletion. Multi-Science Publishing.
ISBN 0-906522-19-6.
• Campbell Colin J (2004). The Coming Oil Crisis. Multi-Science Publishing. ISBN
0-906522-11-0.
• Campbell Colin J (2005). Oil Crisis. Multi-Science Publishing. ISBN 0-906522-39-0.
• Kenneth S. Deffeyes,
• Deffeyes Kenneth S (2002). Hubbert's Peak: The Impending World Oil Shortage.
Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-09086-6.
• Deffeyes Kenneth S (2005). Beyond Oil: The View from Hubbert's Peak. Hill and Wang.
ISBN 0-8090-2956-1.
• Eberhart Mark (2007). Feeding the Fire: The Lost History and Uncertain Future of
Mankind's Energy Addiction. Harmony. ISBN 978-0307237446.
• Goodstein David (2005). Out of Gas: The End of the Age Of Oil. WW Norton. ISBN
0-393-05857-3.
Peak oil 119
• → Richard Heinberg,
• → Heinberg Richard (2003). The Party's Over: Oil, War, and the Fate of Industrial
Societies. New Society Publishers. ISBN 0-86571-482-7.
• → Heinberg Richard (2004). Power Down: Options and Actions for a Post-Carbon
World. New Society Publishers. ISBN 0-86571-510-6.
• → Heinberg Richard (2006). The Oil Depletion Protocol: A Plan to Avert Oil Wars,
Terrorism and Economic Collapse. New Society Publishers. ISBN 0-86571-563-7.
• Huber Peter (2005). The Bottomless Well. Basic Books. ISBN 0-465-03116-1.
• Kleveman Lutz C (2004). The New Great Game: Blood and Oil in Central Asia. Atlantic
Monthly Press. ISBN 0-87113-906-5.
• Kunstler James H (2005). The Long Emergency: Surviving the End of the Oil Age, Climate
Change, and Other Converging Catastrophes. Atlantic Monthly Press. ISBN
0-87113-888-3.
• Leggett Jeremy K (2005). The Empty Tank: Oil, Gas, Hot Air, and the Coming Financial
Catastrophe. Random House. ISBN 1-4000-6527-5.
• Leggett Jeremy K (2005). Half Gone: Oil, Gas, Hot Air and the Global Energy Crisis.
Portobello Books. ISBN 1-8462-7004-9.
• Leggett Jeremy K (2001). The Carbon War: Global Warming and the End of the Oil Era.
Routledge. ISBN 0415931029.
• Lovins Amory et al. (2005). Winning the Oil Endgame: Innovation for Profit, Jobs and
Security. Rocky Mountain Institute. ISBN 1-881071-10-3.
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• David Strahan (2007). The Last Oil Shock: A Survival Guide to the Imminent Extinction of
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Reports, essays, and lectures

• "Crude oil - the supply outlook [204]" (PDF). Energy Watch Group. 2007-10-22. http:/ /
www. energywatchgroup. org/ fileadmin/ global/ pdf/ EWG_Oilreport_10-2007. pdf.
• "Doctoral thesis: Giant oil fields - the highway to oil: giant oil fields and their importance
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se/ abstract. xsql?dbid=7625.
• "Review: Oil-based technology and economy - prospects for the future [206]". The Danish
Board of Technology (Teknologirådet). 2005-06-09. http:/ / www. tekno. dk/ subpage.
php3?article=1025& toppic=kategori11& language=uk& category=11/ .
• Jim Bliss (2005-07-05). "An introduction to peak oil [207]". http:/ / www. thesharpener.
net/ ?p=41.
• City of Portland, Peak Oil Task Force (March 2007). "Descending the oil peak: navigating
the transition from oil and natural gas [208]". City of Portland, Oregon. http:/ / www.
portlandonline. com/ osd/ index. cfm?c=42894.
• "The end of oil [209]" (PDF). University of Otago Department of Physics. 2005-07. http:/ /
www. physics. otago. ac. nz/ eman/ The%20End%20of%20Oil%20essay%201. pdf.
• CERA (2006-11-14). Peak oil theory – “World running out of oil soon” – is faulty; could
distort policy & energy debate [210]. Press release. http:/ / www. cera. com/ aspx/ cda/
public1/ news/ pressReleases/ pressReleaseDetails. aspx?CID=8444.
• "Australia’s future oil supply and alternative transport fuels [211]". Parliament of Australia
- Senate. 2007-02-07. http:/ / www. aph. gov. au/ SENATE/ committee/ rrat_ctte/
oil_supply/ report/ index. htm.
Peak oil 122
Video Documentary
• PetroApocalypse Now? (2008)
• Crude Awakening: The Oil Crash (2006)
• The End of Suburbia: Oil Depletion and the Collapse of the American Dream (2004)
• The Power of Community: How Cuba Survived Peak Oil (2006)
• → What a Way to Go: Life at the End of Empire (2007)
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External links
Web sites
• Association for the Study of Peak Oil International (http:/ / www. peakoil. net/ )
• ASPO-USA (http:/ / www. aspo-usa. org/ )
• Eating Fossil Fuels (http:/ / www. fromthewilderness. com/ free/ ww3/ 100303_eating_oil.
html) FromTheWilderness.com
• Energy Bulletin (http:/ / www. energybulletin. net/ ) Peak Oil related articles
• Global Oil Watch (http:/ / www. globaloilwatch. com/ ) - Extensive peak oil library
• Energy Export Databrowser (http:/ / mazamascience. com/ OilExport/ ) - A visual review
of production and consumption trends for individual nations; data from the 2009 BP
Statistical Review.
• Peak Oil For Dummies (http:/ / www. peakoilfordummies. com/ ) - concise quotes from
renowned politicians, oil executives, and analysts
• Petroleum Data (http:/ / www. eia. doe. gov/ oil_gas/ petroleum/ info_glance/ petroleum.
html) U.S. Energy Information Agency
• The Oil Age (http:/ / www. oilcareer. com/ the-oil-age-poster-2. htm) - poster showing
petroleum data in relation to peak oil
Peak oil 130
• Peak Oil Crisis News (http:/ / peak-oil-crisis. org/ ) - Automatically updated news from
several news websites plus a real time crude price
• Pro and Con arguments to the question "Is global oil production at (or past) its peak?"
(http:/ / alternativeenergy. procon. org/ viewanswers. asp?questionID=001257)
Online audio, podcasts

• David Holmgren (2004-07-28). " David Holmgren talks about Peak Oil and Permaculture
(http:/ / www. archive. org/ details/ holmgren_energy_descent)". archive.org. http:/ /
www. archive. org/ details/ holmgren_energy_descent.
Online videos
• " EnergyChallenge TV - Peak Oil Video and Audio (http:/ / www. energychallenge. tv/ )".
ASPO-USA. 2007-02-12. http:/ / www. energychallenge. tv/ .
• " Rep. Prof. Roscoe Bartlett's to U.S. House of Representatives (http:/ / www.
energybulletin. net/ 5080. html)". CSPAN. 2005-04-05. http:/ / www. energybulletin. net/
5080. html.
• " Video interview with Richard Heinberg (http:/ / tv. oneworld. net/ article/ view/
152547)". OneWorldTV. http:/ / tv. oneworld. net/ article/ view/ 152547.
• WhatIsPeakOil.com (http:/ / www. whatispeakoil. com/ ) - A collection of 30 online videos
related to Peak Oil, including 4 notable full length documentaries
Overpopulation
Overpopulation is a condition
where an organism's numbers
exceed the carrying capacity
of its habitat. In common
parlance, the term usually
refers to the relationship
between the human population
and its environment, the
Earth.[1]
Overpopulation does not

depend only on the size or Map of countries by population density, per square kilometer. (See
List of countries by population density.)
density of the population, but
on the ratio of population to
available sustainable resources, and on the means of resource use and distribution used by
that population. If a given environment has a population of 10 individuals, but there is
Overpopulation 131
food or drinking water enough

for only 9, then in a closed
system where no trade is
possible, that environment is
overpopulated; if the
population is 100 but there is
enough food, shelter, and
water for 200 for the indefinite
future, then it is not
overpopulated.
Overpopulation can result Areas of high population densities, calculated in 1994.
from an increase in births, a
decline in mortality rates due
to medical advances, from an
increase in immigration, or
from an → unsustainable
biome and depletion of
resources. It is possible for
very sparsely-populated areas
to be overpopulated, as the
area in question may have a
meager or non-existent
capability to sustain human Map of countries and territories by fertility rate (See List of countries
life (e.g. the middle of the and territories by fertility rate.)
Sahara Desert or Antarctica).
The resources to be considered when evaluating whether an ecological niche is

overpopulated include clean water, clean air, food, shelter, warmth, and other resources
necessary to sustain life. If the quality of human life is addressed, there may be additional
resources considered, such as medical care, education, proper sewage treatment and waste
disposal. Overpopulation places competitive stress on the basic life sustaining resources,
leading to a diminished quality of life.[2]
Steve Jones, head of the biology department at University College London, has said,
"Humans are 10,000 times more common than we should be, according to the rules of the
animal kingdom, and we have agriculture to thank for that. Without farming, the world
population would probably have reached half a million by now." [3]
Some countries have managed to increase their carrying capacity by using technologies
such as modern agriculture, desalination, and nuclear power.
Overpopulation 132
Population growth
History
In order to better present the
subject of overpopulation, it may
be useful to first review the
current population of the world in
the context of human population
from the dawn of civilization to
date. Civilization began roughly
10,000 years ago, coinciding with:
• the final receding of ice

following the end of the most
recent glacial period and
• the start of the "→ Neolithic
Revolution" when there was a
shift in human activity away
from “hunter-gathering” and
towards very primitive farming.
• At the dawn of agriculture,
about 8,000BC, the population
of the world was approximately
5 million[4] .
• Minimal change in population
for many thousands of years
ending around 1,000BC.
• Steady growth began around
1,000BC which then plateaued
(or alternatively peaked [5])
around the year 0., at about 200
to 300 million.
• The trend for next 800 - 900 years from around 800AD onwards was slow but steady
growth, though with major disruption from frequent plagues (most notably the Black
Death during the 14th century).
• Yet faster growth from the start of the Industrial Revolution around 1700AD. About 1
billion persons estimated by 1804.
• At over 6.7 billion[6] World Population is approximately 3 times higher in 2009 than it was
at approximately 2.3 billion or less[7] in 1939, despite loss of life during World War II (an
upper estimate of which is some 72 million).
• Dramatic growth since around 1950 coinciding with greatly increased food production as
a result of the heavy industrialisation of agriculture (known as the Green Revolution).
Population is forecast to carry on growing to 8.9 billion, 9.2 billion [8], 9.5 billion [9] or
perhaps even 11 billion [10] by 2050.
Clearly, an inspection of the graphs above reveals the unusual and very pronounced
negative skewing. In this case that means after many thousands of years of minimal
population there has, for the first time in human history, been a period of consistently rapid
Overpopulation 133
population increase followed more recently by a spectacular and unprecedented increase.
Projections to 2050
[11]
United Nations reports, such as World Population Prospects state:
• World population is currently growing by approximately 74 million people per year. If
current fertility rates continued, in 2050 the total world population would be 11 billion,
with 169 million people added each year. However, global fertility rates have been falling
for decades, and the updated United Nations figures project that the world population
will reach 9.2 billion around 2050.[12] [13] This is the medium variant figure which
assumes a decrease in average fertility from the present level of 2.5 down to 2.
• Almost all growth will take place in the less developed regions, where today’s 5.3 billion
population of underdeveloped countries is expected to increase to 7.8 billion in 2050. By
contrast, the population of the more developed regions will remain mostly unchanged, at
1.2 billion. The world's population is expected to rise by 40% to 9.1 billion. An exception
is the United States population, which is expected to increase 44% from 305 million in
2008 to 439 million in 2050.[14]
• In 2000-2005, the average world fertility was 2.65 children per woman, about half the
level in 1950-1955 (5 children per woman). In the medium variant, global fertility is
projected to decline further to 2.05 children per woman.
• During 2005-2050, nine countries are expected to account for half of the world’s
projected population increase: India, Pakistan, Nigeria, Democratic Republic of the
Congo, Bangladesh, Uganda, United States of America, Ethiopia, and China, listed
according to the size of their contribution to population growth.
• Global life expectancy at birth, which is estimated to have risen from 46 years in
1950-1955 to 65 years in 2000-2005, is expected to keep rising to reach 75 years in
2045-2050. In the more developed regions, the projected increase is from 75 years today
to 82 years by mid-century. Among the least developed countries, where life expectancy
today is just under 50 years, it is expected to be 66 years in 2045-2050.
• The population of 51 countries or areas, including Germany, Italy, Japan and most of the
successor States of the former Soviet Union, is expected to be lower in 2050 than in
2005.
• During 2005-2050, the net number of international migrants to more developed regions
is projected to be 98 million. Because deaths are projected to exceed births in the more
developed regions by 73 million during 2005-2050, population growth in those regions
will largely be due to international migration.
• In 2000-2005, net migration in 28 countries either prevented population decline or
doubled at least the contribution of natural increase (births minus deaths) to population
growth. These countries include Austria, Canada, Croatia, Denmark, Germany, Italy,
Portugal, Qatar, Singapore, Spain, Sweden, United Arab Emirates and United
Kingdom.[15]
• Birth rates are now falling in a small percentage of developing countries, while the actual
populations in many developed countries would fall without immigration.[16]
• By 2050 (Medium variant), India will have almost 1.7 billion people, China 1.4 billion,
United States 400 million, Indonesia 297 million, Pakistan 292 million, Nigeria 289
million, Bangladesh 254 million, Brazil 254 million, Democratic Republic of the Congo
187 million, Ethiopia 183 million, Philippines 141 million, Mexico 132 million, Egypt 121
million, Vietnam 120 million, Russia 108 million, Japan 103 million, Iran 100 million,
Overpopulation 134
Turkey 99 million, Uganda 93 million, Tanzania 85 million, and Kenya 85 million.

2050
• Africa - 1.9 billion
• Asia - 5.2 billion
• Europe - 664 million
• Latin America & Caribbean - 769 million
• Northern America - 445 million[17]
Demographic transition
The theory of demographic
transition, while unproven to apply
to all world regions, holds that,
after the standard of living and life
expectancy increase, family sizes
and birth rates decline. Factors
cited include such social factors as
later ages of marriage, the
growing desire of many women in
such settings to seek careers
outside child rearing and domestic
work, and the decreased need of
children in industrialized settings.
The latter factor stems from the
fact that children perform a great
deal of work in small-scale
agricultural societies, and work
United Nation's population projections by location.
less in industrial ones; it has been
cited to explain the decline in birth
rates in industrializing regions.
Another version of demographic transition is that of Virginia Abernethy in Population

Politics, where she claims that the demographic transition occurs primarily in nations
where women enjoy a special status (see Fertility-opportunity theory). In strongly
patriarchal nations, where she claims women enjoy few special rights, a high standard of
living tends to result in population growth.
Many countries have high population growth rates but lower total fertility rates because
high population growth in the past skewed the age demographic toward a young age, so the
population still rises as the more numerous younger generation approaches maturity.
"Demographic entrapment" is a concept developed by Maurice King, who posits that this
phenomenon occurs when a country has a population larger than its carrying capacity, no
possibility of migration, and exports too little to be able to import food. This will cause
starvation. He claims that for example many sub-Saharan nations are or will become stuck
in demographic entrapment, instead of having a demographic transition.[18]
For the world as a whole, the number of children born per woman decreased from 5.02 to
2.65 between 1950 and 2005. A breakdown by continent is as follows:
• Europe 2.66 to 1.41
Overpopulation 135
• North America 3.47 to 1.99

• Oceania 3.87 to 2.30
• Central America 6.38 to 2.66
• South America 5.75 to 2.51
• Asia (excluding Middle East) 5.85 to 2.43
• Middle East & North Africa 6.99 to 3.37
• Sub-Saharan Africa 6.7 to 5.53
In 2050, the projected world number of children born per woman is 2.05. Only the Middle
East & North Africa (2.09) and Sub-Saharan Africa (2.61) will then have numbers greater
than 2.05.[19]
Carrying capacity
Scientific estimates of the carrying capacity of Earth range between one and two billion
people, depending on the values used in calculations.[20]
In a study titled Food, Land, Population and the U.S. Economy, David Pimentel, professor of
ecology and agriculture at Cornell University, and Mario Giampietro, senior researcher at
the US National Research Institute on Food and Nutrition (INRAN), estimate the maximum
U.S. population for a → sustainable economy at 200 million. To achieve a sustainable
economy and avert disaster, the United States must reduce its population by at least
one-third, and world population will have to be reduced by two-thirds, says the study.[21]
Steve Jones, head of the biology department at University College London, has said,
"Humans are 10,000 times more common than we should be, according to the rules of the
animal kingdom, and we have agriculture to thank for that. Without farming, the world
population would probably have reached half a million by now." [22]
Some groups (for example, the World Wide Fund for Nature[23] [24] and the Global Footprint
Network[25] ) have stated that the carrying capacity for the human population has been
exceeded as measured using the ecological footprint. In 2006, WWF's "Living Planet" report
stated that in order for all humans to live with a high degree of luxury (European
standards), we would be spending three times more than what the planet can supply.[26]
But critics question the simplifications and statistical methods used in calculating
ecological footprints. Some point out that a more refined method of assessing ecological
footprint is to designate sustainable versus non-sustainable categories of consumption.[27]
[28]
Resources
David Pimentel,[29] Professor Emeritus at Cornell University, has stated that "With the
imbalance growing between population numbers and vital life sustaining resources, humans
must actively conserve cropland, freshwater, energy, and biological resources. There is a
need to develop renewable energy resources. Humans everywhere must understand that
rapid population growth damages the Earth’s resources and diminishes human
well-being."[30] [31]
These reflect the comments also of the United States Geological Survey in their paper The
Future of Planet Earth: Scientific Challenges in the Coming Century [32]. "As the global
population continues to grow...people will place greater and greater demands on the
resources of our planet, including mineral and energy resources, open space, water, and
Overpopulation 136
plant and animal resources." "Earth's natural wealth: an audit" by New Scientist magazine
states that many of the minerals that we use for a variety of products are in danger of
running out in the near future. "[no close quote follows.] A handful of geologists around the
world have calculated the costs of new technologies in terms of the materials they use and
the implications of their spreading to the developing world. All agree that the planet's
booming population and rising standards of living are set to put unprecedented demands on
the materials that only Earth itself can provide. Limitations on how much of these materials
is available could even mean that some technologies are not worth pursuing long term....
"Virgin stocks of several metals appear inadequate to sustain the modern 'developed world'
quality of life for all of Earth's people under contemporary technology".[33]
On the other hand, some writers, such as Julian Simon and Bjorn Lomborg believe that
resources exist for further population growth. However, critics warn, this will be at a high
cost to the Earth: "the technological optimists are probably correct in claiming that overall
world food production can be increased substantially over the next few decades...[however]
the environmental cost of what Paul R. and Anne H. Ehrlich describe as 'turning the Earth
into a giant human feedlot' could be severe. A large expansion of agriculture to provide
growing populations with improved diets is likely to lead to further deforestation, loss of
species, soil erosion, and pollution from pesticides and fertilizer runoff as farming
intensifies and new land is brought into production."[34] Since we are intimately dependent
upon the living systems of the Earth,[35] [36] [37] scientists have questioned the wisdom of
further expansion.[38]
According to the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment, a four-year research effort by 1,360 of
the world’s leading scientists commissioned to measure the actual value of natural
resources to humans and the world, "The structure of the world’s ecosystems changed more
rapidly in the second half of the twentieth century than at any time in recorded human
history, and virtually all of Earth’s ecosystems have now been significantly transformed
through human actions."[39] "Ecosystem services, particularly food production, timber and
fisheries, are important for employment and economic activity. Intensive use of ecosystems
often produces the greatest short-term advantage, but excessive and unsustainable use can
lead to losses in the long term. A country could cut its forests and deplete its fisheries, and
this would show only as a positive gain to GDP, despite the loss of capital assets. If the full
economic value of ecosystems were taken into account in decision-making, their
degradation could be significantly slowed down or even reversed."[40] [41] The MA blames
habitat loss and fragmentation for the continuing disappearance of species.
Another study by the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) called the Global
Environment Outlook [42] which involved 1,400 scientists and took five years to prepare
comes to similar conclusions. It "found that human consumption had far outstripped
available resources. Each person on Earth now requires a third more land to supply his or
her needs than the planet can supply." It faults a failure to "respond to or recognise the
magnitude of the challenges facing the people and the environment of the planet... 'The
systematic destruction of the Earth's natural and nature-based resources has reached a
point where the economic viability of economies is being challenged - and where the bill we
hand to our children may prove impossible to pay'... The report's authors say its objective is
'not to present a dark and gloomy scenario, but an urgent call to action'. It warns that
tackling the problems may affect the vested interests of powerful groups, and that the
environment must be moved to the core of decision-making... '[43]
Overpopulation 137
Additionally, other issues involving quality of life - would most people want to live in a
world of billions more people - and the basic right of other species to exist in their native
environments come into play.
Although all resources, whether mineral or other, are limited on the planet, there is a
degree of self-correction whenever a scarcity or high-demand for a particular kind is
experienced. For example in 1990 known reserves of many natural resources were higher,
and their prices lower, than in 1970, despite higher demand and higher consumption.
Whenever a price spike would occur, the market tended to correct itself whether by
substituting an equivalent resource or switching to a new technology.[44]
Fresh water
Fresh water supplies, on which agriculture depends, are running low worldwide.[45] [46]
This water crisis is only expected to worsen as the population increases. Lester R. Brown of
the Earth Policy Institute argues that declining water supplies will have future disastrous
consequences for agriculture.[47]
Fresh water can also be obtained from salt water by desalination. For example, Malta
derives two thirds of its freshwater by desalination. A number of nuclear powered
desalination plants exist,[48] and some argue that there are billions of years of nuclear fuel
available.[49] But the high costs of desalination, especially for poor countries, make
impractical the transport of large amounts of desalinated seawater to interiors of large
countries.[50] However, while desalinizing 1,000 gallons of water can cost as much as $3,
the same amount of bottled water costs $7,945. [51]
One study found that "one needs to lift the water by 2000 m, or transport it over more than
1600 km to get transport costs equal to the desalination costs. Desalinated water is
expensive in places that are both somewhat far from the sea and somewhat high, such as
Riyadh and Harare. In other places, the dominant cost is desalination, not transport. This
leads to somewhat lower costs in places like Beijing, Bangkok, Zaragoza, Phoenix, and, of
course, coastal cities like Tripoli." Thus while the study is generally positive about the
technology for affluent areas that are proximate to oceans, it concludes that "Desalinated
water may be a solution for some water-stress regions, but not for places that are poor,
deep in the interior of a continent, or at high elevation. Unfortunately, that includes some of
the places with biggest water problems."[52]
Israel is now desalinating water for a cost of 53 cents per cubic meter,[53] Singapore at 49
cents per cubic meter.[54] In the United States, the cost is 81 cents per cubic meter ($3.06
for 1,000 gallons). [55]
Another problem of desalination is the "lethal byproduct of saline brine that is a major
cause of marine pollution when dumped back into the oceans at high temperatures."[56]
The world's largest desalination plant is the Jebel Ali Desalination Plant (Phase 2) in the
United Arab Emirates, which can produce 300 million cubic meters of water per year,[57] or
about 2500 gallons per second. The largest desalination plant in the US is the one at Tampa
Bay, Florida, which began desalinizing 25 million gallons (95000 m³) of water per day in
December 2007.[58] A January 17, 2008, article in the Wall Street Journal states,
"Worldwide, 13,080 desalination plants produce more than 12 billion gallons of water a day,
according to the International Desalination Association." [59] After being desalinized at
Jubail, Saudi Arabia, water is pumped 200 miles (320 km) inland though a pipeline to the
capital city of Riyadh. [60]
Overpopulation 138
Food
Some argue there is enough food to support the world population,[61] [62]
but other sources
dispute this, particularly if sustainability is taken into account.[63]
More than 100 countries now import wheat and 40 countries import rice. Egypt and Iran
rely on imports for 40% of their grain supply. Algeria, Japan, South Korea and Taiwan
import 70% or more. Yemen and Israel import more than 90%. And just 6 countries - the
US, Canada, France, Australia, Argentina and Thailand - supply 90% of grain exports. The
US alone supplies almost half of world grain exports.[64] [65]
A 2001 United Nations report says population growth is "the main force driving increases in
agricultural demand" but "most recent expert assessments are cautiously optimistic about
the ability of global food production to keep up with demand for the foreseeable future (that
is to say, until approximately 2030 or 2050)", assuming declining population growth
rates.[66]
Global perspective
The amounts of natural resources in this context are

not necessarily fixed, and their distribution is not
necessarily a zero-sum game. For example, due to the
Green Revolution and the fact that more and more land
is appropriated each year from wild lands for
agricultural purposes, the worldwide production of food
had steadily increased up until 1995. World food
production per person was considerably higher in 2005
than 1961.[67]
As world population doubled from 3 billion to 6 billion,

daily calorie consumption in poor countries increased
from 1,932 to 2,650, and the percentage of people in
those countries who were malnourished fell from 45% Growth in food production has been
to 18%. This suggests that Third World poverty and greater than population growth. Food
per person increased during the
famine are caused by underdevelopment, not
1961-2005 period.
overpopulation.[68] However, others question these
statistics.[69]
The number of people who are overweight has surpassed the number who are
undernourished. In a 2006 news story, MSNBC reported, "There are an estimated 800
million undernourished people and more than a billion considered overweight
worldwide."[70]
The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations states in its report The State
of Food Insecurity in the World 2006, that while the number of undernourished people in
the developing countries has declined by about three million, a smaller proportion of the
populations of developing countries is undernourished today than in 1990–92: 17% against
20%. Furthermore, FAO’s projections suggest that the proportion of hungry people in
developing countries could be halved from 1990-92 levels to 10% by 2015. The FAO also
states "We have emphasized first and foremost that reducing hunger is no longer a question
of means in the hands of the global community. The world is richer today than it was ten
years ago. There is more food available and still more could be produced without excessive
Overpopulation 139
upward pressure on prices. The knowledge and resources to reduce hunger are there. What
is lacking is sufficient political will to mobilize those resources to the benefit of the hungry."
[71]PDF
As of 2008, the price of grain has increased due to more farming used in biofuels,[72] world
oil prices at over $100 a barrel,[73] global population growth,[74] climate change,[75] loss of
agricultural land to residential and industrial development,[76] [77] and growing consumer
demand in China and India[78] [79] Food riots have recently taken place in many countries
across the world.[80] [81] [82] An epidemic of stem rust on wheat caused by race Ug99 is
currently spreading across Africa and into Asia and is causing major concern. A virulent
wheat disease could destroy most of the world’s main wheat crops, leaving millions to
starve. The fungus has spread from Africa to Iran, and may already be in Afghanistan and
Pakistan.[83] [84] [85]
Africa
In Africa, if current trends of soil degradation and population growth continue, the
continent might be able to feed just 25% of its population by 2025, according to UNU's
Ghana-based Institute for Natural Resources in Africa.[86]
Hunger and malnutrition kill nearly 6 million children a year, and more people are
malnourished in sub-Saharan Africa this decade than in the 1990s, according to a report
released by the Food and Agriculture Organization. In sub-Saharan Africa, the number of
malnourished people grew to 203.5 million people in 2000-02 from 170.4 million 10 years
earlier says The State of Food Insecurity in the World report.
According to the BBC, the famine in Zimbabwe was caused by government seizure of
farmland.[87] However drought has also played a major role.[88] Drought in southern Africa
now threatens 13 million people with famine, 6 million of whom live in Zimbabwe.[89] The
current food shortages are projected to worsen. [89] Prior to this combination of drought
and seizure of farmland, Zimbabwe exported so much food that it was called "the
breadbasket of southern Africa", so other countries were also harmed by these farm
seizures.[87] People who study the Zimbabwean famine claim that there are normally more
[89] [90] [91]
than enough natural resources to feed the people. Some claim that the dams and
rivers in Zimbabwe are full, and that the famine has nothing to do with drought.[92]
Although it is undoubtedly true that bad governance has exacerbated the famine, the article
notes that "Four weeks without rain at the critical germination phase has led to the failure
of [the villagers] small crops. There will be no harvest again until next June."
Prior to President Robert Mugabe's seizure of the farmland in Zimbabwe, the farmers had
been using irrigation to deal with drought, but during the seizures of the farmland, much of
the irrigation equipment was vandalized and looted.[93] [94] A 2006 BBC article about the
seizure of farmland states, "Critics say the reforms have devastated the economy and led to
massive hunger. Much of the formerly white-owned land is no longer being productively
used - either because the beneficiaries have no experience of farming or they lack finance
and tools. Many farms were wrecked when they were invaded by government
supporters."[95]
Compared to Zimbabwe's population density of 33 people per square kilometre, Israel has
302 people per square kilometre.[96] Although Israel is a desert country with frequent
drought and very high population density, it does not have famine. One possible reason for
this is that its government encourages farmers to use modern agriculture and irrigation to
Overpopulation 140
grow huge amounts of food.[97] [98] Another possible reason is that Israel is a net importer
of food.[99] It must also be noted that the high productivity of modern agriculture depends
on the unsustainable use of fossil fuels to produce fertilizer and pesticide and to drive
farming machinery.[100]
Asia
In China, only 8% of children are underweight.[101] According to a 2004 article from the
BBC, China, the world's most populous country, suffers from an obesity epidemic.[102] More
recent data indicate China's grain production peaked in the mid 1990s, due to
overextraction of groundwater in the North China plain.[103]
Nearly half of India's children are malnourished, according to recent government data.
Japan may face a food crisis that could reduce daily diets to the austere meals of the 1950s,
believes a senior government adviser.[104]
America
According to a 2007 article from the BBC, scientists at Columbia University have theorized
that in the future, densely populated cities such as Mexico City, Los Angeles, and New York
City, which are the largest in North America, may use vertical farming to grow food on each
floor of 30-story skyscrapers.[105]
Population as a function of food availability

Thinkers such as David Pimentel,[106] a professor from Cornell University, Virginia
Abernethy,[107] Alan Thornhill,[108] Russell Hopffenberg[109] and author → Daniel Quinn[110]
propose that like all other animals, human populations predictably grow and shrink
according to their available food supply – populations grow in an abundance of food, and
shrink in times of scarcity.
Proponents of this theory argue that every time food production is increased, the population
grows. Some human populations throughout history support this theory. Populations of →
hunter-gatherers fluctuate in accordance with the amount of available food. Population
increased after the → Neolithic Revolution and an increased food supply. This was followed
by subsequent population growth after subsequent agricultural revolutions.
Critics of this idea point out that birth rates are lowest in the developed nations, which also
have the highest access to food. In fact, some developed countries have both a diminishing
population and an abundant food supply. The United Nations projects that the population of
51 countries or areas, including Germany, Italy, Japan and most of the states of the former
Soviet Union, is expected to be lower in 2050 than in 2005.[15] This shows that when one
limits their scope to the population living within a given political boundary, human
populations do not always grow to match the available food supply. Additionally, many of
these countries are major exporters of food.
Nevertheless, on the global scale the world population is increasing,[111] as is the net
quantity of human food produced - a pattern that has been true for roughly 10,000 years,
since the human development of agriculture. That some countries demonstrate negative
population growth fails to discredit the theory. Food moves across borders from areas of
abundance to areas of scarcity. Additionally, this hypothesis is not so simplistic as to be
rejected by a single case study, as in Germany's recent population trends - clearly other
factors are at work: contraceptive access, cultural norms and most importantly economic
Overpopulation 141
realities differ from nation to nation.
As a result of water deficits

Water deficits, which are already spurring heavy grain imports in numerous smaller
countries, may soon do the same in larger countries, such as China or India.[112] The water
tables are falling in scores of countries (including Northern China, the US, and India) owing
to widespread overdrafting beyond sustainable yields. Other countries affected include
Pakistan, Iran, and Mexico. This overdrafting is already leading to water scarcity and
cutbacks in grain harvest. Even with the overpumping of its aquifers, China has developed
a grain deficit. This effect has contributed in driving grain prices upward. Most of the 3
billion people projected to be added worldwide by mid-century will be born in countries
already experiencing water shortages. One suggested solution is for population growth to
be slowed quickly by investing heavily in female literacy and family planning services.[113]
Desalination is also considered a viable and effective solution to the problem of water
shortages.[53] [54]
After China and India, there is a second tier of smaller countries with large water deficits —
Algeria, Egypt, Iran, Mexico, and Pakistan. Four of these already import a large share of
their grain. Only Pakistan remains self-sufficient. But with a population expanding by 4
million a year, it will also soon turn to the world market for grain.[114]
Land
World Resources Institute states that "Agricultural conversion to croplands and managed
pastures has affected some 3.3 billion [hectares] — roughly 26 percent of the land area. All
totaled, agriculture has displaced one-third of temperate and tropical forests and
one-quarter of natural grasslands."[115] [116] Energy development may also require large
areas; hydroelectric dams are one example. Usable land may become less useful through
salinization, deforestation, desertification, erosion, and urban sprawl. Global warming may
cause flooding of many of the most productive agricultural areas[117] . Thus, available
useful land may become a limiting factor. By most estimates, at least half of cultivable land
is already being farmed, and there are concerns that the remaining reserves are greatly
overestimated.[118]
High crop yield vegetables like potatoes and lettuce use less space on inedible plant parts,
like stalks, husks, vines, and inedible leaves. New varieties of selectively bred and hybrid
plants have larger edible parts (fruit, vegetable, grain) and smaller inedible parts; however,
many of the gains of agricultural technology are now historic, and new advances are more
difficult to achieve. With new technologies, it is possible to grow crops on some marginal
land under certain conditions. Aquaculture could theoretically increase available area.
Hydroponics and food from bacteria and fungi, like quorn, may allow the growing of food
without having to consider land quality, climate, or even available sunlight, although such a
process may be very energy-intensive. Some argue that not all arable land will remain
productive if used for agriculture because some marginal land can only be made to produce
food by unsustainable practices like slash-and-burn agriculture. Even with the modern
techniques of agriculture, the sustainability of production is in question.
Some countries, such as the United Arab Emirates and particularly the Emirate of Dubai
have constructed large artificial islands, or have created large dam and dike systems, like
the Netherlands, which reclaim land from the sea to increase their total land area.[119]
Overpopulation 142
Some scientists have said that in the future, densely populated cities will use vertical
farming to grow food inside skyscrapers.[105]
The space taken by a humans themselves is not a problem. A number of thinkers who deny
that overpopulation is a problem have noted that the whole world population could live on
land with the area of Texas. The resources that are likely to run out first are good cropland,
timber and fresh water.
Energy
Population optimists have also been criticized for failing to account for future shortages in
fossil fuels, currently used for fertilizer and transportation for modern agriculture. (See
Hubbert peak and Future energy development.) They counter that there will be enough
fossil fuels until suitable replacement technologies have been developed, for example
hydrogen in a hydrogen economy.[120] [121]
In his 1992 book Earth in the Balance, Al Gore wrote, "... it ought to be possible to establish
a coordinated global program to accomplish the strategic goal of completely eliminating the
internal combustion engine over, say, a twenty-five-year period..."[122] Plug-in electric cars
such as the Tesla Roadster suggest that Gore's prediction will come true. Earth has enough
uranium to provide humans with all of their electricity needs until the sun blows up in 5
billion years, assuming that we develop large-scale breeder reactors.[49]
There has also been increasing development in extracting renewable energy, such as solar,
wind, and tidal energy. If used on a wide scale, these could theoretically fulfill most, if not
all, of the energy needs currently being filled by non-renewable resources. Most renewable
energy forms rely on an oil-based economy to produce, i.e. you cannot make a wind turbine
without the oil-run machinery to begin with, making the whole process moot. Some of these
renewable resources also have ecological footprints, although they may be different or
smaller than some non-renewable resources.
Overpopulation 143
Fertilizer
Modern agriculture uses large amounts of fertilizer. Since much of this fertilizer is made
from petroleum, the problem of → peak oil is of concern. According to articles in Discover
Magazine (in 2003 and a 2006), it is possible to use the process of thermal
depolymerization to manufacture fertilizer out of garbage, sewage, and agricultural
waste.[123] [124]
Wealth and poverty

The United Nations indicates that about
850 million people are malnourished or
starving,[125] and 1.1 billion people do not
have access to safe drinking water.[126]
Some argue that Earth may support 6
billion people, but only if many live in
misery. The proportion of the world's
population living on less than $1 per day
has halved in 20 years, but these are
inflation-unadjusted numbers and likely
misleading.[127]
The UN Human Development Report of

1997 states: "During the last 15-20 years,
more than 100 developing countries, and
As the world's population has grown, the percentage
several Eastern European countries, have of the world's population living on less than $1 per
suffered from disastrous growth failures. day (adjusted for inflation) has halved in 20 years. The
The reductions in standard of living have graph shows the 1981-2001 period.
been deeper and more long-lasting than

what was seen in the industrialised countries during the depression in the 1930s. As a
result, the income for more than one billion people has fallen below the level that was
reached 10, 20 or 30 years ago". Similarly, although the proportion of "starving" people in
sub-Saharan Africa has decreased, the absolute number of starving people has increased
due to population growth. The percentage dropped from 38% in 1970 to 33% in 1996 and
was expected to be 30% by 2010.[69] But the region’s population roughly doubled between
1970 and 1996. To keep the numbers of starving constant, the percentage would have
dropped by more than half.[40] [128]
Opponents of birth control sometimes argue that overpopulation is unrelated to extreme

poverty. [129] [130]
The chart to the right is illuminating.
Overpopulation 144
As of 2004, there were 108

countries in the world with
more than five million people.
None of these in which women
have, on the average, more
than 4 children in their
lifetime, have a per capita
GDP of more than $5000.
Conversely, in all but two of
the countries with a per capita
GDP of more than $5,000,
women have, on the average,
2 or fewer children in their
lifetime. Israel and Saudi
Arabia are the only outliers,
with per capita GDP between
$15,000 and $25,000, and wealth per capita graphed against fertility rate.
average lifetime births per

woman between 2 and 4.
The correlation does not imply cause and effect, however, Because the correlation is so
strong, there is probably a feedback mechanism at work: poverty increases childbearing
which increases poverty, and so on. Such cycles are inherently difficult to break.
Environment
Overpopulation has substantially adversely impacted the environment of Earth starting at
least as early as the 20th century.[2] There are also economic consequences of this
environmental degradation in the form of ecosystem services attrition.[131] Beyond the
scientifically verifiable harm to the environment, some assert the moral right of other
species to simply exist rather than become extinct. Says environmental author Jeremy
Rifkin, "our burgeoning population and urban way of life have been purchased at the
expense of vast ecosystems and habitats. ... It's no accident that as we celebrate the
urbanization of the world, we are quickly approaching another historic watershed: the
disappearance of the wild."[132]
Says Peter Raven, former President of the American Association for the Advancement of
Science (AAAS) in their seminal work AAAS Atlas of Population & Environment [133],
"Where do we stand in our efforts to achieve a sustainable world? Clearly, the past half
century has been a traumatic one, as the collective impact of human numbers, affluence
(consumption per individual) and our choices of technology continue to exploit rapidly an
increasing proportion of the world's resources at an unsustainable rate. ... During a
remarkably short period of time, we have lost a quarter of the world's topsoil and a fifth of
its agricultural land, altered the composition of the atmosphere profoundly, and destroyed a
major proportion of our forests and other natural habitats without replacing them. Worst of
all, we have driven the rate of biological extinction, the permanent loss of species, up
several hundred times beyond its historical levels, and are threatened with the loss of a
majority of all species by the end of the 21st century."
Overpopulation 145
A 2001 United Nations report has postulated that, although human activity can be blamed
for much of the environmental degradation in the last century, overpopulation is not a
major cause, but rising per-capita production and consumption and the use of particular
technologies used in such production are more likely major factors. Further, even in
countries which have both large population growth and major ecological problems, it is not
necessarily true that curbing the population growth will make a major contribution towards
resolving all environmental problems.[134] However, as developing countries with high
populations become more industrialized, pollution and consumption will invariably increase.
Cities
In 1800 only 3% of the world's population lived in cities. By the 20th century's close, 47%
did so. In 1950, there were 83 cities with populations exceeding one million; but by 2007,
this had risen to 468 agglomerations of more than one million.[135] If the trend continues,
the world's urban population will double every 38 years, say researchers. The UN forecasts
that today's urban population of 3.2 billion will rise to nearly 5 billion by 2030, when three
out of five people will live in cities.[136]
The increase will be most dramatic in the poorest and least-urbanised continents, Asia and
Africa. Projections indicate that most urban growth over the next 25 years will be in
developing countries.[137] One billion people, one-sixth of the world's population, or
one-third of urban population, now live in shanty towns,[138] which are seen as "breeding
grounds" for social problems such as crime, drug addiction, alcoholism, poverty and
unemployment. In many poor countries, slums exhibit high rates of disease due to
unsanitary conditions, malnutrition, and lack of basic health care.[139]
In 2000, there were 18 megacities – conurbations such as Tokyo, Mexico City, Mumbai
(Bombay), São Paulo and New York City – that have populations in excess of 10 million
inhabitants. Greater Tokyo already has 35 million, more than the entire population of
Canada.[140]
By 2025, according to the Far Eastern Economic Review, Asia alone will have at least 10
hypercities, those with 20 million or more, including Jakarta (24.9 million people), Dhaka
(25 million), Karachi (26.5 million), Shanghai (27 million) and Mumbai (33 million).[141]
Lagos has grown from 300,000 in 1950 to an estimated 15 million today, and the Nigerian
government estimates that city will have expanded to 25 million residents by 2015.[142]
Chinese experts forecast that Chinese cities will contain 800 million people by 2020.[143]
Despite the increase in population density within cities (and the emergence of megacities),
UN Habitat states in its reports that urbanization may be the best compromise in the face
of global population growth.[144] Cities concentrate human activity within limited areas,
limiting the breadth of environmental damage. [145] But this mitigating influence can only
be achieved if urban planning is significantly improved[146] and city services are properly
maintained.
Overpopulation 146
Ecological footprint by world region

As set forth on page 18 of WWF's Living Planet report, the regions of the world with the
greatest ecological footprint[147] are ranked as follows as of 2003:
1. Northern America
2. Europe (European Union countries)
3. Middle-East and Central Asia
4. Asia and Pacific Islands
5. Africa
6. Europe (Non-European Union countries)
7. Latin-America and the Caribbean
Effects of overpopulation
Some problems associated with or exacerbated by human overpopulation:
• Inadequate fresh water[126] for drinking water use as well as sewage treatment and
effluent discharge. Some countries, like Saudi Arabia, use energy-expensive desalination
to solve the problem of water shortages.[148] [149]
• Depletion of natural resources, especially fossil fuels[150]
• Increased levels of air pollution, water pollution, soil contamination and noise
pollution. Once a country has industrialized and become wealthy, a combination of
government regulation and technological innovation causes pollution to decline
substantially, even as the population continues to grow.[151]
• Deforestation and loss of ecosystems[152] that sustain global atmospheric oxygen and
carbon dioxide balance; about eight million hectares of forest are lost each year.[153]
• Changes in atmospheric composition and consequent global warming[154] [155]
• Irreversible loss of arable land and increases in desertification[156] Deforestation and
desertification can be reversed by adopting property rights, and this policy is successful
even while the human population continues to grow.[157]
• Mass species extinctions.[158] from reduced habitat in tropical forests due to
slash-and-burn techniques that sometimes are practiced by shifting cultivators, especially
in countries with rapidly expanding rural populations; present extinction rates may be as
high as 140,000 species lost per year.[159] As of 2007, the IUCN Red List lists a total of
698 animal species having gone extinct during recorded human history.[160]
• High infant and child mortality.[161] High rates of infant mortality are caused by
poverty. Rich countries with high population densities have low rates of infant mortality.
[162]
• Increased chance of the emergence of new epidemics and pandemics[163] For many
environmental and social reasons, including overcrowded living conditions, malnutrition
and inadequate, inaccessible, or non-existent health care, the poor are more likely to be
exposed to infectious diseases.[164]
• Starvation, malnutrition[125] or poor diet with ill health and diet-deficiency diseases
(e.g. rickets). However, rich countries with high population densities do not have
famine.[165]
• Poverty coupled with inflation in some regions and a resulting low level of capital
formation. Poverty and inflation are aggravated by bad government and bad economic
policies. Many countries with high population densities have eliminated absolute poverty
and keep their inflation rates very low.[166]
Overpopulation 147
• Low life expectancy in countries with fastest growing populations[167]

• Unhygienic living conditions for many based upon water resource depletion, discharge
of raw sewage[168] and solid waste disposal. However, this problem can be reduced with
the adoption of sewers. For example, after Karachi, Pakistan installed sewers, its infant
mortality rate fell substantially. [169]
• Elevated crime rate due to drug cartels and increased theft by people stealing
resources to survive[170]
• Conflict over scarce resources and crowding, leading to increased levels of
warfare[171]
• Lower wages. In the supply and demand economic model, an increase in the number of
workers (supply-increase) results in lower demand and wages fall (price-decrease) as
more people compete for available work.
Some economists, such as Thomas Sowell[172] and Walter E. Williams[173] have argued that
third world poverty and famine are caused by bad government and bad economic policies,
and not by overpopulation. In his book The Ultimate Resource, economist Julian Simon
argued that higher population density leads to more specialization and technological
innovation, and that this leads to an improved standard of living.[174] But most sociologists
see overpopulation as a serious problem.[2] [175]
Mitigation measures
While the current world trends are not indicative of any realistic solution to human
overpopulation during the 21st century, there are several mitigation measures that have or
can be applied to reduce the adverse impacts of overpopulation.
Birth regulations
Overpopulation is related to issue of birth control; some nations, like the People's Republic
of China, use strict measures to reduce birth rates. Religious and ideological opposition to
birth control has been cited as a factor contributing to overpopulation and poverty.[176]
Some leaders and environmentalists (such as Ted Turner) have suggested that there is an
urgent need to strictly implement a China-like one-child policy globally by the United
Nations, because this would help control and reduce population gradually and most
successfully as is evidenced by the success and resultant economic-growth of China due to
reduction of poverty in recent years.[177] [178] Because such a policy would be uniformly and
unanimously implemented globally and would be implemented by a reputable central-global
organization (United Nations), it would face little political and social opposition from
individual countries.
Indira Gandhi, late Prime Minister of India, implemented a forced sterilization programme
in the 1970s. Officially, men with two children or more had to submit to sterilization, but
many unmarried young men, political opponents and ignorant men were also believed to
have been sterilized. This program is still remembered and criticized in India, and is
blamed for creating a wrong public aversion to family planning, which hampered
Government programmes for decades.[179]
Urban designer Michael E. Arth has proposed a "choice-based, marketable birth license
plan" he calls "birth credits."[180] Birth credits would allow any woman to have as many
children as she wants, as long as she buys a license for any children beyond an average
allotment that would result in zero population growth (ZPG). If that allotment was
Overpopulation 148
determined to be one child, for example, then the first child would be free, and the market
would determine what the license fee for each additional child would cost. Extra credits
would expire after a certain time, so these credits could not be hoarded by speculators.
Another advantage of the scheme is that the affluent would not buy them because they
already limit their family size by choice, as evidenced by an average of 1.1 children per
European woman. The actual cost of the credits would only be a fraction of the actual cost
of having and raising a child, so the credits would serve more as a wake-up call to women
who might otherwise produce children without seriously considering the long term
consequences to themselves or society.[181]
Education and empowerment

One option is to focus on education about overpopulation, family planning, and birth control
methods, and to make birth-control devices like male/female condoms and pills easily
available. An estimated 350 million women in the poorest countries of the world either did
not want their last child, do not want another child or want to space their pregnancies, but
they lack access to information, affordable means and services to determine the size and
spacing of their families. In the developing world, some 514,000 women[citation needed]
die annually of complications from pregnancy and abortion. Additionally, 8 million infants
die, many because of malnutrition or preventable diseases, especially from lack of access to
clean drinking water.[182] In the United States, in 2001, almost half of pregnancies were
unintended.[183]
Egypt announced a program to reduce its overpopulation by family planning education and
putting women in the workforce. It was announced in June 2008 by the Minister of Health
and Population Hatem el-Gabali. The government has set aside 480 million Egyptian pounds
(about 90 million U.S. dollars) for the program.[184]
Extraterrestrial settlement
In the 1970s, Gerard O'Neill suggested building space habitats that could support 30,000
times the carrying capacity of Earth using just the asteroid belt and that the solar system as
[185]
a whole could sustain current population growth rates for a thousand years. Marshall
Savage (1992, 1994) has projected a human population of five quintillion throughout the
solar system by 3000, with the majority in the asteroid belt.[186] Arthur C. Clarke, a fervent
supporter of Savage, argued that by 2057 there will be humans on the Moon, Mars, Europa,
Ganymede, Titan and in orbit around Venus, Neptune and Pluto.[187] Freeman Dyson (1999)
favours the Kuiper belt as the future home of humanity, suggesting this could happen
within a few centuries.[188] In Mining the Sky, John S. Lewis suggests that the resources of
the solar system could support 10 quadrillion (10^16) people.
K. Eric Drexler, famous inventor of the futuristic concept of molecular nanotechnology, has
suggested in Engines of Creation that colonizing space will mean breaking the Malthusian
limits to growth for the human species.
Many authors (eg. Carl Sagan, Arthur C. Clarke,[189] Isaac Asimov[190] ) have argued that
shipping the excess population into space is no solution to human overpopulation, and that
"the population battle must be fought or won here on Earth". (Clarke, 1999) The problem
for these authors is not the lack of resources in space (as shown in books such as Mining
the Sky[191] ), but the physical impracticality of shipping vast numbers of people into space
to "solve" overpopulation on Earth. However, Gerard O'Neill's calculations show that Earth
Overpopulation 149
could offload all new population growth with a launch services industry about the same size
as the current airline industry in O'Neill, Gerard K. (1981). 2081: A Hopeful View of the
Human Future. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 0-671-44751-3..
Other approaches and effects

Many philosophers, including → Thomas Malthus, have said at various times that when
humankind does not check population-growth, nature takes its course. But this course
might not result in the death of humans through catastrophes; instead it might result in
infertility. German scientists have reported that a virus called Adeno-associated virus might
have a role in male infertility,[192] but is otherwise harmless to humans.[193] Thus, if this or
similar viruses mutate, they might cause infertility on a large-scale, thus resulting in a
natural and harmless human population-control over time.
See also
• Birth Credits
• Eugenics
• Human migration
• List of famines
• List of most highly-populated countries
• Medieval demography
• Over-consumption
• Overpopulation in companion animals
• Agriculture and population limits
• Population ageing
• Population control
• Rientrodolce, an Italian interest group which lobbies against overpopulation
• Risks to civilization, humans and planet Earth
• → Sustainability
• Tragedy of the commons
Further reading
• Virginia Abernethy, professor (emerita) of psychiatry and anthropology, Population
Politics, (1993)
• Albert Bartlett, emeritus professor of physics, Arithmetic, Population, and Energy: The
Forgotten Fundamentals of the Energy Crisis, (1978)
• Joel E. Cohen, Chair, Laboratory of Populations at the Rockefeller University, How Many
People Can the Earth Support? (1996)
• Barry Commoner, American biologist and college professor Making Peace with the Planet
(1990)
• Herman Daly, professor at the School of Public Policy at the University of Maryland,
College Park Ecological Economics and the Ecology of Economics (1999)
• Paul R. Ehrlich, Bing Professor of Population Studies, The Population Bomb, (1968) The
Population Explosion, (1990) The Population Bomb, (1995) reprint
• Garrett Hardin, 1941 Stanford University - Ph.D. Microbiology, Living Within Limits,
(1995) reprint
Overpopulation 150
• Steven LeBlanc, Constant battles: the myth of the peaceful, noble savage, (2003) ISBN
0312310897 argues that local overpopulation has been the major cause of warfare since
paleolithic times.
• F. L. Lucas, The Greatest Problem (1960); an early wake-up call on over-population, by a
distinguished Cambridge academic
• Andrew Mason, Professor, head of the University of Hawaii's population studies program,
Population change and economic development in East Asia: Challenges met,
opportunities seized (2001)
• Donella Meadows, lead author Ph.D. in biophysics from Harvard, Jorgen Randers,
professor of policy analysis at the Norwegian School of Management, Dennis Meadows,
director of the Institute for Policy and Social Science Research Limits to Growth: The
30-Year Update (Paperback) (2004)
• → Thomas Malthus, English demographer and political economist, Essay on the Principle
of Population, (1798) [194]
• Julian Lincoln Simon, professor of Business Administration The Ultimate Resource 2,
(1998)"
• Ben J. Wattenberg, senior fellow at the neoconservative American Enterprise Institute,
The Birth Dearth (1989) ??? Fewer: How the New Demography of Depopulation Will
Shape Our Future, (2005)
• → Daniel Quinn, author The Story of B, pp 304–305 (1996)
External links
[195]
• United Nations world population site. Projections and historical information.
• UN Online databases with selectable variants, either basic [196] or detailed [197]
information.
• "Bursting at the seams", Jeffrey Sachs's lectures on overpopulation [198]
• AAAS Atlas of Population and Environment [133]
• U.S. Population Reaches 300 Million, Heading for 400 Million -- No Cause for Celebration
[199]
• Earth Policy Institute Resources on POPULATION and HEALTH [200]

• Chart: World Population Growth Through History [201]
[202]
• VOA News - World Population Growth to be Concentrated in Developing Nations
• Map over population density [203]
• Is World Population a Concern? Robert Heilbroner, Thomas Malthus, and the Application
of Both [204]
• Agriculture - how peak oil could lead to starvation [205]
• Overpopulation: What you can do. [206]
• National Geographic article on overpopulation [207]
• Population and the Environment: The Global Challenge [208]
• World Scientists' Warning to Humanity [209]
• Too Many People? [210] By Dr Jacqueline Kasun
• Catholic Social Teaching On Population Growth [211] An unofficial summary
• Theories of population [212] - from the Catholic Encyclopedia
• Article about overpopulation [213]
• Lecture on population growth over human history [214]
• Optimum Population Trust [215]
• Populous Planet [216] FLYP Media story on the photography of overpopulation
Overpopulation 151
• Rosling, Hans (25 January 2009). "What stops population growth? [217]". Gapminder.
http:/ / www. gapminder. org/ videos/ what-stops-population-growth/ . Retrieved on
2009-07-06.
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Mass surveillance
Mass surveillance is the
pervasive surveillance of an entire
population, or a substantial
fraction thereof.
Modern governments today
commonly perform mass
surveillance of their citizens,
explaining that they believe that it
is necessary to protect them from
dangerous groups such as
terrorists, criminals, or political
subversives and to maintain social
control.
Mass surveillance has been widely A closed-circuit television camera.

criticized on several grounds such
as violations of privacy rights, illegality, and for preventing political and social freedoms,
which some fear will ultimately lead to a totalitarian state where political dissent is crushed
by COINTELPRO-like programs. Such a state may also be referred to as an Electronic
Police State.
State enforced
Privacy International's 2007 survey, covering 47 countries, indicated that there had been
an increase in surveillance and a decline in the performance of privacy safeguards,
compared to the previous year. Balancing these factors, eight countries were rated as being
'endemic surveillance societies'. Of these eight, China, Malaysia and Russia scored lowest,
followed jointly by Singapore and the United Kingdom, then jointly by Taiwan, Thailand and
the United States. The best ranking was given to Greece, which was judged to have
'adequate safeguards against abuse'.[1]
Many countries throughout the world have already been adding thousands of surveillance
cameras to their urban, suburban and even rural areas.[2] [3] For example, the American
Civil Liberties Union have directly stated that "we are fast approaching a genuine
surveillance society in the United States - a dark future where our every move, our every
transaction, our every communication is recorded, compiled, and stored away, ready to be
examined and used against us by the authorities whenever they want."[4]
Mass surveillance 158
United Kingdom
The United Kingdom is seen as a pioneer of mass
surveillance. At the end of 2006 it was described by the
Surveillance Studies Network as being 'the most
surveilled country' among the industrialized Western
states.[5]
On 6 February 2009 a report by the House of Lords
Constitution Committee, Surveillance: Citizens and the
State,[6] warned that increasing use of surveillance by
the government and private companies is a serious A bank of seven Closed-circuit
television cameras monitoring people
threat to freedoms and constitutional rights, stating
exiting Birmingham New Street
that "The expansion in the use of surveillance Station, a major British railway station.
represents one of the most significant changes in the
life of the nation since the end of the Second World War. Mass surveillance has the
potential to erode privacy. As privacy is an essential pre-requisite to the exercise of
individual freedom, its erosion weakens the constitutional foundations on which democracy
and good governance have traditionally been based in this country."[7]
Public perception
A YouGov poll published on December 4, 2006, indicated that 79% of those interviewed
agreed that Britain has become a 'surveillance society’ (51% were unhappy with this).[3] In
2004 the Information Commissioner, talking about the proposed British national identity
database gave a warning of this, stating, "My anxiety is that we don't sleepwalk into a
surveillance society."[8] Other databases causing him concern were the National Child
Database (ContactPoint), the Office for National Statistics' Citizen Information Project, and
the NHS National Programme for IT.
CCTV networks
In 2002[9] it was estimated[10] that the United Kingdom was monitored by over 4.2 million
CCTV cameras, some with a facial recognition capacity, with practically all town centres
under surveillance. Serious concerns have been raised that the facial biometric information
which will be stored on a central database through the national identity card scheme could
be linked to facial recognition systems and state-owned CCTV cameras to identify
individuals anywhere in the UK, or even to compile a database of citizens' movements
without their knowledge or consent. Currently, in the City of Westminster, microphones are
being fitted next to CCTV cameras. Westminster council claims that they are simply part of
an initiative against urban noise, and will not "be used to snoop", but comments from a
council spokesman appear to imply that they have been deliberately designed to capture an
audio stream alongside the video stream, rather than simply reporting noise levels.[11]
Public transport
In London, the Oyster card payment system can track the movement of individual people
through the public transport system, although an anonymous option is available, while the
London congestion charge uses computer imaging to track car number plates.
Communication
In 2008 plans were being made to collect data on all phone calls, emails, chatroom
discussions and web-browsing habits as part of the Government's Interception
Modernisation Programme, thought likely to require the insertion of 'thousands' of black
box probes into the country’s computer and telephone networks.[12] The proposals were
expected to be included in the Communications Data Bill. The "giant database" would
include telephone numbers dialed, the websites visited and addresses to which e-mails are
sent "but not the content of e-mails or telephone conversations."[13] Chris Huhne, Home
affairs spokesman said: "The government's Orwellian plans for a vast database of our
private communications are deeply worrying."[14]
Since October 2007 telecommunication companies have been required to keep records of
phone calls and text messages for twelve months under the Data Retention Directive[15]
Though all telecoms firms already keep data for a period, the regulations are designed to
ensure a uniform approach across the industry.[16] This enables the Government and other
selected authorities within the UK such as Police and Councils amongst others to monitor
all phone calls made from a UK landline or Mobile upon request.
In 2002 the UK government announced plans [17] to extend the Regulation of Investigatory
Powers Act(RIPA), so that at least 28 government departments would be given powers to
browse citizens' web, email, telephone and fax records, without a warrant and without a
subject's knowledge. Public and security authorities made a total of 440,000 requests to
monitor people's phone and internet use [18] in 2005-2006.
In the period 11 April to 31 December 2006 the UK gov issued 253,557 requests for
communication data, which as defined by the RIPA includes who you phoned, when they
phoned you, how long they phoned you for, subscriber information and associated
addresses.[19]
Mobile phone tracking

Customers in shopping centres are being tracked by private companies. Utilising mobile
phone signals, a system can tell when people enter the centre, how long they stay in a
particular shop, and what route each customer takes. The system works by monitoring the
signals produced by mobile handsets and then locating the phone by triangulation.[20]
Vehicle tracking
Across the country efforts are increasingly under way

to track closely all road vehicle movements, initially
using a nationwide network of roadside cameras
connected to automatic number plate recognition
systems. These tracks, record and store the details of
all journeys undertaken on major roads and through
city centres and the information is stored for five
years.[21] In the longer term mandatory onboard vehicle
telematics systems are also suggested, to facilitate road Swiss European surveillance: facial
recognition and vehicle make, model,
charging (see vehicle excise duty).
color and license plate reader. In
Germany and Switzerland the systems
DNA Database are near universal.
The British Police hold records of 5.5 million

fingerprints and over 3.4 million DNA samples on the National DNA Database. There is
increasing use of roadside fingerprinting [22] - using new police powers to check identity.
Concerns have been raised [23] over the unregulated use of biometrics in schools, affecting
children as young as three.
Overseas travel
In February 2009 it emerged that the government is planning a database to track and store
records of all international travel into and out of the UK. The database will retain record of
names, addresses, telephone numbers, seat reservations, travel itineraries and credit card
details, which will be kept for 'no more than 10 years'.[24]
Protests
Forward Intelligence Teams conduct mass surveillance of political and environmental
protestors and of journalists . The information they gather is then stored on the crimint
database.[25]
United States
Internet Communications
The Communications Assistance for Law

Enforcement Act (CALEA) requires that all U.S.
telecommunications companies modify their
equipment to allow easy wiretapping of telephone,
VoIP, and broadband internet traffic.[26] [27] [28]
Billions of dollars per year are spent, by agencies
such as the Information Awareness Office, NSA, and
the FBI, to develop, purchase, implement, and
operate systems such as Carnivore, ECHELON, and
NarusInsight to intercept and analyze the immense
amount of data thats traverse the Internet and
telephone system every day. [29] Official seal of the Information Awareness
Office -- a U.S. agency which developed
The Total Information Awareness program, of the technologies for mass surveillance
Information Awareness Office, designed numerous
technologies to be used to perform mass surveillance. Examples include advanced
speech-to-text programs (so that phone conversations can be monitored en-masse by a
computer, instead of requiring human operators to listen to them), social network analysis
software to monitor groups of people and their interactions with each other, and "Human
identification at a distance" software which allows computers to identify people on
surveillance cameras by their facial features and gait (the way they walk). The program was
later renamed "Terrorism Information Awareness", after a negative public reaction.
The Electronic Frontier Foundation has an ongoing lawsuit (Hepting v. AT&T) against the
telecom giant AT&T for its assistance of the U.S. government in monitoring the
communications of millions of American citizens. It has managed thusfar to keep the
proceedings open. Recently the documents, exposed by a whistleblower who previously
worked for AT&T, showing schematics of the massive data mining system were made
public.[30] [31]
The FBI developed the computer programs "Magic Lantern" and CIPAV, which they can
remotely install on a computer system, in order to monitor a person's computer activity. [32]
In 1999 two models of mandatory data retention were suggested for the US: What IP
address was assigned to a customer at a specific time. In the second model, "which is closer
to what Europe adopted", telephone numbers dialed, contents of Web pages visited, and
recipients of e-mail messages must be retained by the ISP for an unspecified amount of
time.[33] [34]
The Internet Stopping Adults Facilitating the Exploitation of Today's Youth (SAFETY) Act of
2009 also known as H.R. 1076 and S.436 would require providers of "electronic
communication or remote computing services" to "retain for a period of at least two years
all records or other information pertaining to the identity of a user of a temporarily
assigned network address the service assigns to that user."[35]
Telephones
In early 2006, USA Today reported that several major telephone companies were
cooperating illegally with the National Security Agency to monitor the phone records of
U.S. citizens, and storing them in a large database known as the NSA call database. This
report came on the heels of allegations that the U.S. government had been conducting
electronic surveillance of domestic telephone calls without warrants.[36]
Law enforcement and intelligence services in the United States possess technology to
remotely activate the microphones in cell phones in order to listen to conversations that
take place nearby the person who holds the phone.[37] [38]
U.S. federal agents regularly use mobile phones to collect location data. The geographical
location of a mobile phone (and thus the person carrying it) can be determined easily
(whether it is being used or not), using a technique known multilateration to calculate the
differences in time for a signal to travel from the cell phone to each of several cell towers
near the owner of the phone. [39] [40]
Surveillance Cameras
Traffic cameras, which were meant to help enforce traffic laws at intersections, have also
sparked some controversy, due to their use by law enforcement agencies for purposes
unrelated to traffic violations.[41]
The Department of Homeland Security is funding networks of surveillance cameras in cities
and towns as part of its efforts to combat terrorism.[42] In February 2009, Cambridge, MA
rejected the cameras due to privacy concerns.[43]
Data Mining
The NSA has been gathering information on financial records, internet surfing habits, and
monitoring e-mails. They have also performed extensive surveillance on social networks
such as Myspace.[44]
The FBI collected nearly all hotel, airline, rental car, gift shop, and casino records in Las
Vegas during the last two weeks of 2003. The FBI requested all electronic data of hundreds
of thousands of people based on a very general lead for the Las Vegas New Year's
celebration. The Senior VP of The Mirage went on record with PBS' Frontline describing
the first time they were requested to help in the mass collection of personal information.[45]
Infiltration of Activist Groups

The NYPD infiltrated and compiled dossiers on protest groups (most of whom were doing
nothing illegal) before the 2004 Republican National Convention, leading to over 1,800
arrests and subsequent fingerprinting.[46]
European Union
The legislative body of the European Union passed the Data Retention Directive on
2005-12-15. It requires telecommunication operators to implement mass surveillance of the
general public through retention of metadata on telecommunications and to keep the
collected data at the disposal of various governmental bodies for substantially long times.
Access to this information is not required to be limited to investigation of serious crimes,
nor is a warrant required for access.
Russia
The SORM (and SORM-2) laws enable complete monitoring of any communication,
electronic or traditional, by eight state agencies, without warrant.
Germany & Netherlands

The Netherlands and Germany are reputed to have the highest levels of covert
governmental mobile phone tapping. The article on telephone tapping states:
"There were proposals for European mobile phones to use stronger encryption, but
this was opposed by a number of European countries, including the Netherlands and
Germany, which are among the world's most prolific telephone tappers (over 10000+
phone numbers in both countries in 2003)."
In 2002 German citizens were tipped off about the scale of tapping, when a software error
led to a phone number allocated to the German Secret Service being listed on mobile
telephone bills.[47]
East Germany
Before the Digital Revolution, one of the world's biggest mass surveillance operations was
carried out by the Stasi, the secret police of the former East Germany. By the time the state
collapsed in 1989, the Stasi had built up an estimated civilian network of 300,000
informants (approximately one in fifty of the population), who monitored even minute hints
of political dissent among other citizens. Many West Germans visiting friends and family in
East Germany were also subject to Stasi spying, as well as many high-ranking West German
politicians and persons in the public eye.
Most East German citizens were well aware that their government was spying on them,
which led to a culture of mistrust: touchy political issues were only discussed in the comfort
of their own four walls and only with the closest of friends and family members, while
widely maintaining a façade of unquestioning followership in public.
Iran
Iran's crackdown on dissidents and protesters in the aftermath of the June 2009 election
has been said to have been facilitated by surveillance technologies including some provided
by Western European companies. Chip Pitts at www.CSRLaw.org has conducted a good
analysis of the issues involved, noting the parallels to surveillance happening in the United
States and in Western countries.
Commercial mass surveillance

As a result of the digital revolution, many aspects of life are now captured and stored in
digital form. Concern has been expressed that governments may use this information to
conduct mass surveillance on their populations.
One of the most common forms of mass surveillance is carried out by commercial
organizations. Many people are willing to join supermarket and grocery loyalty card
programs, trading their personal information and surveillance of their shopping habits in
exchange for a discount on their groceries, although base prices might be increased to
encourage participation in the program. Since a significant proportion of purchases are
carried out by credit or debit cards, which can also be easily tracked, it is questionable
whether loyalty cards provide any significant additional privacy threat.
Literature and movies
Critical of mass surveillance

• Nineteen Eighty-Four, a novel by George Orwell depicting life under an omnipresent
totalitarian state, and is probably the most prominent of the media listed; the 'Big
Brother' who watches over the novel's characters is now used to describe any form of
spying on or interfering with the public, such as CCTV cameras.
• We, a little-known 1920 novel by Russian author Yevgeny Zamyatin, that predates
Nineteen Eighty-Four and was read by its author George Orwell.
• The Transparent Society by David Brin, discusses various scenarios for the future
considering the spread of cheap web-cameras, increases in government security
initiatives, and the possible death of encryption if quantum computing becomes reality.
• The Minority Report, a story by Philip K. Dick about a society that arrests people for
crimes they have yet to commit (made into a movie in 2002).
• THX 1138, a 1971 film by George Lucas depicting life in an underground dystopia where
all human activities are monitored centrally at all times. A high level of control is exerted
upon the populace through ever-present faceless, android police officers and mandatory,
regulated use of special drugs to suppress emotion, including sexual desire. The film was
first made as a student project in the University of Southern California and called
Electronic Labyrinth: THX 1138 4EB.
• Oath of Fealty, a 1982 novel by Larry Niven and Jerry Pournelle describing a large
arcology whose dwellers and visitors are constantly being of surveiled by a variety of
technologies
• Blue Thunder, 1983 movie starring Roy Scheider
• Brazil, a film by Terry Gilliam depicting an oppressive total information awareness
society
• Pizza, a short Flash video by ACLU depicting ordering pizza by phone in a Total
Surveillance Society.
• Discipline and Punish by the critical theorist Michel Foucault is generally taken as being
one of the paradigmatic works on theories of surveillance and discipline
• Enemy of the State, 1998 film about the use of surveillance and the powers it provides a
corrupt politician who could track a person who has evidence of a politically motivated
crime that would expose a murder.
• Equilibrium, 2002 film wherein a dystopic future society surviving the third world war
takes an emotion-suppressing drug and where the general public is constantly watched
by the government to make sure that no one breaks the equilibrium.
• The Conversation, 1974 movie starring Gene Hackman.
• "Welcome to the Machine: Science, Surveillance and the Culture of Control" by Social
and Environmental philosopher, → Derrick Jensen thoroughly examines the use of RFID
chips, nanotechnology, military technology, science, and surveillance.
• The Listening, a 2006 movie in which a rogue NSA employee fights against the agency's
Echelon system and one of its corporate partners.
• The Dark Knight, the 2008 summer blockbuster delved into whether the public security
against the Joker's actions warranted Batman's mass scale spying on Gotham City's
citizens using cell phone technology. Lucius Fox, Morgan Freeman's character,
threatened to quit Wayne Enterprises over Batman's private surveillance of Gotham

claiming that no one man should possess such power.[48]
• Eagle Eye, a 2008 movie which portrays how surveillance can go out of hand.
• The Lives of Others, the 2006 German drama film, movingly conveys the terrible impact
that constant surveillance has on the emotional wellbeing and life prospects of those
subjected to it.
Praising mass surveillance

• The Light of Other Days is a science-fiction book that praises mass surveillance, under
the condition that it is available to everyone. It shows a world in which a total lack of
privacy results in a decrease in corruption and crime.
• Digital Fortress, novel by Dan Brown, involving an NSA codebreaking machine called
'TRANSLTR', reading and decrypting email messages, with which the NSA allegedly
foiled terrorist attacks and mass murders.
See also
• Communications Assistance For Law Enforcement Act • NSA call database
• Criticisms of the War on Terrorism • Pen register
• Carnivore, FBI US digital interception program • RFID tagging
• Data privacy • Right to privacy
• Data retention • Security culture
• Government databases • SIGINT
• ECHELON • Stellar wind (code name)
• Information Awareness Office • Sousveillance
• Lawful interception • Traffic analysis
• Mastering the Internet • USA PATRIOT Act
• Network analysis • Telephone tapping in the Eastern

Bloc
• Narus: supplier of SIGINT system, NarusInsight, referred to in • Technologies of political control

Hepting vs. AT&T
• National security
External links
• BBC: Is business the real Big Brother? [49]
[50]
• The UK House of Commons Home Affairs Select Committee's report into ID cards
• Bigger databases...could also mean more unwelcome intervention [51]
• Telegraph Online report: Council plans to listen in on street life [52]
• Minnesota CriMNet Department of Public Safety Bureau of Criminal Apprehension
databases [53]
• Edward Higgs The Development of Central State Surveillance of the Citizen in England,
1500 - 2000 [54]
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[21] http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ commentisfree/ henryporter/ 2009/ apr/ 24/ database-state-surveillance Henry
Porter The Guardian Blog: Paying billions for our database state
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[23] http:/ / www. tes. co. uk/ 2262058
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[25] Paul Lewis; Marc Vallée (07 March 2009). " Revealed: police databank on thousands of protesters (http:/ /
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[30] Unsealed Klein exhibits | Electronic Frontier Foundation (http:/ / eff. org/ legal/ cases/ att/
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214502232)". ChannelWeb. February 20, 2009. . Retrieved on 2009-03-17.
[36] " USATODAY.com - NSA has massive database of Americans' phone calls (http:/ / www. usatoday. com/ news/
washington/ 2006-05-10-nsa_x. htm)". .
[37] McCullagh, Declan; Anne Broache (December 1, 2006). " FBI taps cell phone mic as eavesdropping tool
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[53] http:/ / www. crimnet. state. mn. us/
[54] http:/ / www3. interscience. wiley. com/ journal/ 119027415/ abstract
Biometrics 168
Biometrics
Biometrics refers to methods for uniquely
recognizing humans based upon one or
more intrinsic physical or behavioral traits.
In information technology, in particular,
biometrics is used as a form of identity
access management and access control. It
is also used to identify individuals in groups
that are under surveillance.
Biometric characteristics can be divided in

two main classes:
• Physiological are related to the shape
of the body. Examples include, but are At Walt Disney World biometric measurements are
not limited to fingerprint, face taken from the fingers of guests to ensure that the
recognition, DNA, hand and palm person's ticket is used by the same person from day to
day
geometry, iris recognition, which has
largely replaced retina, and odor/scent.
• Behavioral are related to the behavior of a person. Examples include, but are not limited
to typing rhythm, gait, and voice. Some researchers[1] have coined the term
behaviometrics for this class of biometrics.
Strictly speaking, voice is also a physiological trait because every person has a different
pitch, but voice recognition is mainly based on the study of the way a person speaks,
commonly classified as behavioral.
Introduction
It is possible to understand if a
human characteristic can be
used for biometrics in terms of
the following parameters:[2]
• Universality – each person
should have the
characteristic.
• Uniqueness – is how well
the biometric separates
individuals from another.
• Permanence – measures
how well a biometric resists
The basic block diagram of a biometric system
aging.
• Collectability – ease of acquisition for measurement.
• Performance – accuracy, speed, and robustness of technology used.
• Acceptability – degree of approval of a technology.
• Circumvention – ease of use of a substitute.
A biometric system can provide the following two functions:[3]
Biometrics 169
• Verification – Authenticates its users in conjunction with a smart card, username or ID

number. The biometric template captured is compared with that stored against the
registered user either on a smart card or database for verification.
• Identification – Authenticates its users from the biometric characteristic alone without
the use of smart cards, usernames or ID numbers. The biometric template is compared to
all records within the database and a closest match score is returned. The closest match
within the allowed threshold is deemed the individual and authenticated.
The main operations a system can perform are enrollment and test. During the enrollment,
biometric information from an individual is stored. During the test, biometric information is
detected and compared with the stored information. Note that it is crucial that storage and
retrieval of such systems themselves be secure if the biometric system is to be robust. The
first block (sensor) is the interface between the real world and the system; it has to acquire
all the necessary data. Most of the times it is an image acquisition system, but it can
change according to the characteristics desired. The second block performs all the
necessary pre-processing: it has to remove artifacts from the sensor, to enhance the input
(e.g. removing background noise), to use some kind of normalization, etc. In the third block
features needed are extracted. This step is an important step as the correct features need
to be extracted in the optimal way. A vector of numbers or an image with particular
properties is used to create a template. A template is a synthesis of all the characteristics
extracted from the source, in the optimal size to allow for adequate identifiability.
If enrollment is being performed the template is simply stored somewhere (on a card or
within a database or both). If a matching phase is being performed, the obtained template
is passed to a matcher that compares it with other existing templates, estimating the
distance between them using any algorithm (e.g. Hamming distance). The matching
program will analyze the template with the input. This will then be output for any specified
use or purpose (e.g. entrance in a restricted area).
Performance
The following are used as performance metrics for biometric systems:[4]
• false accept rate or false match rate (FAR or FMR) – the probability that the system
incorreclty matches the input pattern to a non-matching template in the database. It
measures the percent of invalid inputs which are incorreclty accepted.
• false reject rate or false non-match rate (FRR or FNMR) – the probability that the
system fails to detects a match between the input pattern and a matching template in the
database. It measures the percent of valid inputs which are incorrectly rejected.
• receiver operating characteristic or relative operating characteristic (ROC) – The
ROC plot is a visual charactization of the trade-off between the FAR and the FRR. In
general, the matching algorithm performs a decision based on a threshold which
determines how close to a template the input needs to be for it to be considred a match.
If the threshold is reduced, there will be less false non-matches but more false accepts.
Correspondingly, a higher threshold will reduce the FAR but increase the FRR. A
common variation is the Detection error trade-off (DET), which is obtained using normal
deviate scales on both axes. This more linear graph illuminates the differences for higher
performances (rarer errors).
• equal error rate or crossover error rate (EER or CER) – the rate at which both
accept and reject errors are equal. The value of the ERR can be easily obtained from the
Biometrics 170
ROC curve. The ERR is a quick way to compare the accuarcy of devices with differnt ROC
curves. In general, the device with the lowest ERR is most accurate. Obtained from the
ROC plot by taking the point where FAR and FRR have the same value. The lower the
EER, the more accurate the system is considered to be.
• failure to enroll rate (FTE or FER) – the rate at which attempts to create a template
from an input is unsuccessful. This is most commonly caused by low quality inputs.
• failure to capture rate (FTC) – Within automatic systems, the probability that the
system fails to detect a biometric input when presented correctly.
• template capacity – the maximum number of sets of data which can be stored in the
system..
As the sensitivity of the biometric device increaes, the FAR decreases but the FRR
increases.
Issues and concerns
Discrimination
There are concerns whether our personal information taken through biometric methods can
be misused, e.g. by the government to determine unwanted traits in humans for global
population control. Also, the data obtained using biometrics can be used in ways the
individual doesn't assent to.
Danger to owners of secured items

When thieves cannot get access to secure properties, there is a chance that the thieves will
stalk and assault the property owner to gain access. If the item is secured with a biometric
device, the damage to the owner could be irreversible, and potentially cost more than the
secured property. For example, in 2005, Malaysian car thieves cut off the finger of a
Mercedes-Benz S-Class owner when attempting to steal the car[5] .
Cancelable biometrics
One advantage of passwords over biometrics is that they can be re-issued. If a token or a
password is lost or stolen, it can be cancelled and replaced by a newer version. This is not
naturally available in biometrics. If someone’s face is compromised from a database, they
cannot cancel or reissue it. Cancelable biometrics is a way in which to incorporate
protection and the replacement features into biometrics. It was first proposed by Ratha et
al.[6]
Several methods for generating cancelable biometrics have been proposed. Essentially,
cancelable biometrics perform a distortion of the biometric image or features before
matching. The variability in the distortion parameters provides the cancelable nature of the
scheme. Some of the proposed techniques operate using their own recognition engines,
such as Teoh et al.[7] and Savvides et al.,[8] whereas other methods, such as Dabbah et al.,[9]
take the advantage of the advancement of the well-established biometric research for their
recognition front-end to conduct recognition. Although this increases the restrictions on the
protection system, it makes the cancellable templates more accessible for available
biometric technologies.
Biometrics 171
Countries applying biometrics
United States
The United States government has become a strong advocate of biometrics with the
increase in fear of terrorism since September 11, 2001.
The FBI is currently spending $1 billion to create a new biometric database, which will
store DNA, fingerprints, and other biometric data. The computers running the database will
be contained in an underground facility about the size of a football field.[10]
Both the Department of Homeland Security and DARPA are heavily funding research into
facial recognition systems.[11] The Information Processing Technology Office, ran a
program known as Human Identification at a Distance which developed technologies that
are capable of identifying a person at up to 500 ft by their facial features.
Bush issued a presidential directive (NSPD 59, HSPD 24)[12] in 2008 which requires
increased capability for sharing and interoperability in "collection, storage, use, analysis,
and sharing of biometric and associated biographic and contextual information of
individuals" among the departments and agencies of the executive branch of the U.S.
federal government.[12] [13]
Starting in 2005, US passports with facial (image-based) biometric data were scheduled to
be produced. Privacy activists in many countries have criticized the technology's use for the
potential harm to civil liberties, privacy, and the risk of identity theft. Currently, there is
some apprehension in the United States (and the European Union) that the information can
be "skimmed" and identify people's citizenship remotely for criminal intent, such as
kidnapping.
The US Department of Defense (DoD) Common Access Card, is an ID card issued to all US
Service personnel and contractors on US Military sites. This card contains biometric data
and digitized photographs. It also has laser-etched photographs and holograms to add
security and reduce the risk of falsification. There have been over 10 million of these cards
issued.
According to Jim Wayman, director of the National Biometric Test Center at San Jose State
University, Walt Disney World is the nation's largest single commercial application of
biometrics.[14] However, the US-VISIT program will very soon surpass Walt Disney World
for biometrics deployment.
Germany
The biometrics market in Germany will experience enormous growth until 2009. “The
market size will increase from approximately 12 million € (2004) to 377 million €” (2009).
“The federal government will be a major contributor to this development”.[15] In particular,
the biometric procedures of fingerprint and facial recognition can profit from the
government project.[15] In May 2005 the German Upper House of Parliament approved the
implementation of the ePass, a passport issued to all German citizens which contain
biometric technology. The ePass has been in circulation since November 2005, and contains
a chip that holds a digital photograph and one fingerprint from each hand, usually of the
index fingers, though others may be used if these fingers are missing or have extremely
distorted prints. “A third biometric identifier – iris scans – could be added at a later
stage”.[16] An increase in the prevalence of biometric technology in Germany is an effort to
Biometrics 172
not only keep citizens safe within German borders but also to comply with the current US
deadline for visa-waiver countries to introduce biometric passports.[16] In addition to
producing biometric passports for German citizens, the German government has put in
place new requirements for visitors to apply for visas within the country. “Only applicants
for long-term visas, which allow more than three months' residence, will be affected by the
planned biometric registration program. The new work visas will also include
fingerprinting, iris scanning, and digital photos”.[17]
Germany is also one of the first countries to implement biometric technology at the Olympic
Games to protect German athletes. “The Olympic Games is always a diplomatically tense
affair and previous events have been rocked by terrorist attacks - most notably when
Germany last held the Games in Munich in 1972 and 11 Israeli athletes were killed”.[18]
Biometric technology was first used at the Olympic Summer Games in Athens, Greece in
2004. “On registering with the scheme, accredited visitors will receive an ID card
containing their fingerprint biometrics data that will enable them to access the 'German
House'. Accredited visitors will include athletes, coaching staff, team management and
members of the media”.[18]
As a protest against the increasing use of biometric data, the influential hacker group
Chaos Computer Club published a fingerprint of German Minister of the Interior Wolfgang
Schäuble in the March 2008 edition of its magazine Datenschleuder. The magazine also
included the fingerprint on a film that readers could use to fool fingerprint readers.[19]
Brazil
Since the beginning of the 20th century, Brazilian citizens have had user ID cards. The
decision by the Brazilian government to adopt fingerprint-based biometrics was
spearheaded by Dr. Felix Pacheco at Rio de Janeiro, at that time capital of the Federative
Republic. Dr. Pacheco was a friend of Dr. Juan Vucetich, who invented one of the most
complete tenprint classification systems in existence. The Vucetich system was adopted not
only in Brazil, but also by most of the other South American countries. The oldest and most
traditional ID Institute in Brazil (Instituto de Identificação Félix Pacheco) was integrated at
DETRAN[20] (Brazilian equivalent to DMV) into the civil and criminal AFIS system in 1999.
Each state in Brazil is allowed to print its own ID card, but the layout and data are the same
for all of them. The ID cards printed in Rio de Janeiro are fully digitized using a 2D bar code
with information which can be matched against its owner off-line. The 2D bar code encodes
a color photo, a signature, two fingerprints, and other citizen data. This technology was
developed in 2000 in order to enhance the safety of the Brazilian ID cards.
By the end of 2005, the Brazilian government started the development of its new passport.
The new documents started to be released by the beginning of 2007, in Brasilia. The new
passport included several security features, like Laser perforation, UV hidden symbols,
security layer over variable data and etc. Brazilian citizens will have their signature, photo,
and 10 rolled fingerprints collected during passport requests. All of the data is planned to
be stored in ICAO E-passport standard. This allows for contactless electronic reading of the
passport content and Citizens ID verification since fingerprint templates and token facial
images will be available for automatic recognition.
Biometrics 173
Iraq
Biometrics are being used extensively in Iraq to catalogue as many Iraqis as possible
providing Iraqis with a verifiable identification card, immune to forgery. During account
creation, the collected biometrics information is logged into a central database which then
allows a user profile to be created. Even if an Iraqi has lost their ID card, their
identification can be found and verified by using their unique biometric information.
Additional information can also be added to each account record, such as individual
personal history. This can help American forces determine whether someone has been
causing trouble in the past. One major system in use in Iraq is called BISA.[21] This system
uses a smartcard and a user's biometrics (fingerpint, iris, and face photos) to ensure they
are authorized access to a base or facility.[22] Another is called BAT for Biometric
Automated Toolset.[23]
Japan
Several banks in Japan have adopted either palm vein authentication or finger vein
authentication technology on their ATMs. Palm vein authentication technology which was
developed by Fujitsu, among other companies, proved to have a false acceptance rate of
0.01177% and a false rejection rate of 4.23%. Finger vein authentication technology,
developed by Hitachi, has a false acceptance rate of 0.0100% and a false rejection rate of
1.26%.[24] Finger vein authentication technology has so far been adopted by banks such as
Sumitomo Mitsui Financial Group, Mizuho Financial Group and Japan Post Bank. Palm vein
authentication technology has been adopted by banks such as the Bank of Tokyo-Mitsubishi
UFJ.[25]
United Kingdom
Fingerprint scanners used in some schools to facilitate the subtraction of funds from an
account financed by parents for the payment of school dinners. By using such a system
nutritional reports can be produced for parents to surveil a child's intake. This has raised
questions from liberty groups as taking away the liberty of choice from the youth of society.
Other concerns arise from the possibility of data leaking from the providers of school meals
to interest groups that provide health services such as the NHS and insurance groups that
may end up having a detrimental effect on the ability of individuals to enjoy equality of
access to services.
Australia
Visitors intending to visit Australia may soon have to submit to biometric authentication as
part of the Smartgate system, linking individuals to their visas and passports. Biometric
data are already collected from some visa applicants by Immigration. Australia is the first
country to introduce a Biometrics Privacy Code, which is established and administered by
the Biometrics Institute. The Biometrics Institute Privacy Code Biometrics Institute [26]
forms part of Australian privacy legislation. The Code includes privacy standards that are at
least equivalent to the Australian National Privacy Principles (NPPs) in the Privacy Act and
also incorporates higher standards of privacy protection in relation to certain acts and
practices. Only members of the Biometrics Institute are eligible to subscribe to this Code.
Biometrics Institute membership, and thus subscription to this Code, is voluntary.
Biometrics 174
Canada
Canada have begun research into the use of biometric technology in the area of border
security and immigration. Citizenship and Immigration Canada and the Canada Border
Services Agency will probably be the first government institutions to fully implement the
technology in Canada.
Biometrics in popular culture

• The movie Gattaca portrays a society in which there are two classes of people: those
genetically engineered to be superior (termed "Valid") and the inferior natural humans
("Invalid"). People considered "Valid" have greater privileges, and access to areas
restricted to such persons is controlled by automated biometric scanners similar in
appearance to fingerprint scanners, but which prick the finger and sample DNA from the
resulting blood droplet.
• The television program MythBusters attempted to break into a commercial security door
equipped with biometric authentication as well as a personal laptop so equipped.[27]
While the laptop's system proved more difficult to bypass, the advanced commercial
security door with "live" sensing was fooled with a printed scan of a fingerprint after it
had been licked. There is no basis to assume that the tested security door is
representative of the current typical state of biometric authentication, however. With
careful matching of tested biometric technologies to the particular use that is intended,
biometrics provide a strong form of authentication that effectively serves a wide range of
commercial and government applications.
See also
• Access control
• AFIS
• Biometric passport
• Biometrics in schools
• British biometric national identity card
• Facial recognition system
• Fingerprint recognition
• Government databases
• Iris recognition
• Retinal scan
• Speaker recognition
• Surveillance
Biometrics 175
Further reading
• White Paper - Identification Flats: A Revolution in Fingerprint Biometrics [28]. Published
by Aware, Inc., March 2009.
• [29]. SecuGen Fingerprint Readers Now Work with Tutis Biometric Logon Software to
Authenticate Users to Active Directory
• NBSP Biometric Technology Application Manual [30]. Published by the National Biometric
Security Project (NBSP), the BTAM is a comprehensive reference manual on biometric
technology applications.
• “Fingerprints Pay For School Lunch.” (2001). Retrieved 2008-03-02. [31]
• Yun, Yau Wei. The ‘123’ of Biometric Technology, 2003. Retrieved from on November 21,
2005 from the World Wide Web: [32]
• Biometric Digest newsletter. Published monthly with weekly updates. 64 issues per year.
Primary source of news & information, vendors, case studies, calendar of events for
expositions & conferences, financial reports, names in the news and more.[33]
• “Biometrics in Australia.” (2006). Retrieved 2006-06-11. [34]
• “Biometrics Institute Australia Conference”. (2006). Retrieved 2006-06-11. [35]
• “Biometrics an emerging Technology: Market Report Australia”(2005) Retrieved
2006-06-11. [36]
• “Germany clears biometric passports plan.” (2005). Globe and Mail.com Insider Edition.
Retrieved 2006-06-11. [37]
• “Germany to phase-in biometric passports from November 2005”. (2005). E-Government
News. Retrieved 2006-06-11. [38]
• Oezcan, V. (2003). “Germany Weighs Biometric Registration Options for Visa Applicants”,
Humboldt University Berlin. Retrieved 2006-06-11. [39]
• Sturgeon, W. (2004). “Biometrics used to keep German Olympians safe...but what are
they testing - moustache or mullet?” Security Strategy Sillicon.com Retrieved
2006-06-11.[40]
• “The Biometrics Market in Germany 2004-2009: Anti-terrorism Laws Drive Growth”
(2004). Soreon Research. Retrieved 2006-06-11 [41]
References
[1] http:/ / www. cilab. upf. edu/ biosecure1/ public_docs_deli/ BioSecure_Deliverable_D10-2-3_b3. pdf
[2] Jain, A. K.; Ross, Arun; Prabhakar, Salil (January 2004), " An introduction to biometric recognition (http:/ / dx.
doi. org/ 10. 1109/ TCSVT. 2003. 818349)", IEEE Transactions on Circuits and Systems for Video Technology
14th (1): 4–20, doi: 10.1109/TCSVT.2003.818349 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1109/ TCSVT. 2003. 818349)
[3] Jain, A. K.; Ross, A.; Pankanti, S. (June 2006), " Biometrics: A Tool for Information Security (http:/ / dx. doi. org/
10. 1109/ TIFS. 2006. 873653)", IEEE Transactions on Information Forensics and Security 1st (2), doi:
10.1109/TIFS.2006.873653 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1109/ TIFS. 2006. 873653)
[4] " "CHARACTERISTICS OF BIOMETRIC SYSTEMS" (http:/ / www. ccert. edu. cn/ education/ cissp/ hism/
039-041. html)". Cernet. .
[5] BBC News: Malaysia car thieves steal finger (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ asia-pacific/ 4396831. stm)
Another report, giving more credence to the story: (http:/ / www. assaabloyfuturelab. com/ FutureLab/
Templates/ Page2Cols____266. aspx)
[6] N. K. Ratha, J. H. Connell, and R. M. Bolle, "Enhancing security and privacy in biometrics-based authentication
systems," IBM systems Journal, vol. 40, pp. 614-634, 2001.
[7] A. B. J. Teoh, A. Goh, and D. C. L. Ngo, "Random Multispace Quantization as an Analytic Mechanism for
BioHashing of Biometric and Random Identity Inputs," Pattern Analysis and Machine Intelligence, IEEE
Transactions on, vol. 28, pp. 1892-1901, 2006.
[8] M. Savvides, B. V. K. V. Kumar, and P. K. Khosla, ""Corefaces"- Robust Shift Invariant PCA based Correlation
Filter for Illumination Tolerant Face Recognition," presented at IEEE Computer Society Conference on
Biometrics 176
Computer Vision and Pattern Recognition (CVPR'04), 2004.

[9] M. A. Dabbah, W. L. Woo, and S. S. Dlay, "Secure Authentication for Face Recognition," presented at
Computational Intelligence in Image and Signal Processing, 2007. CIISP 2007. IEEE Symposium on, 2007.
[10] Arena, Kelly; Carol Cratty (February 4, 2008). " FBI wants palm prints, eye scans, tattoo mapping (http:/ /
www. cnn. com/ 2008/ TECH/ 02/ 04/ fbi. biometrics/ )" (in English). CNN. . Retrieved on 2009-03-14.
[11] Frank, Thomas (May 10, 2007). " Face recognition next in terror fight (http:/ / www. usatoday. com/ news/
washington/ 2007-05-10-facial-recognition-terrorism_N. htm)". USA Today. . Retrieved on 2009-03-16.
[12] Office of the Press Secretary, The White House (June 5, 2008). National Security Presidential Directive and
Homeland Security Presidential Directive (http:/ / georgewbush-whitehouse. archives. gov/ news/ releases/
2008/ 06/ 20080605-8. html). Press release. . Retrieved on 2008-06-30.
[13] Bain, Ben (June 6, 2008). " Bush pushes biometrics for national security (http:/ / www. fcw. com/ online/ news/
152750-1. html)". Federal Computer Week (Media, Inc.). . Retrieved on 2008-06-30.
[14] Article describing Disney's 2006 biometric initiative replacing hand geometric scanners with fingerprint
readers (http:/ / newsinitiative. org/ story/ 2006/ 08/ 14/ walt_disney_world_the_governments)
[15] The Biometrics Market in Germany 2004-2009: Anti-terrorism Laws Drive Growth - Market Research Reports
- Research and Markets (http:/ / www. researchandmarkets. com/ reports/ c4206/ )
[16] IDABC - DE: Germany to phase-in biometric passports from November 2005 (http:/ / europa. eu. int/ idabc/
en/ document/ 4338/ 194)
[17] Migration Information Source - Germany Weighs Biometric Registration Options for Visa Applicants (http:/ /
www. migrationinformation. org/ Feature/ display. cfm?ID=141)
[18] Biometrics used to keep German Olympians safe - Software - Breaking Business and Technology News at
silicon.com (http:/ / software. silicon. com/ security/ 0,39024655,39123078,00. htm)
[19] CCC publishes fingerprints of Wolfgang Schäuble, the German Home Secretary (http:/ / www. heise. de/
english/ newsticker/ news/ 105728), Heise Online, published 2008-03-31, accessed 2008-04-17
[20] http:/ / www. detran. rj. gov. br/ _documento. asp?cod=1438
[21] " Biometric Identification System for Access (http:/ / www. csc. com/ solutions/ security/ casestudies/ 2829.
shtml)". .
[22] " DoD Readies Biometric ID System for U.S. Bases in Iraq (http:/ / www. defenselink. mil/ news/ newsarticle.
aspx?id=31641)". .
[23] Biometrics on the front line (http:/ / www. gcn. com/ print/ 23_23/ 26930-1. html)
[24] International Biometric Group Comparative Biometric Testing Round 6 Public Report (http:/ / www.
biometricgroup. com/ reports/ public/ reports/ CBT6_report. htm)
[25] Biometrics: Vein Scanners Show Promise (http:/ / www. businessweek. com/ globalbiz/ content/ feb2007/
gb20070206_099354. htm)
[26] http:/ / www. biometricsinstitute. org/ displaycommon. cfm?an=1& subarticlenbr=8%20
[27] Video of the Mythbusters episode on how to hack fingerprint scanners (http:/ / gagspace. com/ video/
how_to_hack_a_fingerprint_scanner)
[28] http:/ / www. aware. com/ biometrics/ whitepapers. htm
[29] http:/ / www. send2press. com/ newswire/ 2008-02-0206-001. shtml
[30] http:/ / biometricsinternational. org/ downloads/ documents/ 2007BTAMMasterVolume2. pdf
[31] http:/ / www. cbsnews. com/ stories/ 2001/ 01/ 24/ national/ main266789. shtml
[32] http:/ / www. itsc. org. sg/ synthesis/ 2002/ biometric. pdf
[33] http:/ / www. biodigest. com
[34] http:/ / www. biometricsaustralia. com/
[35] http:/ / www. biometricsinstitute. org/ displaycommon. cfm?an=1& subarticlenbr=62
[36] http:/ / www. buyusainfo. net/ docs/ x_1689471. pdf
[37] http:/ / www. theglobeandmail. com/ servlet/ Page/ document/ v4/ sub/ MarketingPage?user_URL=http:/ /
www. theglobeandmail. com%2Fservlet%2Fstory%2FRTGAM. 20050708.
gtgermanyjul8%2FBNStory%2FTechnology%2F& ord=1150044536595& brand=theglobeandmail&
force_login=true
[38] http:/ / europa. eu. int/ idabc/ en/ document/ 4338/ 194
[39] http:/ / www. migrationinformation. org/ Feature/ display. cfm?ID=141
[40] http:/ / software. silicon. com/ security/ 0,39024655,39123078,00. htm
[41] http:/ / www. researchandmarkets. com/ reports/ c4206/
Societal collapse 177
Societal collapse
Societal collapse broadly includes both quite abrupt societal failures typified by the
Biblical story of the Tower of Babel, the Mayan Civilization collapse and others of the type,
as well as more extended grinding declines of former superpowers like the Roman empire.
The great irony expressed by these and others like them is that civilizations that seem
ideally designed to creatively solve problems find themselves doing so self-destructively.
What distinguishes these more dramatic failures of human societies, seeming to deserve the
term "collapse", from less dramatic long term decline is not widely agreed on. The subject
also then generally includes any other long term decline of a culture, its civil institutions or
other major characteristics of it as a society or a civilization, generally permanent.
The coupled breakdown of economic, cultural and social institutions with ecological
relationships is perhaps the most common feature of collapse. The most accessible and
thorough discussions of the subject are the review of the scientific anthropology literature
by J.A. Tainter and the popular but thorough book of the same title by Jared Diamond.
Although a societal collapse is generally an endpoint for that form of administering the
social and economic life of a culture, it can be as another kind of change of administration
of the same culture. Russian culture would seem to have outlived both the society of the
Czars and the society of the Soviet Union, for example. Frequently the phenomenon is also
a process of decentralization of authority after a 'classic' period of centralized social order,
perhaps replaced by competing centers as the central authority weakens.
Societal collapse is certainly not a benign social process, but remnants may linger long
after the high culture of the society vanishes. As when the black plague contributed to
breaking the hold of European feudal society on its underclass in the 1400s, societal failure
may also result in a degree of empowerment for the lower levels of a former climax society,
who escape from the burden of onerous taxes and control by exploitative elites.
The common factors appearing to contribute to societal collapse are economic,
environmental, social and cultural, but they manifest combined effects like a whole system
out of balance. In many cases a natural disaster (e.g. tsunami, earthquake, massive fire or
climate change) may seem to be an immediate cause, but, other cases of civilizations in
similar situations that were resilient and survived the same kind of insult make such causes
not sufficient.
That is the very sharp reasoning method used by Joseph Tainter, and how he combed the
evidence to weed out the insufficient causes in his thesis that societies essentially
exhausted their own designs, and were unable to adapt to natural diminishing returns for
what they knew as their method of survival. It matches closely Toynbee's idea that "they
find problems they can't solve".
The diversity of forms of societies correspond to diversity in their failures too. In other
instances significant inequity may combine with lack of loyalty to a central power structure
and result in an oppressed lower class to rise up and taking power from a smaller wealthy
elite. If there is a general "antidote" to collapse it would seem to be societal cohesion,
diversity, and adaptability.
Linking Societal/Environmental dynamics

Modern social critics commonly interpret things like sedentary social behavior as
symptomatic of societal decay, and link what appears to be laziness with the depletion of
important non-renewable resources. Many primitive cultures actually have high degrees of
leisure too, though, so if that is a cause in one place it is not in others, so it is then not a
necessary cause.
What produces modern sedentary life, unlike nomadic → hunter-gatherers, is extraordinary
modern economic productivity. That exceptional productivity is actually more the sign of
hidden weakness that Tainter points to, both because of our great dependence on it, and its
potential to undermine its own basis for success by not being self limiting as demonstrated
in our culture's ideal of perpetual growth.
As population grows and technology makes it easier to exploit depleting resources, the
environment's diminishing returns are hidden from view. Social complexity is then
potentially threatened if it develops beyond what is actually sustainable, and a disorderly
reorganization were to follow. That is like the scissors model of Malthusian collapse where
population grows without limit and resources don't, and is the usual simple idea of great
opposing environmental forces cutting into each other of concern.
It also appears to occur in complex forms in real collapses. For the modern world economy,
for example, the growing conflict between food and fuel, depending on many of the same
finite and diminishing resources is visible in the recent major commodity price shocks, and
is one of the key relationships people since the early studies of the Club of Rome have been
most concerned with.
A related economic model is proposed by Thomas Homer-Dixon[1] and by Charles Hall[2] in
relation to our declining productivity of energy extraction, or Energy Return on Energy
Invested or EROEI. This measures the amount of surplus energy a society gets from using
energy to obtain energy.
There would be no surplus if EROEI approaches 1:1. What Hall showed is that the real
cutoff is well above that, estimated to be 3:1 to sustain the essential overhead energy costs
of a modern society. Part of the mental equation is that the EROEI of our generally
preferred energy source, oil, has fallen in the past century from 100:1 to the range of 10:1
with clear evidence that the natural depletion curves all are downward decay curves. An
EROEI of more than ~3, then, is what appears necessary to provide the energy for socially
important tasks, such as maintaining government, legal and financial institutions, a
transportation infrastructure, manufacturing, building construction and maintenance and
the life styles of the rich and poor that a society depends on.
The EROEI figure also affects the number of people needed for food production. In the
pre-modern world, it was often the case that 80% of the population was employed in
agriculture to feed a population of 100%, with a low energy budget. In modern times, the
use of cheap fossil fuels with an exceedingly high EROEI enabled 100% of the population to
be fed with only 4% of the population employed in agriculture. Diminishing EROEI making
fuel more expensive relative to other things may require food to be produced using less
energy, and so increases the number of people employed in food production again.
Population Dynamics and Other Features of Collapse

In the general study of cultural change and population dynamics a whole system displays
complex ecosystem change, and organizational adaptability relates importantly to
organizational diversity. Several key feature of human societal collapse can be related to
population dynamics[3]
Reversion/Simplification: A society's adaptive capacity may be reduced by either a sharp
increase in population or social complexity, destabilizing social institutions and cause
massive shifts in population and other social dynamics. In cases of collapse civilizations
tend to revert to less complex, less centralized socio-political forms using simpler
technology. These are characteristics of a Dark Age. Examples of such societal collapse are:
the Hittite Empire, the Mycenaean civilization, the Western Roman Empire, the Mauryan
and Gupta states of India, the Mayas, the Angkor in Cambodia, and the Han and Tang
dynasties in China.
Incorporation/Absorption: Alternately, a society may be gradually incorporated into a
more dynamic, more complex inter-regional social structure. This happened in Ancient
Egypt and Mesopotamia, the Levantine cultures, the Eastern Roman Empire, the Mughal
and Delhi Sultanates in India, Sung China, the Aztec culture in Mesoamerica, the Inca
culture in South America, and the modern civilizations of China, Japan, and India as well as
many modern states in the Middle East and Africa.
Other Features
• Destratification: Complex societies stratified on the basis of class, gender, race or some
other salient factor become much more homogeneous or horizontally structured. In many
cases past social stratification slowly becomes irrelevant following collapse and societies
become more egalitarian.
• Despecialization: One of the most characteristic features of complex civilizations (and
in many cases the yardstick to measure complexity) is a high level of job specialization.
The most complex societies are characterized by artisans and tradespeople who
specialize intensely in a given task. Indeed, the rulers of many past societies were
hyper-specialized priests or priestesses who were completely supported by the work of
the lower classes. During societal collapse the social institutions supporting such
specialization are removed and people tend to become more generalized in their work
and daily habits.
• Decentralization: As power becomes decentralized people tend to be more
self-regimented and have many more personal freedoms. In many instances of collapse
there is a slackening of social rules and etiquette. Geographically speaking, communities
become more parochial or isolated. For example, following the collapse of the Mayan
civilization many Maya returned to their traditional hamlets, moving away from the large
cities that had been the centers of the empire.
• Destructuralization: Epiphenomena, institutions, processes, and artifacts are all
manifest in the archaeological record in abundance in large civilizations. After collapse,
evidence of epiphenomena, institutions, and types of artifacts change dramatically as
people are forced to adopt more self-sufficient lifestyles.
• Depopulation: Societal collapse is almost always associated with a decline in population
densities. In extreme cases, the collapse in population is so severe that the society
disappears entirely, such as happened with the Greenland Vikings, or a number of
Polynesian islands. In less extreme cases, populations are reduced until a demographic
balance is re-established between human societies and the depleted natural environment.
A classic example is the case of Ancient Rome which had a population of about 1.5 million
during the reign of Trajan in the early 2nd century AD, but had only 15,000 inhabitants
by the 9th century.
Models of societal response

According to Joseph Tainter[4] (1990), too many scholars offer facile explanations of societal
collapse by assuming one or more of the following three models in the face of collapse:
1. The Dinosaur: The best example is a large scale society in which resources are being
depleted at an exponential rate and yet nothing is done to rectify the problem because the
ruling elite are unwilling or unable to adapt to said changes. In such examples rulers tend
to oppose any solutions that diverge from their present course of action. They will favor
intensification and commit an increasing number of resources to their present plans,
projects and social institutions.
2. Runaway Train: An example would be a society that only functions when growth is
present. Societies based almost exclusively on acquisition, including pillage or exploitation,
cannot be sustained indefinitely. The societies of the Assyrians and the Mongols, for
example, both fractured and collapsed when no new conquests were forthcoming.
Tainter argues that Capitalism can be seen as an example of the Runaway Train model as it
requires whole economies, individual sectors, and companies to constantly grow on a three
month basis. Current methods of resource extraction and food production may be
unsustainable; however, the philosophy of consumerism and planned obsolescence
encourage the purchase of an ever increasing number of goods and services to sustain the
economy.
3. House of Cards: In this aspect of Tainter's model societies that grow to be so large and
include so many complex social institutions that they are inherently unstable and prone to
collapse.
An example of Tainter's Critique of Simplistic Models

Though superficially useful, Tainter argues that these models alone fail to account for
societal collapse. Often they are seen as interconnected occurrences that reinforce each
other.
For example, leaders on Easter Island saw a rapid decline of trees but ruled out change (i.e.
The Dinosaur). Timber was used as rollers to transport and erect large statues called moai
as a form of religious reverence to their ancestors. Reverence was believed to result in a
more prosperous future.
It gave the people an impetus to intensify moai production (i.e. Runaway Train). Easter
Island also has a fragile ecosystem because of its isolated location (i.e. House of Cards).
Deforestation led to soil erosion and insufficient resources to build boats for fishing or tools
for hunting. Competition for dwindling resources resulted in warfare and many casualties.
Together these events led to the collapse of the civilization, but no single factor ("house of
cards" for example) is adequate.
Mainstream interpretations of the history of Easter Island also include the slave raiders
who abducted a large proportion of the population, and epidemics which killed most of the
survivors (see Easter Island History#Destruction of society and population.) Again, no

single point explains the collapse, but only a complex and integrated view.
Tainter's position is that societal complexity is a recent and comparatively anomalous
occurrence requiring constant support. He observes that collapse is best understood by
grasping four axioms, best stated in his own words (p 194):
1. human societies are problem-solving organizations;
2. sociopolitical systems require energy for their maintenance;
3. increased complexity carries with it increased costs per capita; and
4. investment in sociopolitical complexity as a problem-solving response reaches a
point of declining marginal returns.
With these facts in mind, collapse can simply be understood as a loss of the energy, what
Tainter calls "declining marginal returns," needed to maintain societal complexity. Collapse
is thus the sudden loss of societal complexity, stratification, internal and external
communication and exchange, and productivity.
Toynbee’s theory of decay

The British historian Arnold J. Toynbee, in his 12-volume magnum opus A Study of History,
theorized that all civilizations pass through several distinct stages: genesis, growth, time of
troubles, universal state, and disintegration.
Toynbee argues that the breakdown of civilizations is not caused by loss of control over the
environment, over the human environment, or attacks from outside. Rather, ironically,
societies that develop great expertise in problem solving become incapable of solving new
problems by overdeveloping their structures for solving old ones.
The fixation on the old methods of the "Creative Minority," leads it to eventually cease to be
creative and degenerates into merely a "Dominant Minority" (that forces the majority to
obey without meriting obedience), failing to recognize new ways of thinking. He argues that
creative minorities deteriorate due to a worship of their "former self," by which they
become prideful, and fail to adequately address the next challenge they face.
He argues that the ultimate sign a civilization has broken down is when the dominant
minority forms a "Universal State," which stifles political creativity. He states:
“ First the Dominant Minority attempts to hold by force - against all right and reason - a ”
position of inherited privilege which it has ceased to merit; and then the Proletariat repays
injustice with resentment, fear with hate, and violence with violence when it executes its acts
of secession. Yet the whole movement ends in positive acts of creation - and this on the part
of all the actors in the tragedy of disintegration. The Dominant Minority creates a universal
state, the Internal Proletariat a universal church, and the External Proletariat a bevy of
barbarian war-bands.
He argues that, as civilizations decay, they form an "Internal Proletariat" and an "External
Proletariat." The Internal proletariat is held in subjugation by the dominant minority inside
the civilization, and grows bitter; the external proletariat exists outside the civilization in
poverty and chaos, and grows envious. He argues that as civilizations decay, there is a
"schism in the body social," whereby:
• abandon and self-control together replace creativity, and
• truancy and martyrdom together replace discipleship by the creative minority.
He argues that in this environment, people resort to archaism (idealization of the past),
futurism (idealization of the future), detachment (removal of oneself from the realities of a
decaying world), and transcendence (meeting the challenges of the decaying civilization
with new insight, as a Prophet). He argues that those who Transcend during a period of
social decay give birth to a new Church with new and stronger spiritual insights, around
which a subsequent civilization may begin to form after the old has died.
Toynbee's use of the word 'church' refers to the collective spiritual bond of a common
worship, or the same unity found in some kind of social order.
Foreign invasions
The decline of the Roman Empire is one of the events traditionally marking the end of
Classical Antiquity and the beginning of the European Middle Ages. Throughout the fifth
century, the Empire's territories in western Europe and northwestern Africa, including
Italy, fell to various invading or indigenous peoples in what is sometimes called the
Barbarian invasions, although the eastern half still survived with borders essentially intact
for several centuries (until the Arab expansion).
North Africa's populous and flourishing civilization collapsed after exhausting its resources
in internal fighting and suffering devastation from the invasion of the Bedouin tribes of
Banu Sulaym and Banu Hilal.[5] Ibn Khaldun noted that the lands ravaged by Banu Hilal
invaders had become completely arid desert.[6]
In the brutal pillaging that followed Mongol invasions, the invaders decimated the
populations of China, Russia, the Middle East, and Islamic Central Asia. Later Mongol
leaders, such as Timur, though he himself became a Muslim, destroyed many cities,
slaughtered thousands of people and did irreparable damage to the ancient irrigation
systems of Mesopotamia. These invasions transformed a civil society to a nomadic one.[7]
Encounters between European explorers and populations in the rest of the world often
introduced local epidemics of extraordinary virulence. Smallpox ravaged Mexico in the
1520s, killing 150,000 in Tenochtitlán alone, including the emperor, and Peru in the 1530s,
aiding the European conquerors.[8] Some believe that the death of up to 95% of the Native
American population of the New World was caused by Old World diseases.[9]
Examples of civilizations and societies which have

collapsed
By Reversion/Simplification
• Hittite Empire
• Mycenaean Greece
• The Neo-Assyrian Empire
• Indus Valley Civilization
• Mauryan and Gupta states
• Angkor civilization of the Khmer Empire
• Han and Tang Dynasty of China
• Anasazi
• Etruscans
• Western Roman Empire
• Izapa
• Maya
• Munhumutapa Empire
• Olmec
By Incorporation/Absorption
• Sumer
• Ancient Egypt
• Babylonia
• Ancient Levant
• Classical Greece
• Eastern Roman Empire (Medieval Greek) of the Byzantines
• Modern North East Asian civilisations, Hindu and Mughal India
• Qin, Song, Mongol and Qing China
• Tokugawa Shogunate of Japan, ending with the Meiji Restoration
• Aztecs and Incas
Sites which are believed to represent "societal collapse"

• Cahokia
• Easter Island
• Norse colony on Greenland
• Pitcairn Island
• Malden Island
See also
• Classic Maya collapse • Late 2000s recession
• Collapse: How Societies Choose to Fail or Succeed by Jared • List of disasters

Diamond
• Crisis state • Lost cities
• Decline • Malthusian catastrophe
• Decline of the Roman Empire • Medieval demography
• Diaspora • Millennium Ecosystem Assessment
• Earth 2100 • Overpopulation
• Economic collapse • Peak oil
• Failed state • Population dynamics
• Fragile state • Risks to civilization, humans, and planet

Earth
• Global empire • Survivalism

Further reading
• → Diamond, Jared M. (2005). Collapse: How Societies Choose to Fail or Succeed. New
York: Viking Books. ISBN 0-14-303655-6.
• Homer-Dixon, Thomas. (2006). The Upside of Down: Catastrophe, Creativity, and the
Renewal of Civilization. Washington DC: Island Press.
• Tainter, Joseph A. (1990). The Collapse of Complex Societies (1st paperback ed.).
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-38673-X.
• Toynbee, Arnold J. (1934-1961). A Study of History, Volumes I-XII. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
• Wright, Ronald. (2004). A Short History of Progress. New York: Carroll & Graf
Publishers. ISBN 0-7867-1547-2.
References
[1] Homer-Dixon, Thomas (2007), "The Upside of Down: Catastrophe, Creativity and the Renewal of Civilization"
(Knopf, Canada)
[2] Hall, Charles 2009 "What is the Minimum EROI that a Sustainable Society Must Have" ENERGIES (http:/ /
www. mdpi. com/ 1996-1073/ 2/ 1/ 25)
[3] Population crises and cycles in history (http:/ / home. vicnet. net. au/ ~ozideas/ poprus. htm), A review of the
book Population Crises and Population cycles by Claire Russell and W M S Russell.
[4] Tainter, Joseph (1990), The Collapse of Complex Societies (Cambridge University Press) pp. 59-60.
[5] The Great Mosque of Tlemcen (http:/ / www. muslimheritage. com/ topics/ default. cfm?ArticleID=461),
MuslimHeritage.com
[6] Populations Crises and Population Cycles (http:/ / www. galtoninstitute. org. uk/ Newsletters/ GINL9603/
PopCrises3. htm), Claire Russell and W.M.S. Russell
[7] Ibn Battuta's Trip: Part Three - Persia and Iraq (1326 - 1327) (http:/ / www. sfusd. k12. ca. us/ schwww/
sch618/ Ibn_Battuta/ Battuta's_Trip_Three. html)
[8] Smallpox: Eradicating the Scourge (http:/ / www. bbc. co. uk/ history/ british/ empire_seapower/ smallpox_01.
shtml)
[9] The Story Of... Smallpox – and other Deadly Eurasian Germs (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ gunsgermssteel/
variables/ smallpox. html)
Monkeywrenching 185
Monkeywrenching
1. REDIRECT ecotage
Philosophy of technology
The philosophy of technology is a philosophical field dedicated to studying the nature of
technology and its social effects.
History
Considered under the rubric of the Greek term techne (art, or craft knowledge), the
philosophy of technology goes to the very roots of Western philosophy.
• In his Republic, Plato sees techne as the basis for the philosophers' proper rule in the
city.
• In the Nicomachean Ethics (Book 6), Aristotle describes techne as one of the four ways
that we can know about the world.
• The Stoics argued that virtue is a kind of techne based upon a proper understanding of
the universe.
20th century development

Whereas 19th Century philosophers such as Karl Marx were philosophically interested in
tools and techniques, the most prominent 20th century philosophers to directly address
modern technology were John Dewey and Martin Heidegger. Although both saw technology
as central to modern life, (to speak roughly) Dewey was optimistic about the role of
technology, while Heidegger was slightly more pessimistic. This is an oversimplification,
however, as Heidegger can be seen as critical but open to technology. To Heidegger,
technology's essence, Gestell or Enframing, is both the greatest danger and the greatest
possibility for humankind. Dewey's work on technology was dispersed throughout his
corpus, while Heidegger's major work on technology may be found in The Question
Concerning Technology.
In the 1960s, Marshall McLuhan became a major radical voice in the field, with such works
as the bestseller The Medium is the Message, as well as The Gutenberg Galaxy and
Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man.
Contemporary philosophy
Contemporary philosophers with an interest in technology include Jean Baudrillard, Albert
Borgmann, Andrew Feenberg, Langdon Winner, Donna Haraway, Avital Ronell, Don Ihde,
Paul Levinson, Carl Mitcham, Leo Marx, Gilbert Simondon, → Jacques Ellul and Bernard
Stiegler.
While a number of important individual works were published in the second half of the
twentieth century, Paul Durbin has identified two books published at the turn of the century
as marking the development of the philosophy of technology as an academic subdiscipline
with canonical texts [1] ; these were Technology and the Good Life (2000), edited by Eric
Higgs, Andrew Light, and David Strong and American Philosophy of Technology (2001) by
Philosophy of technology 186
Hans Achterhuis.
Technology and Neutrality

With improvements in technology comes progress and a great concern over its shadowing
effect on society. Leila Green uses recent gun massacres such as 'the Port Arthur Massacre'
and the 'Dunblane Massacre' to bring out the concepts of technological determinism and
social determinism. Technological determinism argues that 'it was features of technology
that determined its use and the role of a progressive society was to adapt to [and benefit
from]technological change.'[Green, Leila (2001) Technoculture, Allen & Unwin, Crows
Nest, p 2.]. The alternative perspective would be social determinism which looks upon
society being at fault for the 'development and deployment'[Green, Leila (2001)
Technoculture, Allen & Unwin, Crows Nest, p 3] of technologies. The reactions to the gun
massacres were different in various regions, Tasmanian authorities made gun laws even
stricter than before, while there was a demand in the US for the advocacy of fire arms. And
here lies the split, both in opinion and in social dimension. According to Green, a
technology can be thought of as a neutral entity only when the soci-cultural context and
issues circulating the specific technology are removed, it will be then visible to us that
there lies a relationship of social groups and power provided through the possession of
technologies.
See also
• Artificial
• Critique of technology
• Ethics of technology
• History of technology
• Industrial sociology
• Philosophy of engineering
• Technological evolution
• Theories of technology
• Naturoid
Further reading
• Joseph Agassi (1985). Technology: Philosophical and Social Aspects, Episteme,
Dordrecht: Kluwer, , ISBN 90-277-2044-4.
• Hans Achterhuis American Philosophy of Technology (2001). Indiana University Press.
ISBN 978-0-253-33903-4
• Jan Kyrre Berg-Olsen and Evan Selinger. (2006). Philosophy of Technology: 5 Questions.
New York: Automatic Press / VIP, [2]
• Borgmann, Albert. (1984). Technology and the Character of Contemporary Life.
University of Chicago Press.
• → Ellul, Jacques. (1964). The Technological Society. Vintage Books.
• Feenberg, Andrew. (1999). Questioning Technology. Routledge Press.
• Heidegger, Martin. (1977). The Question Concerning Technology. Harper and Row.
• Hickman, Larry. (1992). John Dewey's Pragmatic Technology. Indiana University Press.
• Eric Higgs, Andrew Light and David Strong. (2000). Technology and the Good Life
Chicago University Press.
• David M. Kaplan, ed. (2004). Readings in the Philosophy of Technology. Rowman &
Littlefield.
• Manuel de Landa War in the Age of Intelligent Machines. (1991). Zone Books. ISBN
978-0942-29975-5.
• Levinson, Paul. (1988). Mind at Large: Knowing in the Technological Age. JAI Press.
• Lyotard, Jean-Francois. (1984). The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge.
University of Minnesota Press.
• McLuhan, Marshall.
• The Gutenberg Galaxy. (1962). Mentor.
• Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man. (1964). McGraw Hill.
• Mitcham, Carl. (1994). Thinking Through Technology. University of Chicago Press.
• Nye, David. (2006). Technology Matters. The MIT Press. ISBN 978-0-262-64067-1
• Scharff, Robert C. and Val Dusek eds. (2003). Philosophy of Technology. The
Technological Condition. An Anthology. Blackwell Publishing. ISBN 978-0-631-22219-4
• Seemann, Kurt. (2003) Basic Principles in Holistic Technology Education. Journal of
Technology Education [3], V14.No.2.
• Simondon, Gilbert.
• Du mode d'existence des objets techniques. (1958). ()
• L'individu et sa genèse physico-biologique (l'individuation à la lumière des notions de
forme et d'information), (1964). Paris PUF ()
• Stiegler, Bernard, (1998). Technics and Time, 1: The Fault of Epimetheus. Stanford
University Press.
• Winner, Langdon. (1977). Autonomous Technology. MIT Press. ISBN 978-0262-23078-0
• Leila Green (2001) Technoculture, Allen & Unwin, Crows Nest pp 1–20.
External links
Journals
• Ends and Means [4]
• NetFuture - Technology and Human Responsibility [5]
• Techné: Research in Philosophy and Technology [6]
Websites
• Philosophy of Technology [7] entry in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy by Maarten
Franssen, Gert-Jan Lokhorst, Ibo van de Poel
• Society for Philosophy and Technology [8]
• Essays on the Philosophy of Technology [9] compiled by Frank Edler
References
[1] Techné Vol 7 No 1 (http:/ / scholar. lib. vt. edu/ ejournals/ SPT/ v7n1/ intro. html)
[2] http:/ / www. philosophytechnology. com
[3] http:/ / scholar. lib. vt. edu/ ejournals/ JTE/ v14n2/ seemann. html
[4] http:/ / www. abdn. ac. uk/ philosophy/ endsandmeans/
[5] http:/ / www. netfuture. org/
[6] http:/ / scholar. lib. vt. edu/ ejournals/ SPT/
[7] http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ technology
[8] http:/ / www. spt. org/
[9] http:/ / commhum. mccneb. edu/ philos/ techessay. htm
Technology and society

Technology and society or technology and culture refers to the cyclical co-dependence,
co-influence, co-production of technology and society upon the other (technology upon
culture, and vice-versa). This synergistic relationship occurred from the dawn of
humankind, with the invention of the simple tools; and continues into modern technologies
such as the printing press and computers.
The academic discipline studying the impacts of science, technology, and society and vice
versa is called (and can be found at) Science and technology studies.
Modern examples
There are an extraordinary number of examples how science and technology has helped us
that can be seen in society today. One great example is the mobile phone. Ever since the
invention of the telephone society was in need of a more portable device that they could use
to talk to people. This high demand for a new product led to the invention of the mobile
phone, which did, and still does, greatly influence society and the way people live their
lives. Now many people are accessible to talk to whoever they want no matter where any of
the two people are. All these little changes in mobile phones, like Internet access, are
further examples of the cycle of co-production. Society's need for being able to call on
people and be available everywhere resulted in the research and development of mobile
phones. They in turn influenced the way we live our lives. As the populace relies more and
more on mobile phones, additional features were requested. This is also true with today's
modern media player.
Society also determined the changes that were made to the previous generation media
player that the manufactures developed. Take for example, today's media players. At the
beginning, cassettes were being used to store data. However, that method was large and
cumbersome so the manufactures developed compact disks, which were smaller and could
hold more data. Later, compact disks were again too large and did not hold enough data
that forced today's manufactures to create MP3 players which are small and holds large
amount of data. Today's society determined the course of events that many manufactures
took to improving their products so today's consumers will purchase their products.
Technology and society 189
Economics and technological development

Looking back into ancient history, economics can be
said to have arrived on the scene when the occasional,
spontaneous exchange of goods and services began to
occur on a less occasional, less spontaneous basis. It
probably did not take long for the maker of arrowheads
to realize that he could probably do a lot better by
concentrating on the making of arrowheads and barter
for his other needs. Clearly, regardless of the goods and
services bartered, some amount of technology was
involved—if no more than in the making of shell and
bead jewelry. Even the shaman's potions and sacred
objects can be said to have involved some technology.
So, from the very beginnings, technology can be said to
have spurred the development of more elaborate
economies.
Nuclear reactor, Doel, Belgium
In the modern world, superior technologies, resources,
geography, and history give rise to robust economies; and in a well-functioning, robust
economy, economic excess naturally flows into greater use of technology. Moreover,
because technology is such an inseparable part of human society, especially in its economic
aspects, funding sources for (new) technological endeavors are virtually illimitable.
However, while in the beginning, technological investment involved little more than the
time, efforts, and skills of one or a few men, today, such investment may involve the
collective labor and skills of many millions.
Funding
Consequently, the sources of funding for large technological efforts have dramatically
narrowed, since few have ready access to the collective labor of a whole society, or even a
large part. It is conventional to divide up funding sources into governmental (involving
whole, or nearly whole, social enterprises) and private (involving more limited, but
generally more sharply focused) business or individual enterprises.
Government funding for new technology

The government is a major contributor to the development of new technology in many ways.
In the United States alone, many government agencies specifically invest billions of dollars
in new technology.
[In 1980, the UK government invested just over 6-million pounds in a four-year program,
later extended to six years, called the Microelectronics Education Programme (MEP), which
was intended to give every school in Britain at least one computer, software, training
materials, and extensive teacher training. Similar programs have been instituted by
governments around the world.]
Technology has frequently been driven by the military, with many modern applications
being developed for the military before being adapted for civilian use. However, this has
always been a two-way flow, with industry often taking the lead in developing and adopting
a technology which is only later adopted by the military.
Entire government agencies are specifically dedicated to research, such as America's

National Science Foundation, the United Kingdom's scientific research institutes, America's
Small Business Innovative Research effort. Many other government agencies dedicate a
major portion of their budget to research and development.
Private funding
Research and development is one of the biggest areas of investments made by corporations
toward new and innovative technology.
Many foundations and other nonprofit organizations contribute to the development of
technology. In the OECD, about two-thirds of research and development in scientific and
technical fields is carried out by industry, and 20 percent and 10 percent respectively by
universities and government. But in poorer countries such as Portugal and Mexico the
industry contribution is significantly less. The U.S. government spends more than other
countries on military research and development, although the proportion has fallen from
about 30 percent in the 1980s to less than 100 percent.[1]
Other economic considerations

• → Appropriate technology, sometimes called "intermediate" technology, more of an
economics concern, refers to compromises between central and expensive technologies
of developed nations and those which developing nations find most effective to deploy
given an excess of labour and scarcity of cash.
• Persuasion technology: In economics, definitions or assumptions of progress or growth
are often related to one or more assumptions about technology's economic influence.
Challenging prevailing assumptions about technology and its usefulness has led to
alternative ideas like uneconomic growth or measuring well-being. These, and economics
itself, can often be described as technologies, specifically, as persuasion technology.
• Technocapitalism
• Technological diffusion
• Technology acceptance model
• Technology lifecycle
• Technology transfer
Sociological factors and effects

The use of technology has a great
many effects; these may be separated
into intended effects and unintended
effects. Unintended effects are usually
also unanticipated, and often
unknown before the arrival of a new
technology. Nevertheless, they are
often as important as the intended
effect.
Values
The implementation of technology

influences the values of a society by
Downtown Tokyo (2005)
changing expectations and realities.
The implementation of technology is
also influenced by values. There are (at least) three major, interrelated values that inform,
and are informed by, technological innovations:
• Mechanistic world view: Viewing the universe as a collection of parts, (like a machine),
that can be individually analyzed and understood (McGinn 1991). This is a form of
reductionism that is rare nowadays. However, the "neo-mechanistic world view" holds
that nothing in the universe cannot be understood by the human intellect. Also, while all
things are greater than the sum of their parts (e.g., even if we consider nothing more
than the information involved in their combination), in principle, even this excess must
eventually be understood by human intelligence. That is, no divine or vital principle or
essence is involved.
• Efficiency: A value, originally applied only to machines, but now applied to all aspects of
society, so that each element is expected to attain a higher and higher percentage of its
maximal possible performance, output, or ability. (McGinn 1991)
• Social progress: The belief that there is such a thing as social progress, and that, in the
main, it is beneficent. Before the Industrial Revolution, and the subsequent explosion of
technology, almost all societies believed in a cyclical theory of social movement and,
indeed, of all history and the universe. This was, obviously, based on the cyclicity of the
seasons, and an agricultural economy's and society's strong ties to that cyclicity. Since
much of the world is closer to their agricultural roots, they are still much more amenable
to cyclicity than progress in history. This may be seen, for example, in Prabhat rainjan
sarkar's modern social cycles theory [2]. For a more westernized version of social
cyclicity, see Generations: The History of America's Future, 1584 to 2069 (Paperback) by
Neil Howe and William Strauss; Harper Perennial; Reprint edition (September 30, 1992);
ISBN 0-688-11912-3, and subsequent books by these authors.
International
Technology enables greater knowledge of international issues, values, and cultures. Due
mostly to mass transportation and mass media, the world seems to be a much smaller
place, due to the following, among others:
• Globalization of ideas
• Embeddedness of values
• Population growth and control
• Others
Ethics
Winston (2003) provides an excellent summary of the ethical implications of technological
development and deployment. He states there are four major ethical implications:
• Challenges traditional ethical norms. Because technology impacts relationships among
individuals, it challenges how individuals deal with each other, even in ethical ways. One
example of this is challenging the definition of "human life" as embodied by debates in
the areas of abortion, euthanasia, capital punishment, etc., which all involve modern
technological developments.
• Creates an aggregation of effects. One of the greatest problems with technology is that
its detrimental effects are often small, but cumulative. Such is the case with the pollution
from the burning of fossil fuels in automobiles. Each individual automobile creates a very
small, almost negligible, amount of pollution, however the cumulative effect could
possibly contribute to the global warming effect. Other examples include accumulations
of chemical pollutants in the human body, urbanization effects on the environment, etc.
• Changes the distribution of
justice. In essence, those
with technology tend to
have higher access to
justice systems. Or, justice
is not distributed equally to
those with technology
versus those without.
• Provides great power. Not
only does technology
A Lancaster dropping bundles of 4lb stick incendiaries (left), 30lb
amplify the ability, and incendiaries and a "cookie" (right)
hence the strength, of
humans, it also provides a great strategic advantage to the human(s) who hold the
greatest amount of technology. Consider the strategic advantage gained by having
greater technological innovations in the military, pharmaceuticals, computers, etc. For
example, Bill Gates has considerable influence (even outside of the computer industry) in
the course of human affairs due to his successful implementation of computer
technology.
Lifestyle
In many ways, technology simplifies life.
• The rise of a leisure class
• A more informed society,which can make quicker responses to events and trends
• Sets the stage for more complex learning tasks
• Increases multi-tasking (although this may not be simplifying)
• Global networking
• Creates denser social circles
• Cheaper prices
• Greater specialization in jobs
In other ways, technology complicates life.
• Pollution is a serious problem in a technologically advanced society (from acid rain to
Chernobyl and Bhopal)
• The increase in transportation technology has brought congestion in some areas
• Technicism (although this may not be complicating)
• New forms of danger existing as a consequence of new forms of technology, such as the
first generation of nuclear reactors
• New forms of entertainment, such as video games and internet access could have
possible social effects on areas such as academic performance
• Increased probability of some diseases and disorders, such as obesity
• Social separation of singular human interaction. Technology has increased the need to
talk to more people faster.
• Structural unemployment
• Anthropocentric climate change
Institutions and groups

Technology often enables organizational and bureaucratic group structures that otherwise
and heretofore were simply not possible. Examples of this might include:
• The rise of very large organizations: e.g., governments, the military, health and social
welfare institutions, supranational corporations.
• The commercialization of leisure: sports events, products, etc. (McGinn)
• The almost instantaneous dispersal of information (especially news) and entertainment
around the world.
Environment
Technology provides an understanding, and an appreciation for the world around us.
Most modern technological processes produce unwanted byproducts in addition to the
desired products, which is known as industrial waste and pollution. While most material
waste is re-used in the industrial process, many forms are released into the environment,
with negative environmental side effects, such as pollution and lack of sustainability.
Different social and political systems establish different balances between the value they
place on additional goods versus the disvalues of waste products and pollution. Some
technologies are designed specifically with the environment in mind, but most are designed
first for economic or ergonomic effects. Historically, the value of a clean environment and
more efficient productive processes has been the result of an increase in the wealth of
society, because once people are able to provide for their basic needs, they are able to
focus on less-tangible goods such as clean air and water.

The effects of technology on the environment are both obvious and subtle. The more
obvious effects include the depletion of nonrenewable natural resources (such as
petroleum, coal, ores), and the added pollution of air, water, and land. The more subtle
effects include debates over long-term effects (e.g., global warming, deforestation, natural
habitat destruction, coastal wetland loss.)
Each wave of technology creates a set of waste previously unknown by humans: toxic
waste, radioactive waste, electronic waste.
One of the main problems is the lack of an effective way to remove these pollutants on a
large scale expediently. In nature, organisms "recycle" the wastes of other organisms, for
example, plants produce oxygen as a by-product of photosynthesis, oxygen-breathing
organisms use oxygen to metabolize food, producing carbon dioxide as a by-product, which
plants use in a process to make sugar, with oxygen as a waste in the first place. No such
mechanism exists for the removal of technological wastes.
Humanity at the moment may be compared to a colony of bacteria in a Petri dish with a
constant food supply: with no way to remove the wastes of their metabolism, the bacteria
eventually poison themselves.
Construction and shaping
Choice
Society also controls technology through the choices it makes. These choices not only
include consumer demands; they also include:
• the channels of distribution, how do products go from raw materials to consumption to
disposal;
• the cultural beliefs regarding style, freedom of choice, consumerism, materialism, etc.;
• the economic values we place on the environment, individual wealth, government control,
capitalism, etc.
According to Williams and Edge (1996), the construction and shaping of technology
includes the concept of choice (and not necessarily conscious choice). Choice is inherent in
both the design of individual artifacts and systems, and in the making of those artifacts and
systems.
The idea here is that a single technology may not emerge from the unfolding of a
predetermined logic or a single determinant, technology could be a garden of forking paths,
with different paths potentially leading to different technological outcomes. This is a
position that has been developed in detail by Judy Wajcman Therefore, choices could have
differing implications for society and for particular social groups.hh
Autonomous technology
In one line of thought, technology develops autonomously, in other words, technology
seems to feed on itself, moving forward with a force irresistible by humans. To these
individuals, technology is "inherently dynamic and self-augmenting." (McGinn 1991, p. 73)
→ Jacques Ellul is one proponent of the irresistibleness of technology to humans. He
espouses the idea that humanity cannot resist the temptation of expanding our knowledge
and our technological abilities. However, he does not believe that this seeming autonomy of
technology is inherent. But the perceived autonomy is due to the fact that humans do not
adequately consider the responsibility that is inherent in technological processes.
Another proponent of these ideas is Langdon Winner who believes that technological
evolution is essentially beyond the control of individuals or society.
Government
Individuals rely on governmental assistance to control the side effects and negative
consequences of technology.
• Supposed independence of government. An assumption commonly made about the
government is that their governance role is neutral or independent. However some argue
that governing is a political process, so government will be influenced by political winds
of influence. In addition, because government provides much of the funding for
technological research and development, it has a vested interest in certain outcomes.
Other point out that the world's biggest ecological disasters, such as the Aral Sea,
Chernobyl, and Lake Karachay have been caused by government projects, which are not
accountable to consumers.
• Liability. One means for controlling technology is to place responsibility for the harm
with the agent causing the harm. Government can allow more or less legal liability to fall
to the organizations or individuals responsible for damages.
• Legislation. A source of controversy is the role of industry versus that of government in
maintaining a clean environment. While it is generally agreed that industry needs to be
held responsible when pollution harms other people, there is disagreement over whether
this should be prevented by legislation or civil courts, and whether ecological systems as
such should be protected from harm by governments.
Recently the social shaping of technology has had new influence in the fields of e-science
and e-social science in the United Kingdom, which has made centers focusing on the social
shaping of science and technology a central part of their funding programs.
See also
• → Appropriate technology
• E-Social Science
• Golden hammer
• History of science and technology
• Technological evolution
• High technology
• Humanities policy
• Innovation
• Internet
• Knowledge economy
• → Lewis Mumford
• List of emerging technologies
• Science and technology studies
• Social shaping of technology
• Myth of Progress
• Technology assessment
• Theories of technology
• Timeline of historic inventions
• Technological convergence
• Technology Tree
• List of "ologies"
• Technological superpowers
References
^ ^^ ^^^
• McGinn, Robert E. (1991). Science, Technology, and Society. Englewood Cliffs,
N.J.: Prentice-Hall. ISBN 0-13-794736-4.
• ^ Williams, Robin; Edge, David (1996). "What is the Social Shaping of Technology? (The
Introduction to paper "The Social Shaping of Technology".) [3]". Research Policy 25. http:/
/ www. rcss. ed. ac. uk/ technology/ SSTRP. html. Retrieved on August 10 2006.
^ ^^
• Winston, Morton (2003). "Children of invention". in in Morton Winston and Ralph
Edelbach (eds.),. Society, Ethics, and Technology (2nd ed. ed.). Belmont, Calif.:
Thomson/Wadsworth. ISBN 0-534-58540-X.
Bibliography
• Adas, Michael (1989). Machines as the Measure of Men: Science, Technology, and
Ideologies of Western Dominance. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. ISBN 0-8014-2303-1.
• Noble, David F. (1984). Forces of Production: A Social History of Industrial Automation.
New York: Knopf. ISBN 0-394-51262-6.
• Smil, Vaclav (1994). Energy in World History. Boulder: Westview Press. pp. pp. 259-267.
ISBN 0-8133-1901-3. Cited at Technology Chronology [4] (accessed September 11, 2005).
• Introduction to Social Macrodynamics: Compact Macromodels of the World System
Growth by Andrey Korotayev, Artemy Malkov, and Daria Khaltourina. ISBN
5-484-00414-4 [5]
External links
[6]
• STS Wiki
• Engines of Our Ingenuity [7], site for a radio program that tells the story of how our
culture is formed by human creativity.
• Examples for Innovation and New Technologies [8]
• Law, technology and other musings [9]
References
[1] http:/ / www. oecd. org/ dataoecd/ 49/ 45/ 24236156. pdf
[2] http:/ / www. metafuture. org/ sarkar/ prabhat. htm
[3] http:/ / www. rcss. ed. ac. uk/ technology/ SSTRP. html
[4] http:/ / www. thenagain. info/ webchron/ Technology/ Technology. html
[5] http:/ / urss. ru/ cgi-bin/ db. pl?cp=& lang=en& blang=en& list=14& page=Book& id=34250
[6] http:/ / en. stswiki. org/ wiki/ Main_Page
[7] http:/ / www. uh. edu/ engines/ engines. htm
[8] http:/ / www. promot. org/ index. html
[9] http:/ / www. vicasting. com/ contents. aspx/ pid/ 4013/
Appropriate technology
Appropriate technology (AT) is
technology that is designed with
special consideration to the
environmental, ethical, cultural,
social and economical aspects of
the community it is intended for.
With these goals in mind, AT
typically requires fewer resources,
is easier to maintain, has a lower
overall cost and less of an impact
on the environment compared to
industrialized practices.[1]
The term is usually used to The Universal Nut Sheller in use in Uganda, an example of
describe simple technologies appropriate technology
suitable for use in developing

nations or less developed rural areas of industrialized nations.[1] This form of appropriate
technology usually prefers labor-intensive solutions over capital-intensive ones, although
labor-saving devices are also used where this does not mean high capital or maintenance
cost. In practice, appropriate technology is often something described as using the simplest
level of technology that can effectively achieve the intended purpose in a particular
location. In industrialized nations, the term appropriate technology takes a different
meaning, often referring to engineering that takes special consideration of its social and
environmental ramifications.[2]
Appropriate technology 198
Background and definition

The term appropriate
technology came into some
prominence during the 1973
energy crisis and the
environmental movement of
the 1970s. The term is
typically used in two arenas:
utilizing the most effective
technology to address the
needs of developing areas, and
using socially and
environmentally acceptable
technologies in industrialized
nations.
Sustainable portable classroom design proposal
Appropriate
technology founders
In the modern world appropriate technology is supposed to commence from Mohandas
Gandhi who advocated small, local, mostly village-based technology to help India's villages
become self reliant and thus aid in the freedom struggle against British and wealthy
Indians. Gandhi's philosophies on technology were contrary to the belief that technological
development was inherently synonymous with progress. He believed the powers of
technology should be produced and used artfully and the benefits should be close to the
individual and widely produced and distributed in a decentralised fashion. Gandhi claimed
that his favorite technologies were the sewing machine, because it was invented out of love,
and the bicycle, because it kept one's feet close to the ground. He felt that the paradigm of
technology should not be one that disenfranchises people and be used in the pursuit of
violence, rather, it should be used in a way that empowers people broadly. Integrated with
the movement for self-rule, which was based on local economies, Gandhi championed the
spinning wheel, or charka, employed in the khadi movement in the 1920s, which produced
cloth locally in an act of civil disobedience of the imperial system, causing the British
monopoly on textiles to collapse. However, in the movement for Swaraj, or home rule,
Gandhi believed in a total revolution of production, saying that "It is not about getting rid of
the tiger and keeping the tiger's nature". Having said "it is better for a machine to be idle
than a man to be idle", Gandhi rejected the factory model of industrialisation, which valued
production over the worker. He raised money to offer a reward for someone to invent a
spinning wheel that could employ people in the same way, while producing more thread.
E. F. Schumacher who was very strongly influenced by Gandhi's philosophy took his village
development further and coined "intermediate technology" in early 1970s. It is
Schumacher's book Small is Beautiful that really started the appropriate technology
movement.
Appropriate technology practitioners

Some of the wellknown practitioners of the appropriate technology-sector include: M K
Ghosh [3], Chaman Lal Gupta, Sen Kapadia, B.V. Doshi [4] , Buckminster Fuller, William
Moyer (1933–2002), Satish Kumar (1936–present), Anil K. Rajvanshi, Amy B. Smith, Amory
Lovins, Sanoussi Diakité, Victor Papanek, Johan Van Lengen and Arne Næss (1912–present)
Appropriate technology in developing areas

The term has often been applied to the situations of developing nations or underdeveloped
rural areas of industrialized nations. The use of appropriate technology in these areas seeks
to fill in the gaps left by conventional development which typically focuses on
capital-intensive, urban development.[5]
Appropriate technologies are not necessarily "low" technology, and can utilize recent
research, for example cloth filters which were inspired by research into the way cholera is
carried in water. A type of high-efficiency, white LED lights is used by the Light Up the
World Foundation in remote areas of Nepal to replace more traditional forms of lighting
that cause health problems associated with kerosene lamps or wood fires.
Intermediate technology
Coined by E. F. Schumacher, the term intermediate technology is similar to appropriate
technology. It refers specifically to tools and technology that are significantly more
effective and expensive than traditional methods, but still an order of magnitude (one tenth)
cheaper than developed world technology. Proponents argue that such items can be easily
purchased and used by poor people, and according to proponents can lead to greater
productivity while minimizing social dislocation. Much intermediate technology can also be
built and serviced using locally available materials and knowledge. This intermediate
technology is conducive to decentralization, compatible with the laws of ecology, gentle in
its use of scarce resources, and designed to serve the human person instead of making him
the servant of machines.
Appropriate hard and soft technologies

According to Dr. Maurice Albertson and Faulkner, appropriate hard technology is
“engineering techniques, physical structures, and machinery that meet a need defined by a
community, and utilize the material at hand or readily available. It can be built, operated
and maintained by the local people with very limited outside assistance (e.g., technical,
material, or financial). it is usually related to an economic goal.” Some have explored the
use of classroom projects for university-level physics students to research, develop and test
appropriate hard technology [6] .
Albertson and Faulkner consider Appropriate soft technology as technology that deals with
“the social structures, human interactive processes, and motivation techniques. It is the
structure and process for social participation and action by individuals and groups in
analyzing situations, making choices and engaging in choice-implementing behaviors that
bring about change.”[7]
Appropriate technology in developed countries

The term appropriate technology is also used in developed nations to describe the use of
technology and engineering that results in less negative impacts on the environment and
society.[2] E. F. Schumacher asserts that such technology, described in the book Small is
Beautiful[8] tends to promote values such as health, beauty and permanence, in that order.
Often the type of appropriate technology that is used in developed countries is "Appropriate
and Sustainable Technology" (AST); or appropriate technology that, besides being
functional and relatively cheap (though often more expensive than true AT), is also very
durable and lasts a long time (AT does not include this; see Sustainable design).[9] [10]
Parallel to this theory, British architect interested in human settlements and development,
John F. C. Turner (co-author and editor of the book Freedom To Build and author of the
book Housing By People), has said that truly appropriate technology is technology that
ordinary people can use for their own benefit and the benefit of their community, that
doesn't make them dependent on systems over which they have no control. This definition
focuses on the idea that technology typically creates dependencies and thus to truly be
appropriate, technology should enhance the local or regional capacity to meet local needs,
rather than creating or amplifying dependencies on systems beyond local control.
Determining a sustainable approach

Features such as low cost, low usage of fossil fuels and use of locally available resources
can give some advantages in terms of → sustainability. For that reason, these technologies
are sometimes used and promoted by advocates of sustainability and alternative
technology.
Besides using natural, locally available resources (eg wood, adobe, ...), and waste materials
imported from cities using conventional (and inefficient) waste management may be
gathered and re-used to build a sustainable living environment. Use of these cities' waste
material allows the gathering of a huge amount of building material at a low cost. When
obtained, the materials may be recycled over and over in the own city/community, using the
Cradle to cradle method. Locations where waste can be found include landfills, junkyards,
on water surfaces and anywhere around towns or near highways. Organic waste that can be
reused to fertilise plants can be found in sewages. Also, town districts and other places (e.g.
cemeteries) that are subject of undergoing renovation or removal can be used for gathering
materials as stone, concrete, potassium, ...
The waste materials include
• recyclable plastics such as PE, PP, PVC, PS, SB; PSE, ABS PMMA, PTFE, PA, PC, PUR,
EP, UP and PET. ISF has made 2 documents on how respectively discarded plastics and
aluminum can be salvaged and reused in developing countries.[11]
• ferrous waste materials (eg cans, ...)
• sewage sludge (for use as a fertiliser)
The waste materials can be gathered by waste pickers, or -if possible- with more
sophisticated machines such as materials recovery facilities (MRFs),and solid waste
processing facilities. The latter may allow better separation of the different metals, plastics,
... resulting in a higher -and more efficient- yield. Also, waste pickers -besides usually not
being equipped to disassemble the materials- risk being exposed to various poisonings.
Sewage sludge is collected not by hand, but through a sludge processing plant that
automatically heats the matter and conveys it into fertiliser pellets (hereby removing
possible contamination by chemical detergents, ...)[12] This approach allows to eliminate
seawater pollution by conveying the water directly to the sea without treatment (a practice
which is still common in developing countries, despite environmental regulation). Sludge
plants are useful in areas that have already set-up a sewage-system, but not in areas
without such a system, as composting toilets are more efficient and do not require sewage
pipes (which break over time).
After collection, the obtained materials often need to be melted and recasted in forgeries
and/or may require bending, cutting, folding, ... in a workshop. Plastics are a special case
that are too melted in a workshop, using small, purpose-build hand-operated melting
containers. Metalworking tools that can be used to cut, fold, ... the metal are the OpenLathe
and Multimachine. Also, some CNC metalworking tools [13] can be appropriate.
In some cases, melting and recasting is not required, as some parts can be simply cut and
used as is in different devices. An example is the passive solar collector build from old
refridgerator tubing [14].
City construction
In order to increase the efficiency of a great number of city services (efficient water
provisioning, efficient electricity provisioning, easy traffic flow, water drainage, decreased
spread of disease with epidemics, ...), the city itself must first be built correctly. Having the
city designed using a grid plan brings the benefits all in a single go. As in the developing
world, a lot of cities are hugely expanding and new ones are being built. Looking into the
cities design in advance is a must for every developing nation.
Building construction
• Adobe (including the variation called Super Adobe),
• Rammed earth,
• Compressed earth block,
• Dutch brick,
• Cob
• and/or other green building materials could be considered appropriate earth building
technology for much of the developing world, as they make use of materials which are
widely available locally and are thus relatively inexpensive.
The local context must be considered as, for example, mudbrick may not be durable in a
high rainfall area (although a large roof overhang and cement stabilisation can be used to
correct for this), and, if the materials are not readily available, the method may be
inappropriate. Other forms of natural building may be considered appropriate technology,
though in many cases the emphasis is on sustainability/self-sufficiency rather than
affordability or suitability. As such, many buildings are also built to function as an
autonomous building (eg earthships, ...). One example of an organisation that applies
appropriate earthbuilding techniques would be Builders Without Borders.
The building structure must also be considered. Cost/effectiveness is an important issue in
projects based around appropriate technology, and one of the most efficient designs herein
is the Public housing approach. This approach lets everyone have their own
sleeping/recreation space, yet incorporate communal spaces eg. mess halls, Latrines, public
showers, ...
In addition, to decrease costs of operation (heating, cooling, ...) techniques as Earth
sheltering, Trombe walls, ... are often incorporated.
Organizations as Architecture for Humanity also follows principles consistent with
appropriate technology, aiming to serve the needs of poor and disaster-affected people.
Energy
The term soft energy technology was coined by Amory Lovins
to describe "appropriate" renewable energy.[15]
"Appropriate" energy technologies are especially suitable for
isolated and/or small scale energy needs. However, high
capital cost must be taken into account.
Electricity can be provided from:
• PV solar panels (which are expensive initially, but simple),
and (large) Concentrating solar power plants. PV solar
panels made from Low-cost photovoltaic cells or PV-cells
which have first been concentrated by a Luminescent solar
concentrator-panel are also a good option. Especially
companies as Solfocus [16] make appropriate technology
CSP plants which can be made from waste plastics
polluting the surroundings (see above). In certain cases, a
dish stirling setup could be appropriate (by using low-cost Small scale (DIY) generation
Stirling engines as the Thermomechanical generator); system
primarily as they have greater efficiency, reducing the size
required for the plant. However, repair of these more efficient CSP setups is more
difficult than with regular CLFR, solar power towers or parabolic troughs.
• thermodynamic solar panels
• wind power (home do-it yourself turbines and larger-scale)
• micro hydro, and pico hydro[17]
• human-powered handwheel generators[18]
• other zero emission generation methods
Some intermediate technologies (causing still some degree of pollution) include:
• Biobutanol,
• nuclear power,
• biodiesel,
• and straight vegetable oil can be appropriate, direct biofuels in areas where vegetable oil
is readily available and cheaper than fossil fuels.
• Anaerobic digestion power plants
• Biogas is another potential source of energy, particularly where there is an abundant
supply of waste organic matter. A generator (running on biofuels) can be run more
efficiently if combined with batteries and an inverter; this adds significantly to capital
cost but reduces running cost, and can potentially make this a much cheaper option than
the solar, wind and micro-hydro options.
• Feces (eg cow dung, human, etc) can also be used. For example DEKA's DEKA's Project
Slingshot stirling electricity generator works this energy source to make electricity.
• Biochar is another similar energy source which can be obtained through charring of
certain types of organic material (eg hazelnut shells, bamboo, chicken manure, ...) in a
pyrolysis unit.[19] A similar energy source is terra preta nova.
Electricity distribution could be improved so to make use of a more structured electricity
line arrangement and universal AC power plugs and sockets (eg the CEE 7/7 plug). In
addition, a universal system of electricity provisioning (eg universal voltage, frequency,
ampère; eg 230V with 50 Hz), as well as perhaps a better mains power system (eg through
the use of special systems as perfected single wire earth returns; eg Tunesia's
MALT-system; which features low costs and easy placement)[20] [21]
Electricity storage (which is required for autonomous energy systems) can be provided
through appropriate technology solutions as deep-cycle and car-batteries (intermediate
technology), long duration flywheels, electrochemical capacitors, compressed air energy
[22]
storage (CAES), liquid nitrogen and pumped hydro. Thanks to Daniel Nocera, low-cost
hydrogen storage now also possible as a mid to short-term storage solution. [23] Many
solutions for the developing world are sold as a single package, containing a (micro)
electricity generation power plant and energy storage. Such packages are called Remote
Area Power Supply
Water supply and treatment

• Foremost, rainwater harvesting systems are a very good
(low cost) approach for gathering water. In certain areas,
the water collected can also be clean enough to use as is
(without water treatment). Sometimes however, water
obtained through rainwater harvesting may need an extra
purification. Also, rainwater harvesting may require an
appropriate method of storage, especially in areas with
significant dry seasons.
• fog collection is suitable for areas which experience fog
even when there is little rain.
• Deep wells with submersible pumps are an appropriate
technology for gathering subterranean water in areas
where the groundwater (aquitards) are located at a large Hand-operated, reciprocating,
depth (eg 10-150 m). The wells may need to be dug positive displacement, water
pump in Košice-Tahanovce,
mechanically (for depths from 50-150 m), or may (in some
Slovakia (walking beam pump).
cases) still be dug manually (depths up to 40 m). However,
although the digging may be done manually for depths up
to 40 m, the pump still needs to be electrical (or mechanical; eg through a
windmill-waterpump) for these depths. If an electrical pump is used, this is best a
brushless engine in stead of an induction engine. [24] [25]
• Handpumps and treadle pumps may provide better quality water with less travel time
than surface water sources, and are generally more appropriate to developing world
contexts than motor-driven pumps. This is because handpumps are far cheaper than
electrical wells (which are mostly dug deep, requiring specialised equipment).
Handpumps and treadle pumps are however only an option in areas where the water
(called an aquifer) is located at a relatively shallow depth (e.g. 10 m). For deeper aquifers
(up to 15 m), submersible pumps placed inside a well) need to be used. A disadvantage
with handpumps is the required maintenance; if left unused, they soon fail. Treadle
pumps for household irrigation are now being distributed on a widespread basis in
developing countries. The principle of Village Level Operation and Maintenance is
important with handpumps, but may be difficult in application.
• Condensation bags and condensation pits can be an appropriate technology to get water,
yet yields are low and are (for the amount of water obtained), labour intensive. Still, it
may be a good (very cheap) solution for certain desperate communities.
• The hippo water roller allows more water to be carried, with less effort and could thus be
a good alternative for ethnic communities who do not wish to give up water gathering
from remote locations.
• The roundabout playpump, developed and used in southern Africa, harnesses the energy
of children at play to pump water.
In addition, small-scale (or larger scale) water treatment is another possibility, which
simply purifies already available water (eg from surface water as streams/rivers, instead of
gathering it from groundsources or precipitation). Small-scale water treatment is reaching
increasing fractions of the population in low-income countries, particularly in South and
Southeast Asia, in the form of water treatment kiosks (also known as water refill stations or
packaged water producers). While quality control and quality assurance in such locations
may be variable, sophisticated technology (such as multi-stage particle filtration, UV
irradiation, ozonation, and membrane filtration) is applied with increasing frequency. Such
microenterprises are able to vend water at extremely low prices, with increasing
government regulation. Initial assessments of vended water quality are encouraging.
Transportation
Human powered-vehicles include the bicycle, which provides
general-purpose, human-powered transportation at a lower
cost of ownership than motorized vehicles, with many gains
over simply walking, and the whirlwind wheelchair, which
provides mobility for disabled people who cannot afford the
expensive wheelchairs used in developed countries. animal
powered vehicles/transport may also be another appropriate
technology. Certain zero-emissions vehicles may be
considered appropriate transportation technology, including
compressed air cars, liquid nitrogen and hydrogen-powered
vehicles. Also, vehicles with internal combustion engines
may be converted to hydrogen or oxyhydrogen combustion.
Bicycles can also be applied to commercial transport of A man uses a bicycle to cargo
goods to and from remote areas. An example of this is goods in Ouagadougou, Burkina
Faso (2007)
Karaba, a free-trade coffee co-op in Rwanda, which uses 400
modified bicycles to carry hundreds of pounds of coffee
beans for processing.[26] Other projects for developing countries include the redesign of
cycle rickshaws to convert them to electric power.[27]
Sanitation
As of 2006, waterborne diseases are estimated to cause 1.8
million deaths each year, marking the importance of proper
sanitation systems. It is clear that the developing world is
heavily lacking in proper public sanitation and that solutions
as sewerages (or alternatively small-scale treatment
systems) need to be provided.[28]
Ecological sanitation can be viewed as a three-step process

dealing with human excreta: (1) Containment, (2)
Sanitization, (3) Recycling. The objective is to protect human
health and the environment while limiting the use of water in
sanitation systems for hand (and anal) washing only and
recycling nutrients to help reduce the need for synthetic
fertilizers in agriculture.
Small scale systems include: A clivus Multrum composting

toilet
• Composting toilets are the most environmental form of
excrement disposal systems. In addition, the toilets design
allows the nutrients to be reused (eg for fertilising food crops). Also, DIY composting
toilets can be build at a very low cost.
• BiPu is a portable system suitable for disaster management, while other forms of latrine
provide safe means of disposing of human waste at a low cost. The Orangi Pilot Project
was designed based on an urban slum's sanitation crisis. Kamal Kar has documented the
latrines developed by Bangladeshi villagers once they became aware of the health
problems with open defecation.
• Treatment ponds and constructed wetlands can help to purify sewage and greywater.
They consist mostly of plants (eg reed, ...) and therefore require only little power, and are
hugely self-sufficient.
• Certain other options as Slow sand filters, UV-filters, ... may also be employed
Lighting
• White LEDs and a source of renewable energy (such as
solar cells) are used by the Light Up the World Foundation
to provide lighting to poor people in remote areas, and
provide significant benefits compared to the kerosene
lamps which they replace. Certain other companies as
Powerplus also have LED-flashlights with imbedded solar
cells [29].[30]
• Organic LEDs made by roll-to-roll production [31] are

another source of cheap light that will be commercially LED Lamp with GU10 twist lock
available at low cost by 2015. fitting, intended to replace
halogen reflector lamps.
• Compact fluorescent lamps (as well as regular fluorescent
lamps and LED-lightbulbs) can also be used as appropriate
technology. Although they are less environmentally friendly then LED-lights, they are
cheaper and still feature relative high efficiency (compared to incandescent lamps).
• The Safe bottle lamp is a safer kerosene lamp designed in Sri Lanka. Lamps as these
allow relative long, mobile, lighting. The safety comes from a secure screw-on metal lid,
and two flat sides which prevent it from rolling if knocked over. An alternative to fuel or
oil-based lanterns is the Uday lantern, developed by Philips as part of its Lighting Africa
[32]
project (sponsored by the World Bank Group).
• The Faraday flashlight is a led flashlight which operates on a capacitor. Recharging can
be done by manual winching or by shaking, hereby avoiding the need of any
supplementary electrical system.
• HID-lamps finally can be used for lighting operations where regular LED-lighting or other
lamps will not suffice. Examples are car headlights. Due to their high efficiency, they are
quite environmental, yet costly, and they still require polluting materials in their
production process.
Food production
Food production has often been included in autonomous building/community projects to
provide security. Skilled, intensive gardening can support an adult from as little as 15
square meters of land. Some proven intensive, low-effort food-production systems include
urban gardening (indoors and outdoors). Indoor cultivation may be set-up using
hydroponics with Grow lights, while outdoor cultivation may be done using permaculture,
forest gardening, no-till farming, Do Nothing Farming, etc. In order to better control the
irrigation outdoors, special irrigation systems may be created as well (although this
increases costs, and may again open the door to cultivating non-indigenous plants;
something which is best avoided). One such system for the developing world is discussed
here [33].
Crop production tools are best kept simple (reduces operating difficulty, cost, replacement
difficulties and pollution, when compared to motorized equipment). Tools can include
scythes,[34] animal-pulled plows[35] (although no-till farming should be preferred),[36]
dibbers, wheeled augers[37] [38] (for planting large trees), kirpis, hoes, ...
Greenhouses are also sometimes included (see Earthship Biotincture). Sometimes they are
also fitted with irrigation systems, and/or heat sink-systems which can respectively irrigate
the plants or help to store energy from the sun and redistribute it at night (when the
greenhouse starts to cool down).
Food preparation
According to proponents, Appropriate Technologies can greatly reduce the labor required
to prepare food, compared to traditional methods, while being much simpler and cheaper
than the processing used in Western countries. This reflects E.F. Schumacher's concept of
"intermediate technology," i.e. technology which is significantly more effective and
expensive than traditional methods, but still an order of magnitude (10 times) cheaper than
developed world technology. Key examples are:
• the Malian peanut sheller
• the fonio husking machine
• the screenless hammer mill
• the ISF corn mill [33]
• the ISF rice huller [33]
• all other types of electrical or hand-operated kitchen equipment (grinders, cutters, ...)
Special multifunctional kitchen robots that are able to perform several functions (eg
grinding, cutting, and even vacuum cleaning and polishing !) are able to reduce costs
even more. Examples of these devices were eg the (now dicontinued) Piccolo household
appliance from Hammelmann Werke (previously based in Bad Kissingen.) It was
equipped with a flexible axis, allowing a variety of aids to be screwed on.[39] [40]
Cooking
• Solar cookers are appropriate to some settings,
depending on climate and cooking style. They are
emission-less and very low-cost. Hybrid variants also
exist that incorporate a second heating source such
as electrical heating or wood-based.
• Hot plates are 100% electrical, fairly low cost
(around 20€) and are mobile. They do however
require an electrical system to be present in the area
of operation.
• Smokeless and wood conserving stoves promise
greater efficiency and less smoke, resulting in In Ghana, Zouzugu villagers use solar
cookers for preparing their meals
savings in time and labor, reduced deforestation, and
significant health benefits. The stoves however still
make use of wood. However, briquette makers can now turn organic waste into fuel,
saving money and/or collection time, and preserving forests.
• Rocket stoves and certain other woodstoves (eg Philips Woodstove[41] ) improve fuel
efficiency, and reduce harmful indoor air pollution.
Refrigeration
• Solar, special Einstein refrigerators and thermal mass refrigerators reduce the amount of
electricity required. Also, solar and special Einstein refrigerators do not use haloalkanes
(which play a key role in ozone depletion), but use heat pumps or mirrors instead. Solar
refrigerators have been build for developing nations by Sopology.[42] [43]
• The pot-in-pot refrigerator is an African invention which keeps things cool without
electricity. It provides a way to keep food and produce fresh for much longer than would
otherwise be possible. This can be a great benefit to the families who use the device. For
example, it is claimed that girls who had to regularly sell fresh produce in the market can
now go to school instead, as there is less urgency to sell the produce before it loses
freshness.[44]
Ventilation and air conditioning

• Natural ventilation can be created by providing vents
in the upper level of a building to allow warm air to
rise by convection and escape to the outside, while
cooler air is drawn in through vents at the lower
level.
• Electrical powered fans (eg ceiling fans) allow
efficient cooling, at a far lower electricity
consumption as airconditioning systems.
• A solar chimney often referred to as thermal chimney Chunche, naturally ventilated sheds for
improves this natural ventilation by using convection drying raisins in Xinjiang
of air heated by passive solar energy. To further

maximize the cooling effect, the incoming air may be led through underground ducts
before it is allowed to enter the building.
• A windcatcher (Badgir; ‫ )ریگداب‬is a traditional Persian architectural device used for many
centuries to create natural ventilation in buildings. It is not known who first invented the
windcatcher, but it still can be seen in many countries today. Windcatchers come in
various designs, such as the uni-directional, bi-directional, and multi-directional.
• A passive down-draft cooltower may be used in a hot, arid climate to provide a
sustainable way to provide air conditioning. Water is allowed to evaporate at the top of a
tower, either by using evaporative cooling pads or by spraying water. Evaporation cools
the incoming air, causing a downdraft of cool air that will bring down the temperature
inside the building.
Health care
According to the Global Health Council, rather than the use of professionally schooled
doctors, the training of villagers to remedy most maladies in towns in the developing world
is most appropriate.[45] Trained villagers are able to eliminate 80% of the health problems.
Small (low-cost) hospitals -based on the model of the Jamkhed hospital- can remedy another
15%, while only 5% will need to go to a larger (more expensive) hospital.
• Before being able to determine the cause of the disease or malady, accurate diagnosis is
required. This may be done manual (trough observation, inquiries) and by specialised
tools. These include e.g. the
1. Akubio disease detector [46]
2. Low-cost self-diagnosis tool [47]
[48]
3. Low-cost cardiac/diabetes detector
• Herbalist medicines (eg tincures, tisanes, decoctions, ...) are appropriate medicines, as
they can be freely made at home and are almost as effective as their chemical
counterparts. A previous program that made use of herbal medicine was the Barefoot
doctor program.
• A phase-change incubator, developed in the late 1990s, is a low cost way for health
workers to incubate microbial samples.
• Birth control is also seen as an appropriate technology, especially now, because of
increasing population numbers (overpopulating certain areas), increasing food prices and
poverty. It has been proposed to a certain degree by PATH (program for appropriate
technology in health).[49] [50]
• Jaipur leg was developed by Dr. P. K. Sethi and Masterji Ram Chander in 1968 as an
inexpensive prosthetic leg for victims of landmine explosions.
• Natural cleaning products can be used for personal hygiene and cleaning of clothing and
eating utensils; in order to decrease illnesses/maladies. (as they eliminate a great amount
of pathogens)
Note that many Appropriate Technologies benefit public health, in particular by providing
sanitation and safe drinking water. Refrigeration may also provide a health benefit. (These
are discussed in the following paragraphs.) This was too found at the Comprehensive Rural
Health Project[51] and the Women Health Volunteers projects in countries as Iran, Iraq and
Nepal. [52]
Information and communication technology

• The OLPC XO, Simputer, Eee PC, and other low cost
computers are computers aimed at developing
countries. Besides the low price, other charisteristics
include resistance to dust, reliability and use of the
target language.
• Eldis OnDisc and The Appropriate Technology
Library are projects that use CDs and DVDs to give
access to development information in areas without
reliable and affordable internet access.
• The Wind-up radio and the computer and Netbooks as the Eee PC allow low cost
communication system planned by the Jhai information sharing and
Foundation are independent from power supply. communication
• There is also GrameenPhone, which fused mobile

telephony with Grameen Bank's microfinance program to gives Bangladeshi villagers
access to communication.
• Mobile telephony is appropriate technology for many developing countries, as it greatly
reduces the infrastructure required to achieve widespread coverage. However, mobile
phone network may not always be available (it depends on the location) and may not
always provide both voice and data services.
• Loband, a website developed by Aptivate strips all the photographic and other bandwidth
intensive content from webpages and renders them as simple text, while otherwise
allowing you to browse them normally. The site greatly increasing the speed of browsing,
and is appropriate for use on low bandwidth connections as generally available in much
of the developing world.
• An increasing number of activists provide free or very inexpensive web and email
services using cooperative computer networks that run wireless ad hoc networks.
Network service is provided by a cooperative of neighbors, each operating a router as a
household appliance. These minimize wired infrastructure, and its costs and
vulnerabilities. Private Internet protocol networks set up in this way can operate without
the use of a commercial provider.
• Rural electrical grids can be wired with "optical phase cable", in which one or more of
the steel armor wires are replaced with steel tubes containing fiber optics.[53]
• Satellite Internet access can provide high speed connectivity to remote locations,
however these are significantly more expensive than wire-based or terrestrial wireless
systems. Wimax and forms of packet radio can also be used. Depending on the speed and
latency of these networks they may be capable of relaying VoIP traffic, negating the need
for separate telephony services. Finally, the Internet Radio Linking Project provides
potential for blending older (cheap) local radio broadcasting with the increased range of
the internet.
• satellite-based telephone systems can also be used, as either fixed installations or
portable handsets and can be integrated into a PABX or local IP-based network.
Money lending and finance

Through financial systems envisioned especially for the poor/developed world, many
companies have been able to get started with only limited capital. Often banks lend the
money to people wishing to start a business (such as with microfinance). In other systems,
people for a Rotating Savings and Credit Association or ROSCA to purchase costly material
together (such as Tontines and Susu accounts). Organisations, communities, cities or
individuals can provide loans to other communities/cities (such as with the approach
followed by Kiva.org [54], MicroPlace and LETS). Finally, in certain communities (usually
isolated communities such as small islands or oases) everything of value is shared. This is
called gift economy.
See also
• Alternative technology
• Alternative propulsion
• Appropedia
• Community-based economics
• Cradle to Cradle
• Lifehacking
• Myth of Progress
• DIY culture
• Source reduction
• Zero emission
• Eco-village
• List of environment topics
• Social entrepreneurship
• Green syndicalism
• Permaculture
• Practical Action (charity based in the UK)
• Small is Beautiful
• Synthetic biology
• → Technology and society
External links
• Appropedia - The Sustainability Wiki - World Wide Wiki of Sustainable Technology.
• International Journal for Service Learning in Engineering (IJSLE) [55] - Peer-reviewed,
semi-annual online journal, covering appropriate and sustainable technologies and
related areas.
• GrAT - Center for Appropriate Technology [56] - GrAT is a scientific association for
research and development of Appropriate Technology in Vienna, Austria.
• [57] - An environmental education center with a focus on living with appropriate
technologies.
References
[1] " Appropriate Technology Sourcebook: Introduction (http:/ / www. villageearth. org/ pages/
Appropriate_Technology/ ATSourcebook/ Introduction. php)" VillageEarth.org. Accessed on 5 July 2008.
[2] Schneider, Keith. "Majoring in Renewable Energy." (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2008/ 03/ 26/ business/
businessspecial2/ 26degree. html?scp=2& sq="appropriate+ technology"& st=nyt) 26 March 2008.
[3] http:/ / www. indiaenvironmentportal. org. in/ node/ 5799
[4] [see http:/ / www. indiaenvironmentportal. org. in/ node/ 5799 and http:/ / www. auroville. org/ thecity/
architecture/ two_at_once. htm BV Doshi as AT founder]
[5] Reyes, W., S. Unakul, M. Acheson. Research in the Development of Appropriate Technology for the
Improvement of Environmental Health at the Village Level (http:/ / repository. searo. who. int/ handle/
123456789/ 6018). World Health Organization. 8 April 1978. p 13.
[6] Joshua M. Pearce, " Teaching Physics Using Appropriate Technology Projects (http:/ / scitation. aip. org/
getabs/ servlet/ GetabsServlet?prog=normal& id=PHTEAH000045000003000164000001& idtype=cvips&
gifs=yes)", The Physics Teacher, 45, pp. 164-167, 2007. pdf
[7] Faulkner, A. O. and M. L. Albertson. "Tandem use of Hard and Soft Technology: an Evolving Model for Third
World Village Development" International Journal of Applied Engineering Education. Vol. 2, No. 2 pp 127-137,
1986.
[8] Schumacher, E. F.; Small Is Beautiful: Economics As If People Mattered: 25 Years Later...With Commentaries.
Hartley & Marks Publishers ISBN 0-88179-169-5
[9] Appropriate and Sustainable Technology (http:/ / www. edc-cu. org/ R& D. htm)
[10] [www.edc-cu.org/R&D.htm AST definition and technologies]
[11] Recycling plastics in the developing world (http:/ / www. isf-iai. be/ index. php?id=17& L=2)
[12] Sewage sludge to fertiliser plant (http:/ / tucsongreentimes. com/ wordpress/ ?p=484)
[13] http:/ / www. berezin. com/ jeff/ 2008/ 03/ cnc-part-1-unboxing-and-connecting. html
[14] http:/ / www. instructables. com/ id/ Solar-Thermal-Water-Heater-For-Less-Than-Five-Doll/
[15] Soft energy paths: toward a durable peace. San Francisco: Friends of the Earth International ; Cambridge,
Mass: Ballinger Pub. Co., 1977
[16] http:/ / www. solfocus. com/ en/ technology/
[17] Micro hydro in the fight against poverty (http:/ / www. tve. org/ ho/ doc. cfm?aid=1636& lang=English)
[18] Human powered handwheel generators example (http:/ / www. tinytechindia. com/ handwheelgenerator. htm)
[19] Biochar burner/stirling engine setup (http:/ / www. biomassauthority. com/ a/ precer-bioracer-biomass-car/ )
[20] SWER-mains electricty system advantages (http:/ / www. ruralpower. org/ )
[21] Description of Tunesia's MALT-system (http:/ / practicalaction. org/ practicalanswers/ product_info.
php?products_id=293)
[22] Appropriate energy storage by Troy McBride (http:/ / users. etown. edu/ m/ mcbridet/ Research/
McBrideIRESNov2007Presentation trim. ppt)
[23] Daniel Nocera's Low-cost Hydrogen Energy Storage System (http:/ / web. mit. edu/ newsoffice/ 2008/
oxygen-0731. html)
[24] Energy Saving through Motor Control (http:/ / www. elektor. com/ magazines/ 2008/ january/
energy-saving-through-motor-control. 321729. lynkx)
[25] Motor app gains efficiency with electronic control (http:/ / www2. electronicproducts. com/
Motor_app_gains_efficiency_with_electronic_control-article-FAJH_Energy_Nov2008-html. aspx)
[26] Sherwood Stranieri (2008-07-24). " Coffee Cargo Bikes in Rwanda (http:/ / usingbicycles. blogspot. com/
2008/ 07/ video-hauling-coffee-in-rwanda. html)". Using Bicycles. .
[27] Electric cycle rickshaws as a sustainable transport systems for developing countries (http:/ / www. ias. ac. in/
currsci/ sep252002/ 703. pdf)
[28] "Safe Water System," (http:/ / www. cdc. gov/ safewater/ publications_pages/ fact_sheets/ WW4. pdf) US
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Fact Sheet, June 2006.]
[29] http:/ / www. powerplus. nl/ contents/ media/ l_solar_light_rond. JPG
[30] Powerplus Stingray (http:/ / www. powerplus. nl/ )
[31] http:/ / cleantech. com/ news/ 2582/ ge-shows-how-to-roll-out-oleds
[32] Uday lamp and lighting africa project description (http:/ / www. ledsmagazine. com/ news/ 5/ 7/ 10)
[33] http:/ / www. isf-iai. be/ index. php?id=17& L=2
[34] The scythe, an intermediate technology (http:/ / www. villageearth. org/ pages/ Appropriate_Technology/
ATSourcebook/ Agriculturaltools. php)
[35] http:/ / www. isf-iai. be/ index. php?id=17& L=2 plows
[36] AT Plows (http:/ / www. villageearth. org/ pages/ Appropriate_Technology/ ATSourcebook/ Agriculturaltools.
php)
[37] Pflanzfuchs wheeled auger (http:/ / users. skynet. be/ sb021277/ Pages/ Nederlands/ Pflanzfuchs/ PF. html)
[38] 3-point hitch augers for tractors (http:/ / www. rotomec. com/ english/ products/ mole/ mole. html)
[39] Piccolo Hilft der Hausfrau (http:/ / www. antiqbook. de/ boox/ domdey/ 4332. shtml)
[40] Electro As Piccolo (http:/ / www. liveauctioneers. com/ item/ 2421132)
[41] Philips woodstove (http:/ / www. research. philips. com/ newscenter/ archive/ 2006/ 060227-woodstove. html)
[42] Solar refrigerators for developing world (http:/ / news. cnet. com/ Hawaiian-firm-shrinks-solar-thermal-power/
2100-11392_3-6207877. html)
[43] Optimized Einstein Fridge (http:/ / www. greenoptimistic. com/ 2008/ 09/ 21/ einstein-fridge/ )
[44] "Development of a low-cost cooler to preserve perishable foods in countries with arid climates" (http:/ / www.
itdg. org/ html/ agro_processing/ docs29/ FC29_34. pdf), ITDG Food Chain Journal, 29 November 2001.
[45] Use of villagers rather than doctors (http:/ / ngm. nationalgeographic. com/ 2008/ 12/ community-doctors/
rosenberg-text/ 2)
[46] http:/ / www. mtbeurope. info/ news/ 2006/ 610035. htm
[47] http:/ / www. idsa. org/ IDEA_Awards/ gallery/ 2008/ award_details. asp?ID=35918307
[48] http:/ / research. microsoft. com/ en-us/ collaboration/ papers/ hyderabad. pdf
[49] PATH proposing birth control as appropriate technology (http:/ / www. physiciansforlife. org/ content/ view/
367/ 36/ )
[50] PATH working on devices for birth control (http:/ / thewelltimedperiod. blogspot. com/ 2007/ 03/
barrier-birth-control-methods. html)
[51] NGM Necessary angels (http:/ / ngm. nationalgeographic. com/ 2008/ 12/ community-doctors/ follow-up-text)
[52] Women Health Volunteers (http:/ / www. fmreview. org/ FMRpdfs/ FMR19/ FMR1921. pdf)
[53] Northern Economics Inc. and Electric Power Systems Inc. April 2001. "Screening Report for Alaska Rural
Energy Plan." (http:/ / www. dced. state. ak. us/ dca/ AEIS/ PDF_Files/ AIDEA_Energy_Screening. pdf) (Report
published on government website). Alaska Department of Commerce, Community, and Economic Development,
via dced.state.ak.us. Retrieved on 2007-09-16.
[54] http:/ / kiva. org
[55] http:/ / www. engr. psu. edu/ IJSLE/ index. htm
[56] http:/ / www. grat. at
[57] http:/ / www. aprovecho. net
Philosophy of science 213
Philosophy of science
Part of a series on:

Science
The philosophy of science is concerned with the assumptions, foundations, and

implications of science. The field is defined by an interest in one of a set of "traditional"
problems or an interest in central or foundational concerns in science. In addition to these
central problems for science as a whole, many philosophers of science consider these
problems as they apply to particular sciences (e.g. philosophy of biology or philosophy of
physics). Some philosophers of science also use contemporary results in science to draw
philosophical morals. Although most practitioners are philosophers, several prominent
scientists have contributed to the field and still do.
Philosophy of science focuses on metaphysical, epistemic and semantic aspects of science.
Ethical issues such as bioethics and scientific misconduct are usually considered ethics or
science studies rather than philosophy of science.
Nature of scientific concepts and statements
Demarcation
Karl Popper contended that the central question in the philosophy of science was
distinguishing science from non-science.[1] Early attempts by the logical positivists
grounded science in observation while non-science (e.g. metaphysics) was
non-observational and hence nonsense.[2] Popper claimed that the central feature of science
was that science aims at falsifiable claims (i.e. claims that can be proven false, at least in
principle).[3] No single unified account of the difference between science and non-science
has been widely accepted by philosophers, and some regard the problem as unsolvable or
uninteresting.[4]
This problem has taken center stage in the debate regarding evolution and intelligent
design. Many opponents of intelligent design claim that it does not meet the criteria of
science and should thus not be treated on equal footing as evolution.[5] Those who defend
intelligent design either defend the view as meeting the criteria of science or challenge the
coherence of this distinction.[6]
Scientific realism and instrumentalism

Two central questions about science are (1) what are the aims of science and (2) how ought
one to interpret the results of science? Scientific realists claim that science aims at truth
and that one ought to regard scientific theories as true, approximately true, or likely true.
Conversely, a scientific antirealist or instrumentalist argues that science does not aim (or at
least does not succeed) at truth and that we should not regard scientific theories as true.[7]
Some antirealists claim that scientific theories aim at being instrumentally useful and
should only be regarded as useful, but not true, descriptions of the world.[8] More radical
antirealists, like Thomas Kuhn and Paul Feyerabend, have argued that scientific theories do
not even succeed at this goal, and that later, more accurate scientific theories are not
[9] [10]
"typically approximately true" as Popper contended.
Realists often point to the success of recent scientific theories as evidence for the truth (or
near truth) of our current theories.[11] [12] [13] [14] [15] Antirealists point to either the history
of science,[16] [17] epistemic morals,[8] the success of false modeling assumptions,[18] or
widely termed postmodern criticisms of objectivity as evidence against scientific
realisms.[19] Some antirealists attempt to explain the success of our theories without
reference to truth[8] [20] while others deny that our current scientific theories are successful
at all.[9] [10]
Scientific explanation
In addition to providing predictions about future events, we often take scientific theories to
offer explanations for those that occur regularly or have already occurred. Philosophers
have investigated the criteria by which a scientific theory can be said to have successfully
explained a phenomenon, as well as what gives a scientific theory explanatory power. One
early and influential theory of scientific explanation was put forward by Carl G. Hempel and
Paul Oppenheim in 1948. Their Deductive-Nomological (D-N) model of explanation says that
a scientific explanation succeeds by subsuming a phenomenon under a general law.[21]
Although ignored for a decade, this view was subjected to substantial criticism, resulting in
several widely believed counter examples to the theory.[22]
In addition to their D-N model, Hempel and Oppenheim offered other statistical models of
explanation which would account for statistical sciences.[21] These theories have received
criticism as well.[22] Salmon attempted to provide an alternative account for some of the
problems with Hempel and Oppenheim's model by developing his statistical relevance
model.[23] [24] In addition to Salmon's model, others have suggested that explanation is
primarily motivated by unifying disparate phenomena or primarily motivated by providing
the causal or mechanical histories leading up to the phenomenon (or phenomena of that
type).[24]
Analysis and reductionism

Analysis is the activity of breaking an observation or theory down into simpler concepts in
order to understand it. Analysis is as essential to science as it is to all rational enterprises.
For example, the task of describing mathematically the motion of a projectile is made easier
by separating out the force of gravity, angle of projection and initial velocity. After such
analysis it is possible to formulate a suitable theory of motion.
Reductionism in science can have several different senses. One type of reductionism is the
belief that all fields of study are ultimately amenable to scientific explanation. Perhaps a
historical event might be explained in sociological and psychological terms, which in turn
might be described in terms of human physiology, which in turn might be described in
terms of chemistry and physics.
Daniel Dennett invented the term greedy reductionism to describe the assumption that
such reductionism was possible. He claims that it is just 'bad science', seeking to find
explanations which are appealing or eloquent, rather than those that are of use in
predicting natural phenomena. He also says that:

There is no such thing as philosophy-free science; there is only science whose
philosophical baggage is taken on board without examination. —Daniel Dennett,
Darwin's Dangerous Idea, 1995.
Arguments made against greedy reductionism through reference to emergent phenomena
rely upon the fact that self-referential systems can be said to contain more information than
can be described through individual analysis of their component parts. Examples include
systems that contain strange loops, fractal organization and strange attractors in phase
space. Analysis of such systems is necessarily information-destructive because the observer
must select a sample of the system that can be at best partially representative. Information
theory can be used to calculate the magnitude of information loss and is one of the
techniques applied by Chaos theory.
Grounds of validity of scientific reasoning
Empirical Verification
Science relies on evidence to validate its theories and models. The predictions implied by
those theories and models should be in agreement with observation. Ultimately,
observations reduce to those made by the unaided human senses: sight, hearing, etc. To be
accepted by most scientists, several disinterested, competent observers (excluding the
blind, etc.) should agree on what is observed. Observations should be repeatable, e.g.,
experiments that generate relevant observations can be (and, if important, usually will be)
done again. Further, predictions should be specific; one should be able to describe a
possible observation that would falsify the theory or model that implied the prediction.
Nevertheless, while the basic concept of empirical verification is simple, in practice, there
are difficulties as described in the following sections.
Induction
It is not possible for scientists to have tested every incidence of an action, and found a
reaction. How is it, then, that they can assert, for example, that Newton's Third Law is in
some sense true? They have, of course, tested many, many actions, and in each one have
been able to find the corresponding reaction. But can we be sure that the next time we test
the Third Law, it will be found to hold true?
One solution to this problem is to rely on the notion of induction. Inductive reasoning
maintains that if a situation holds in all observed cases, then the situation holds in all cases.
So, after completing a series of experiments that support the Third Law, one is justified in
maintaining that the Law holds in all cases.
Explaining why induction commonly works has been somewhat problematic. One cannot
use deduction, the usual process of moving logically from premise to conclusion, because
there is simply no syllogism that will allow such a move. No matter how many times 17th
century biologists observed white swans, and in how many different locations, there is no
deductive path that can lead them to the conclusion that all swans are white. This is just as
well, since, as it turned out, that conclusion would have been wrong. Similarly, it is at least
possible that an observation will be made tomorrow that shows an occasion in which an
action is not accompanied by a reaction; the same is true of any scientific law.
One answer has been to conceive of a different form of rational argument, one that does not
rely on deduction. Deduction allows one to formulate a specific truth from a general truth:
all crows are black; this is a crow; therefore this is black. Induction somehow allows one to
formulate a general truth from some series of specific observations: this is a crow and it is
black; that is a crow and it is black; therefore all crows are black.
The problem of induction is one of considerable debate and importance in the philosophy of
science: is induction indeed justified, and if so, how?
Test of an isolated theory impossible

According to the Duhem-Quine thesis, after Pierre Duhem and W.V. Quine, it is impossible
to test a theory in isolation. One must always add auxiliary hypotheses in order to make
testable predictions. For example, to test Newton's Law of Gravitation in our solar system,
one needs information about the masses and positions of the Sun and all the planets.
Famously, the failure to predict the orbit of Uranus in the 19th century led, not to the
rejection of Newton's Law, but rather to the rejection of the hypothesis that there are only
seven planets in our solar system. The investigations that followed led to the discovery of
an eighth planet, Neptune. If a test fails, something is wrong. But there is a problem in
figuring out what that something is: a missing planet, badly calibrated test equipment, an
unsuspected curvature of space, etc.
One consequence of the Duhem-Quine thesis is that any theory can be made compatible
with any empirical observation by the addition of suitable ad hoc hypotheses.
This thesis was accepted by Karl Popper, leading him to reject naïve falsification in favor of
'survival of the fittest', or most falsifiable, of scientific theories. In Popper's view, any
hypothesis that does not make testable predictions is simply not science. Such a hypothesis
may be useful or valuable, but it cannot be said to be science. Confirmation holism,
developed by W.V. Quine, states that empirical data are not sufficient to make a judgment
between theories. In this view, a theory can always be made to fit with the available
empirical data. However, that empirical evidence does not serve to determine between
alternative theories does not necessarily imply that all theories are of equal value, as
scientists often use guiding principles such as Occam's Razor.
One result of this view is that specialists in the philosophy of science stress the requirement
that observations made for the purposes of science be restricted to intersubjective objects.
That is, science is restricted to those areas where there is general agreement on the nature
of the observations involved. It is comparatively easy to agree on observations of physical
phenomena, harder for them to agree on observations of social or mental phenomena, and
difficult in the extreme to reach agreement on matters of theology or ethics (and thus the
latter remain outside the normal purview of science).
Theory-dependence of observations
When making observations, scientists peer through telescopes, study images on electronic
screens, record meter readings, and so on. Generally, at a basic level, they can agree on
what they see, e.g., the thermometer shows 37.9 C. But, if these scientists have very
different ideas about the theories that supposedly explain these basic observations, they
can interpret them in very different ways. Ancient "scientists" interpreted the rising of the
Sun in the morning as evidence that the Sun moved. Later scientists deduce that the Earth
is rotating. Or some scientists may conclude that observations confirm some hypothesis;
skeptical co-workers may suspect that something is wrong with the test equipment.
Observations when interpreted by a scientist's theories are said to be theory-laden.
Observation involves perception as well as a cognitive process. That is, one does not make
an observation passively, but is actively involved in distinguishing the thing being observed
from surrounding sensory data. Therefore, observations depend on some underlying
understanding of the way in which the world functions, and that understanding may
influence what is perceived, noticed, or deemed worthy of consideration. More importantly,
most scientific observation must be done within a theoretical context in order to be useful.
For example, when one observes a measured increase in temperature, that observation is
based on assumptions about the nature of temperature and measurement, as well as
assumptions about how the thermometer that is used to measure the temperature
functions. Such assumptions are necessary in order to obtain scientifically useful
observations (such as, "the temperature increased by two degrees"), but they make the
observations dependent on these assumptions.
Empirical observation is used to determine the acceptability of some hypothesis within a
theory. When someone claims to have made an observation, it is reasonable to ask them to
justify their claim. Such a justification must make reference to the theory – operational
definitions and hypotheses – in which the observation is embedded. That is, the observation
is framed in terms of the theory that also contains the hypothesis it is meant to verify or
falsify (though of course the observation should not be based on an assumption of the truth
or falsity of the hypothesis being tested). This means that the observation cannot serve as
an entirely neutral arbiter between competing hypotheses, but can only arbitrate between
the hypotheses within the context of the underlying theory.
Thomas Kuhn denied that it is ever possible to isolate the hypothesis being tested from the
influence of the theory in which the observations are grounded. He argued that
observations always rely on a specific paradigm, and that it is not possible to evaluate
competing paradigms independently. By "paradigm" he meant, essentially, a logically
consistent "portrait" of the world, one that involves no logical contradictions and that is
consistent with observations that are made from the point of view of this paradigm. More
than one such logically consistent construct can paint a usable likeness of the world, but
there is no common ground from which to pit two against each other, theory against theory.
Neither is a standard by which the other can be judged. Instead, the question is which
"portrait" is judged by some set of people to promise the most in terms of scientific “puzzle
solving”.
For Kuhn, the choice of paradigm was sustained by, but not ultimately determined by,
logical processes. The individual's choice between paradigms involves setting two or more
“portraits" against the world and deciding which likeness is most promising. In the case of
a general acceptance of one paradigm or another, Kuhn believed that it represented the
consensus of the community of scientists. Acceptance or rejection of some paradigm is, he
argued, a social process as much as a logical process. Kuhn's position, however, is not one
of relativism.[25] According to Kuhn, a paradigm shift will occur when a significant number
of observational anomalies in the old paradigm have made the new paradigm more useful.
That is, the choice of a new paradigm is based on observations, even though those
observations are made against the background of the old paradigm. A new paradigm is
chosen because it does a better job of solving scientific problems than the old one.
That observation is embedded in theory does not mean that observations are irrelevant to
science. Scientific understanding derives from observation, but the acceptance of scientific
statements is dependent on the related theoretical background or paradigm as well as on
observation. Coherentism, skepticism, and foundationalism are alternatives for dealing with
the difficulty of grounding scientific theories in something more than observations. And, of
course, further, redesigned testing may resolve differences of opinion.
Coherentism
Induction attempts to justify scientific statements by reference to other specific scientific
statements. It must avoid the problem of the criterion, in which any justification must in
turn be justified, resulting in an infinite regress. The regress argument has been used to
justify one way out of the infinite regress, foundationalism. Foundationalism claims that
there are some basic statements that do not require justification. Both induction and
falsification are forms of foundationalism in that they rely on basic statements that derive
directly from immediate sensory experience.
The way in which basic statements are derived from observation complicates the problem.
Observation is a cognitive act; that is, it relies on our existing understanding, our set of
beliefs. An observation of a transit of Venus requires a huge range of auxiliary beliefs, such
as those that describe the optics of telescopes, the mechanics of the telescope mount, and
an understanding of celestial mechanics. At first sight, the observation does not appear to
be 'basic'.
Coherentism offers an alternative by claiming that statements can be justified by their
being a part of a coherent system. In the case of science, the system is usually taken to be
the complete set of beliefs of an individual scientist or, more broadly, of the community of
scientists. W. V. Quine argued for a Coherentist approach to science, as does E O Wilson,
though he uses the term consilience (notably in his book of that name). An observation of a
transit of Venus is justified by its being coherent with our beliefs about optics, telescope
mounts and celestial mechanics. Where this observation is at odds with one of these
auxiliary beliefs, an adjustment in the system will be required to remove the contradiction.
Ockham's razor
“ William of Ockham (c. 1295–1349) … is remembered as an influential nominalist, but his ”

popular fame as a great logician rests chiefly on the maxim known as Ockham's razor: Entia
non sunt multiplicanda praeter necessitatem. No doubt this represents correctly the general
tendency of his philosophy, but it has not so far been found in any of his writings. His nearest
pronouncement seems to be Numquam ponenda est pluralitas sine necessitate, which occurs
in his theological work on the Sentences of Peter Lombard (Super Quattuor Libros
Sententiarum (ed. Lugd., 1495), i, dist. 27, qu. 2, K). In his Summa Totius Logicae, i. 12,
Ockham cites the principle of economy, Frustra fit per plura quod potest fieri per pauciora.
(Kneale and Kneale, 1962, p. 243)
The practice of scientific inquiry typically involves a number of heuristic principles that
serve as rules of thumb for guiding the work. Prominent among these are the principles of
conceptual economy or theoretical parsimony that are customarily placed under the rubric
of Ockham's razor, named after the 14th century Franciscan friar William of Ockham who is
credited with giving the maxim many pithy expressions, not all of which have yet been
found among his extant works.[26]
The motto is most commonly cited in the form "entities should not be multiplied beyond
necessity", generally taken to suggest that the simplest explanation tends to be the correct
one. As interpreted in contemporary scientific practice, it advises opting for the simplest
theory among a set of competing theories that have a comparable explanatory power,
discarding assumptions that do not improve the explanation. The "other things being equal"
clause is a critical qualification, which rather severely limits the utility of Ockham's razor in
real practice, as theorists rarely if ever find themselves presented with competent theories
of exactly equal explanatory adequacy.
Among the many difficulties that arise in trying to apply Ockham's razor is the problem of
formalizing and quantifying the "measure of simplicity" that is implied by the task of
deciding which of several theories is the simplest. Although various measures of simplicity
have been brought forward as potential candidates from time to time, it is generally
recognized that there is no such thing as a theory-independent measure of simplicity. In
other words, there appear to be as many different measures of simplicity as there are
theories themselves, and the task of choosing between measures of simplicity appears to be
every bit as problematic as the job of choosing between theories. Moreover, it is extremely
difficult to identify the hypotheses or theories that have "comparable explanatory power",
though it may be readily possible to rule out some of the extremes. Ockham's razor also
does not say that the simplest account is to be preferred regardless of its capacity to
explain outliers, exceptions, or other phenomena in question. The principle of falsifiability
requires that any exception that can be reliably reproduced should invalidate the simplest
theory, and that the next-simplest account which can actually incorporate the exception as
part of the theory should then be preferred to the first. As Albert Einstein puts it, "The
supreme goal of all theory is to make the irreducible basic elements as simple and as few as
possible without having to surrender the adequate representation of a single datum of
experience".
Objectivity of observations in science

It is vitally important for science that the information about the surrounding world and the
objects of study be as accurate and as reliable as possible. For the sake of this,
measurements which are the source of this information must be as objective as possible.
Before the invention of measuring tools (like weights, meter sticks, clocks, etc) the only
source of information available to humans were their senses (vision, hearing, taste, tactile,
sense of heat, sense of gravity, etc.). Because human senses differ from person to person
(due to wide variations in personal chemistry, deficiencies, inherited flaws, etc) there were
no objective measurements before the invention of these tools. The consequence of this was
the lack of a rigorous science.
With the advent of exchange of goods, trades, and agricultures there arose a need in such
measurements, and science (arithmetics, geometry, mechanics, etc) based on standardized
units of measurements (stadia, pounds, seconds, etc) was born. To further abstract from
unreliable human senses and make measurements more objective, science uses measuring
devices (like spectrometers, voltmeters, interferometers, thermocouples, counters, etc) and
lately - computers. In most cases, the less human involvement in the measuring process, the
more accurate and reliable scientific data are. Currently most measurements are done by a
variety of mechanical and electronic sensors directly linked to computers—which further
reduces the chance of human error/contamination of information. This made it possible to
achieve astonishing accuracy of modern measurements. For example, current accuracy of
measurement of mass is about 10-10, of angles—about 10-9, and of time and length intervals
in many cases reaches the order of 10-13 - 10-15. This made possible to measure, say, the
distance to the Moon with sub-centimeter accuracy (see Lunar laser ranging experiment),
to measure slight movement of tectonic plates using GPS system with sub-millimeter
accuracy, or even to measure as slight variations in the distance between two mirrors
separated by several kilometers as 10-18 m—three orders of magnitude less than the size of
a single atomic nucleus—see LIGO.
Philosophy of particular sciences

In addition to addressing the general questions regarding science and induction, many
philosophers of science are occupied by investigating philosophical or foundational
problems in particular sciences. The late 20th and early 21st century has seen a rise in the
number of practitioners of philosophy of a particular science.
Philosophy of physics
Philosophy of physics is the study of the fundamental, philosophical questions underlying
modern physics, the study of matter and energy and how they interact. The main questions
concern the nature of space and time, atoms and atomism. Also the predictions of
cosmology, the results of the interpretation of quantum mechanics, the foundations of
statistical mechanics, causality, determinism, and the nature of physical laws. Classically,
several of these questions were studied as part of metaphysics (for example, those about
causality, determinism, and space and time).
Philosophy of biology
Philosophy of biology deals with epistemological, metaphysical, and ethical issues in the
biological and biomedical sciences. Although philosophers of science and philosophers
generally have long been interested in biology (e.g., Aristotle, Descartes, and even Kant),
philosophy of biology only emerged as an independent field of philosophy in the 1960s and
1970s. Philosophers of science then began paying increasing attention to developments in
biology, from the rise of Neodarwinism in the 1930s and 1940s to the discovery of the
structure of Deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) in 1953 to more recent advances in genetic
engineering. Other key ideas such as the reduction of all life processes to biochemical
reactions as well as the incorporation of psychology into a broader neuroscience are also
addressed.
Philosophy of mathematics
Philosophy of mathematics is the branch of philosophy that studies the philosophical
assumptions, foundations, and implications of mathematics.
Recurrent themes include:
• What are the sources of mathematical subject matter?
• What is the ontological status of mathematical entities?
• What does it mean to refer to a mathematical object?
• What is the character of a mathematical proposition?
• What is the relation between logic and mathematics?
• What is the role of hermeneutics in mathematics?
• What kinds of inquiry play a role in mathematics?
• What are the objectives of mathematical inquiry?

• What gives mathematics its hold on experience?
• What are the human traits behind mathematics?
• What is mathematical beauty?
• What is the source and nature of mathematical truth?
• What is the relationship between the abstract world of mathematics and the material
universe?
• What is a number?
• Are mathematical proofs exercises in tautology?
• Why does it make sense to ask whether 1+1=2 is true?
• How do we know whether a mathematical proof is correct?
Philosophy of chemistry
Philosophy of chemistry considers the methodology and underlying assumptions of the
science of chemistry. It is explored by philosophers, chemists, and philosopher-chemist
teams.
The philosophy of science has centered on physics for the last several centuries, and during
the last century in particular, it has become increasingly concerned with the ultimate
constituents of existence, or what one might call reductionism. Thus, for example,
considerable attention has been devoted to the philosophical implications of special
relativity, general relativity, and quantum mechanics. In recent years, however, more
attention has been given to both the philosophy of biology and chemistry, which both deal
with more intermediate states of existence.
In the philosophy of chemistry, for example, we might ask, given quantum reality at the
microcosmic level, and given the enormous distances between electrons and the atomic
nucleus, how is it that we are unable to put our hands through walls, as physics might
predict? Chemistry provides the answer, and so we then ask what it is that distinguishes
chemistry from physics?
In the philosophy of biology, which is closely related to chemistry, we inquire about what
distinguishes a living thing from a non-living thing at the most elementary level. Can a
living thing be understood in purely mechanistic terms, or is there, as vitalism asserts,
always something beyond mere quantum states?
Issues in philosophy of chemistry may not be as deeply conceptually perplexing as the
quantum mechanical measurement problem in the philosophy of physics, and may not be as
conceptually complex as optimality arguments in evolutionary biology. However interest in
the philosophy of chemistry in part stems from the ability of chemistry to connect the “hard
sciences” such as physics with the “soft sciences” such as biology, which gives it a rather
distinctive role as the central science.
Philosophy of economics
Philosophy of economics is the branch of philosophy which studies philosophical issues
relating to economics. It can also be defined as the branch of economics which studies its
own foundations and morality.
Philosophy of psychology
Philosophy of psychology refers to issues at the theoretical foundations of modern
psychology. Some of these issues are epistemological concerns about the methodology of
psychological investigation. For example:
• What is the most appropriate methodology for psychology: mentalism, behaviorism, or a
compromise?
• Are self-reports a reliable data gathering method?
• What conclusions can be drawn from null hypothesis tests?
• Can first-person experiences (emotions, desires, beliefs, etc.) be measured objectively?
Other issues in philosophy of psychology are philosophical questions about the nature of
mind, brain, and cognition, and are perhaps more commonly thought of as part of cognitive
science, or philosophy of mind, such as:
• What is a cognitive module?
• Are humans rational creatures?
• What psychological phenomena comes up to the standard required for calling it
knowledge?
• What is innateness?
Philosophy of psychology also closely monitors contemporary work conducted in cognitive
neuroscience, evolutionary psychology, and artificial intelligence, questioning what they
can and cannot explain in psychology.
Philosophy of psychology is a relatively young field, due to the fact that psychology only
became a discipline of its own in the late 1800s. Philosophy of mind, by contrast, has been a
well-established discipline since before psychology was a field of study at all. It is
concerned with questions about the very nature of mind, the qualities of experience, and
particular issues like the debate between dualism and monism.
Also, neurophilosophy has become its own field with the works of Paul and Patricia
Churchland.
Social accountability
Scientific Openness
A very broad issue affecting the neutrality of science concerns the areas over which science
chooses to explore, so what part of the world and man is studied by science. Since the areas
for science to investigate are theoretically infinite, the issue then arises as to what science
should attempt to question or find out.
Philip Kitcher in his "Science, Truth, and Democracy"[27] argues that scientific studies that
attempt to show one segment of the population as being less intelligent, successful or
emotionally backward compared to others have a political feedback effect which further
excludes such groups from access to science. Thus such studies undermine the broad
consensus required for good science by excluding certain people, and so proving
themselves in the end to be unscientific. See also The Mismeasure of Man.
Critiques of scientific method

Paul Feyerabend argued that no description of scientific method could possibly be broad
enough to encompass all the approaches and methods used by scientists. Feyerabend
objected to prescriptive scientific method on the grounds that any such method would stifle
and cramp scientific progress. Feyerabend claimed, "the only principle that does not inhibit
progress is: anything goes."[28] However there have been many opponents to his theory.
Alan Sokal and Jean Bricmont wrote the essay "Feyerabend: Anything Goes" about his belief
that science is of little use to society.
Sociology and anthropology of science

In his book The Structure of Scientific Revolutions Kuhn argues that the process of
observation and evaluation take place within a paradigm. 'A paradigm is what the members
of a community of scientists share, and, conversely, a scientific community consists of men
who share a paradigm'.[29] On this account, science can be done only as a part of a
community, and is inherently a communal activity.
For Kuhn, the fundamental difference between science and other disciplines is in the way in
which the communities function. Others, especially Feyerabend and some post-modernist
thinkers, have argued that there is insufficient difference between social practices in
science and other disciplines to maintain this distinction. It is apparent that social factors
play an important and direct role in scientific method, but that they do not serve to
differentiate science from other disciplines. Furthermore, although on this account science
is socially constructed, it does not follow that reality is a social construct. (See Science
studies and the links there.) Kuhn’s ideas are equally applicable to both realist and
anti-realist ontologies.
There are, however, those who maintain that scientific reality is indeed a social construct,
to quote Quine:
Physical objects are conceptually imported into the situation as convenient
intermediaries not by definition in terms of experience, but simply as irreducible
posits comparable, epistemologically, to the gods of Homer . . . For my part I do,
qua lay physicist, believe in physical objects and not in Homer's gods; and I
consider it a scientific error to believe otherwise. But in point of epistemological
footing, the physical objects and the gods differ only in degree and not in kind.
Both sorts of entities enter our conceptions only as cultural posits[30]
See also cultural studies.
A major development in recent decades has been the study of the formation, structure, and
evolution of scientific communities by sociologists and anthropologists including Michel
Callon, Elihu Gerson, Bruno Latour, John Law, Susan Leigh Star, Anselm Strauss, Lucy
Suchman, and others. Some of their work has been previously loosely gathered in actor
network theory. Here the approach to the philosophy of science is to study how scientific
communities actually operate.
More recently Gibbons and colleagues (1994) have introduced the notion of mode 2
knowledge production.
Researchers in Information science have also made contributions, e.g., the Scientific
Community Metaphor.
Continental philosophy of science

In the Continental philosophical tradition, science is viewed from a world-historical
perspective. One of the first philosophers who supported this view was Georg Wilhelm
Friedrich Hegel. Philosophers such as Ernst Mach, Pierre Duhem and Gaston Bachelard
also wrote their works with this world-historical approach to science. Nietzsche advanced
the thesis in his "The Genealogy of Morals" that the motive for search of truth in sciences is
a kind of ascetic ideal.
All of these approaches involve a historical and sociological turn to science, with a special
emphasis on lived experience (a kind of Husserlian "life-world"), rather than a
progress-based or anti-historical approach as done in the analytic tradition. Two other
approaches to science include Edmund Husserl's phenomenology and Martin Heidegger's
hermeneutics.
The largest effect on the continental tradition with respect to science was Martin
Heidegger's assault on the theoretical attitude in general which of course includes the
scientific attitude. For this reason one could suggest that the philosophy of science, in the
Continental tradition, has not developed much further due to its inability to overcome
Heidegger's criticism.
Notwithstanding, there have been a number of important works: especially a Kuhnian
precursor, Alexandre Koyré. Another important development was that of Foucault's analysis
of the historical and scientific thought in The Order of Things and his study of power and
corruption within the "science" of madness.
Several post-Heideggerian authors contributing to the Continental philosophy of science in
the second half of the 20th century include Jürgen Habermas (e.g., "Truth and
Justification", 1998), Carl Friedrich von Weizsäcker ("The Unity of Nature", 1980), and
Wolfgang Stegmüller ("Probleme und Resultate der Wissenschafttheorie und Analytischen
Philosophie", 1973-1986).
See also
• Cudos • Positivism
• Epistemology • Science studies
• Foundations of statistics • Scientific materialism
• History and philosophy of science • Scientific method
• History of science • Scientism
• Inquiry • Social construction
• Objectivity (philosophy) • Sociology of scientific knowledge
• Philosophy of language • Sociology of science
• Philosophy of mathematics • Timeline of the history of scientific method
• Philosophy of engineering
Philosophers of science
Before the 16th century 1900-1930 1960-1980

• Plato • Henri Poincaré • Paul Feyerabend
• Aristotle • Pierre Duhem • Mary Hesse
• Empedocles • Niels Bohr • Thomas Kuhn
• Ibn al-Haytham (Alhacen) • Albert Einstein • Imre Lakatos
• Robert Grosseteste • Bertrand Russell • Ernest Nagel
• Roger Bacon • Frank P. Ramsey • Hilary Putnam
16th century • Moritz Schlick • W.V. Quine
• John Dewey • Carl Friedrich von Weizsäcker
• Sir Francis Bacon
• Alfred North Whitehead • Mario Bunge
17th century
1930-1960
• Galileo Galilei
• Alfred Ayer
• René Descartes
• Hans Reichenbach
• Sir Isaac Newton
• Georges Canguilhem
18th century
• George Berkeley • Alexandre Koyré

• Immanuel Kant • Sir Karl Popper
• David Hume • Rudolph Carnap
19th century • Michael Polanyi
• Otto Neurath
• Auguste Comte
• Carl Gustav Hempel
• John Stuart Mill
• Paul Oppenheim
• William Whewell
• Gaston Bachelard
• Edmund Husserl
• R. B. Braithwaite
• Ernst Mach
• Werner Heisenberg
• Charles Sanders Peirce
• Taketani Mitsuo
• Stephen Toulmin
1980-2000
• Patrick Suppes
• Bas van Fraassen
• Nancy Cartwright
• Larry Laudan
• Adolf Grünbaum
• Wesley C. Salmon
• Ronald Giere
• Peter Lipton
• Ian Hacking
• Richard Boyd
• Daniel Dennett
• David Stove
• Roger Penrose
• Wolfgang Stegmüller
• Philip Kitcher
• John Dupré
• Elliott Sober
Subfields
• Philosophy of biology
• Philosophy of chemistry
• Philosophy of physics
• Philosophy of psychology
• Neurophilosophy
• Philosophy of social sciences
Related topics
• Causality • Philosophy of space and time
• Confirmation • Probability
• Curve fitting • Problem of induction
• Demarcation problem • Problem of the criterion
• Dualism • Science Wars
• Explanation • Simplicity
• Faith and rationality • Uniformity
• Free will and determinism • Unobservables
• Philosophy of mathematics • Rhetoric of science
Further reading
• Agassi, J., (1975), Science in Flux, Reidel, Dordrecht.
• Agassi, J. and Jarvie, I. C. (1987), Rationality: The Critical View, Kluwer, Dordrecht.
• Augros, Robert M., Stanciu, George N., The New Story of Science: mind and the
universe, Lake Bluff, Ill.: Regnery Gateway, c1984. ISBN 0895268337
• Ben-Ari, M. (2005) Just a theory: exploring the nature of science, Prometheus Books,
Amherst, N.Y.
• Bovens, L. and Hartmann, S. (2003), Bayesian Epistemology, Oxford University Press,
Oxford.
• Boyd, R., Gasper, P., and Trout, J.D. (eds., 1991), The Philosophy of Science, Blackwell
Publishers, Cambridge, MA.
• Feyerabend, Paul K. 2005. Science, history of the philosophy of. Oxford Companion to
Philosophy. Oxford.
• Glazebrook, Trish (2000), Heidegger's Philosophy of Science, Fordham University Press.
• Godfrey-Smith, P. (2003) Theory and reality: an introduction to the philosophy of science,
The University of Chicago Press, Chicago and London
• Gutting, Gary (2004), Continental Philosophy of Science, Blackwell Publishers,
Cambridge, MA.
• Harris, Errol E. (1965), The Foundations of Metaphysics in Science , George Allen and
Unwin, London, Reprinted by Routledge, London (2002).
• Harris, Errol E. (1991), Cosmos and Anthropos, Humanities Press, New Jersey.
• Hawking, Stephen. (2001), The Universe in a Nutshell, Bantam Press. ISBN

0-553-80202-X
• Harré, R. (1972), The Philosophies of Science: An Introductory Survey, Oxford University
Press, London, UK.
• Heelan, Patrick A. (1983), Space-Perception and the Philosophy of Science, University of
California Press, Berkeley, CA.
• Honderich, Ted (Ed.) (2005) The Oxford Companion to Philosophy. Oxford University
Press. New York, NY.
• Kearney, R. (1994), Routledge History of Philosophy, Routledge Press. See Vol. 8.
• Klemke, E., et al. (eds., 1998), Introductory Readings in The Philosophy of Science,
Prometheus Books, Amherst, New York, NY.
• Kneale, William, and Kneale, Martha (1962), The Development of Logic, Oxford
University Press, London, UK.
• Kuipers, T.A.F. (2001), Structures in Science, An Advanced Textbook in Neo-Classical
Philosophy of Science, Synthese Library, Springer-Verlag.
• Ladyman, J. (2002), Understanding Philosophy of Science, Routledge, London, UK.
• Losee, J. (1998), A Historical Introduction to the Philosophy of Science, Oxford University
Press, Oxford, UK.
• Newton-Smith, W.H. (ed., 2001), A Companion to the Philosophy of Science, Blackwell
Publishers, Malden, MA.
• Niiniluoto, I. (2002), Critical Scientific Realism, Oxford University Press, Oxford, UK.
• Pap, A. (1962), An Introduction to the Philosophy of Science, The Free Press, New York,
NY.
• Papineau, D. (ed., 1997), The Philosophy of Science, Oxford University Press, Oxford, UK.
• Papineau, David. 2005. Science, problems of the philosophy of. Oxford Companion to
Philosophy. Oxford.
• Piattelli-Palmarini, Massimo (ed., 1980), Language and Learning, The Debate between
Jean Piaget and Noam Chomsky, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA.
• Polanyi, Michael (1946). Science, Faith, and Society [31]. Oxford Univ. Press. ISBN
0-226-67290-5. Reprinted by the University of Chicago Press, 1964.
• Alexander Rosenberg, (2000), Philosophy of Science: A Contemporary Introduction,
Routledge, London, UK.
• Runes, D.D. (ed.), Dictionary of Philosophy, Littlefield, Adams, and Company, Totowa, NJ,
1962.
• Salmon, M.H., et al. (1999), Introduction to the Philosophy of Science: A Text By
Members of the Department of the History and Philosophy of Science of the University of
Pittsburgh, Hacket Publishing Company, Indianapolis, IN.
• Snyder, Paul (1977), Toward One Science: The Convergence of Traditions, St Martin's
Press.
• van Fraassen, Bas C. (1980), The Scientific Image, Oxford University Press, Oxford, UK.
• van Luik, James, The Energy of Ideas, Crow Hill Press, Cambridge, MA. 2000
• Walker, Benjamin, Caesar's Church: The Irrational in Science & Philosophy, Book Guild,
Lewes, Sussex, 2001, ISBN 1-85776-625-3
• Ziman, John (2000). Real Science: what it is, and what it means. Cambridge, Uk:
Cambridge University Press.
External links
• The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy [32] - This contains many entries on different
philosophy of science topics.
• An introduction to the Philosophy of Science, aimed at beginners - Paul Newall. [33]
• Essays on concepts in the Philosophy of Science [34] at The Galilean Library.
• Center for Philosophy of Science, University of Pittsburgh [35]
• Tilburg Center for Logic and Philosophy of Science (TiLPS) [36]
References
[1] Thornton, Stephen (2006). " Karl Popper (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ popper/ )". Stanford
Encyclopedia of Philosophy. . Retrieved on 2007-12-01.
[2] Uebel, Thomas (2006). " Vienna Circle (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ vienna-circle/ )". Stanford
[3] Popper, Karl (1959). The logic of scientific discovery. New York: Basic Books.
[4] Laudan, Larry (1983). "The Demise of the Demarcation Problem". in Adolf Grünbaum, Robert Sonné Cohen,
Larry Laudan. Physics, Philosophy, and Psychoanalysis: Essays in Honor of Adolf Grünbaum. Springer. ISBN
9027715335.
[5] " Nobel Laureates Initiative (http:/ / media. ljworld. com/ pdf/ 2005/ 09/ 15/ nobel_letter. pdf)" (PDF). The Elie
Wiesel Foundation for Humanity. September 9, 2005. . Retrieved on 2007-07-19.
[6] " The Demarcation of Science and Religion (http:/ / www. discovery. org/ scripts/ viewDB/ index.
php?command=view& id=3524)". The History of Science and Religion in the Western Tradition (Garland
Publishing). Discovery Institute. January 1, 2000. . Retrieved on 2007-12-07.
[7] Levin, Michael (1984). "What Kind of Explanation is Truth?". in Jarrett Leplin. Scientific Realism. Berkeley:
University of California Press. pp. 124–1139. ISBN 0520051556.
[8] van Fraassen, Bas (1980). The Scientific Image. Oxford: The Clarendon Press. ISBN 019824424X.
[9] Kuhn, Thomas (1962). The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
[10] Feyerabend, Paul (1993). Against Method. London: Verso. ISBN 086091481X.
[11] Popper, Karl (1963). Conjectures and Refutations. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.
[12] Smart, J. J. C. (1968). Between Science and Philosophy. New York: Random House.
[13] Putnam, Hillary (1975). Mathematics, Matter and Method (Philosophical Papers, Vol. I). London: Cambridge
University Press.
[14] Putnam, Hillary (1978). Meaning and the Moral Sciences. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.
[15] Boyd, Richard (1984). "The Current Status of Scientific Realism". in Jarrett Leplin. Scientific Realism.
Berkeley: University of California Press. pp. 41–82. ISBN 0520051556.
[16] Stanford, P. Kyle (2006). Exceeding Our Grasp: Science, History, and the Problem of Unconceived
Alternatives. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0195174083.
[17] Laudan, Larry (1981). "A Confutation of Convergent Realism". Philosophy of Science 48: 218–249. doi:
10.1086/288975 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1086/ 288975).
[18] Winsberg, Eric (September 2006). "Models of Success Versus the Success of Models: Reliability without
Truth". Synthese 152: 1–19. doi: 10.1007/s11229-004-5404-6 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1007/
s11229-004-5404-6).
[19] Boyd, Richard (2002). " Scientific Realism (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ scientific-realism/ )". Stanford
[20] Stanford, P. Kyle (June 2000). "An Antirealist Explanation of the Success of Science". Philosophy of Science
67: 266–284. doi: 10.1086/392775 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1086/ 392775).
[21] Hempel, Carl G.; Paul Oppenheim (1948). "Studies in the Logic of Explanation". Philosophy of Science 15:
135–175. doi: 10.1086/286983 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1086/ 286983).
[22] Salmon, Merrilee; John Earman, Clark Glymour, James G. Lenno, Peter Machamer, J.E. McGuire, John D.
Norton, Wesley C. Salmon, Kenneth F. Schaffner (1992). Introduction to the Philosophy of Science.
Prentice-Hall. ISBN 0136633455.
[23] Salmon, Wesley (1971). Statistical Explanation and Statistical Relevance. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh
Press.
[24] Woodward, James (2003). " Scientific Explanation (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ scientific-explanation/
)". Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. . Retrieved on 2007-12-07.
[25] T. S. Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 2nd. ed., Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Pr., 1970, p. 206.
ISBN 0226458040
[26] Ockham's razor, however, was not originally a principle of science but of theology and the issue of parsimony
comes, not from science, but from the vow of poverty that was modeled on the life of Christ. However, the
origins of the idea do not necessarily take away from its overall usefulness.
[27] Kitcher, P. Science, Truth, and Democracy, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001
[28] Paul Feyerabend, Against Method: Outline of an Anarchistic Theory of Knowledge (1975), ISBN
0-391-00381-X, ISBN 0-86091-222-1, ISBN 0-86091-481-X, ISBN 0-86091-646-4, ISBN 0-86091-934-X, ISBN
0-902308-91-2
[29] Kuhn, T. S. (1970). "[Postcript]". The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 2nd. ed.. [Univ. of Chicago Pr]. ISBN
0226458040.
[30] Quine, Willard Van Orman (1980). " Two Dogmas of Empiricism (http:/ / www. ditext. com/ quine/ quine.
html)". From a Logical Point of View. Harvard University Press. ISBN 0674323513. .
[31] http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=6rqDqTn-bcoC& printsec=frontcover& source=gbs_summary_r&
cad=0
[32] http:/ / plato. stanford. edu
[33] http:/ / www. galilean-library. org/ int6. html
[34] http:/ / www. galilean-library. org/ hps. html
[35] http:/ / www. pitt. edu/ ~pittcntr/
[36] http:/ / www. tilburguniversity. nl/ faculties/ humanities/ tilps/
Transhumanism
Part of Ideology series on TranshumanismTranshumanismIdeologies Abolitionism
(bioethics)AbolitionismDemocratic transhumanismExtropianismBiological
immortality#Technological immortalityImmortalismLibertarian
transhumanismTransgenderismPostgenderismSingularitarianismTechnogaianismRelated
articles Transhumanism in fictionTranshumanist artList of transhumanistsOrganizations
Applied Foresight NetworkAlcor Life Extension FoundationForesight
InstituteHumanity+Immortality InstituteSingularity Institute for Artificial
IntelligenceTranshumanism Portal ·
Transhumanism is an international intellectual and cultural movement supporting the use
of science and technology to improve human mental and physical characteristics and
capacities. The movement regards aspects of the human condition, such as disability,
suffering, disease, aging, and involuntary death as unnecessary and undesirable.
Transhumanists look to biotechnologies and other emerging technologies for these
purposes. Dangers, as well as benefits, are also of concern to the transhumanist
movement.[1]
The term "transhumanism" is symbolized by H+ or h+ and is often used as a synonym for
"human enhancement".[2] Although the first known use of the term dates from 1957, the
contemporary meaning is a product of the 1980s when futurists in the United States began
to organize what has since grown into the transhumanist movement. Transhumanist
thinkers predict that human beings may eventually be able to transform themselves into
beings with such greatly expanded abilities as to merit the label "posthuman".[1]
Transhumanism is therefore sometimes referred to as "posthumanism" or a form of
transformational activism influenced by posthumanist ideals.[3]
The transhumanist vision of a transformed future humanity has attracted many supporters
and detractors from a wide range of perspectives. Transhumanism has been described by
Transhumanism 230
one critic, Francis Fukuyama, as the world's most dangerous idea,[4] while one proponent,
Ronald Bailey, counters that it is the "movement that epitomizes the most daring,
courageous, imaginative, and idealistic aspirations of humanity".[5]
History
According to philosophers who have studied and
written about the history of transhumanist thought,[1]
transcendentalist impulses have been expressed at
least as far back as in the quest for immortality in the
Epic of Gilgamesh, as well as historical quests for the
Fountain of Youth, Elixir of Life, and other efforts to
stave off aging and death. Transhumanist philosophy,
however, is rooted in Renaissance humanism and the
Enlightenment. For example, Giovanni Pico della
Mirandola called on people to "sculpt their own statue",
and the Marquis de Condorcet speculated about the use
of medical science to indefinitely extend the human life
span, while Benjamin Franklin dreamed of suspended
animation, and after Charles Darwin "it became
increasingly plausible to view the current version of
humanity not as the endpoint of evolution but rather as
a possibly quite early phase."[1] However, Friedrich
Nietzsche is considered by some to be less of an Cover of the first issue of H+
[6]
influence, despite his exaltation of the "overman", due Magazine , a web-based quarterly
to his emphasis on self-actualization rather than publication that focuses on
transhumanism, covering the
technological transformation.[1]
scientific, technological, and cultural
developments that are challenging and
Nikolai Fyodorov, a 19th-century Russian philosopher, overcoming human limitations.
advocated radical life extension, physical immortality
and even resurrection of the dead using scientific methods.[7] In the 20th century, a direct
and influential precursor to transhumanist concepts was geneticist J.B.S. Haldane's 1923
essay Daedalus: Science and the Future, which predicted that great benefits would come
from applications of genetics and other advanced sciences to human biology -- and that
every such advance would first appear to someone as blasphemy or perversion, "indecent
and unnatural". J. D. Bernal speculated about space colonization, bionic implants, and
cognitive enhancement, which have been common transhumanist themes since then.[1]
Biologist Julian Huxley, brother of author Aldous Huxley (a childhood friend of Haldane's),
appears to have been the first to use the actual word "transhumanism". Writing in 1957, he
defined transhumanism as "man remaining man, but transcending himself, by realizing new
possibilities of and for his human nature".[8] This definition differs, albeit not substantially,
from the one commonly in use since the 1980s.
Computer scientist Marvin Minsky wrote on relationships between human and artificial
intelligence beginning in the 1960s.[9] Over the succeeding decades, this field continued to
generate influential thinkers, such as Hans Moravec and Raymond Kurzweil, who oscillated
between the technical arena and futuristic speculations in the transhumanist vein.[10] [11]
The coalescence of an identifiable transhumanist movement began in the last decades of
Transhumanism 231
the 20th century. In 1966, FM-2030 (formerly F.M. Esfandiary), a futurist who taught "new
concepts of the Human" at the The New School in New York City, began to identify people
who adopt technologies, lifestyles and world views transitional to "posthumanity" as
"transhuman" (short for "transitory human").[12] In 1972, Robert Ettinger contributed to the
[13] [14]
conceptualization of "transhumanity" in his book Man into Superman. FM-2030
published the Upwingers Manifesto in 1973 to stimulate transhumanly conscious
activism.[15]
The first self-described transhumanists met formally in the early 1980s at the University of
California, Los Angeles, which became the main center of transhumanist thought. Here,
FM-2030 lectured on his "Third Way" futurist ideology. At the EZTV Media venue
frequented by transhumanists and other futurists, Natasha Vita-More presented Breaking
Away, her 1980 experimental film with the theme of humans breaking away from their
biological limitations and the Earth's gravity as they head into space.[16] [17] FM-2030 and
Vita-More soon began holding gatherings for transhumanists in Los Angeles, which
included students from FM-2030's courses and audiences from Vita-More's artistic
productions. In 1982, Vita-More authored the Transhumanist Arts Statement,[18] and, six
years later, produced the cable TV show TransCentury Update on transhumanity, a
program which reached over 100,000 viewers.
In 1986, Eric Drexler published Engines of Creation: The Coming Era of
Nanotechnology,[19] which discussed the prospects for nanotechnology and molecular
assemblers, and founded the Foresight Institute. As the first non-profit organization to
research, advocate for, and perform cryonics, the Southern California offices of the Alcor
Life Extension Foundation became a center for futurists. In 1988, the first issue of Extropy
Magazine was published by Max More and Tom Morrow. In 1990, More, a strategic
philosopher, created his own particular transhumanist doctrine, which took the form of the
Principles of Extropy,[20] and laid the foundation of modern transhumanism by giving it a
new definition:[21]
Transhumanism is a class of philosophies that seek to guide us towards a posthuman
condition. Transhumanism shares many elements of humanism, including a respect for
reason and science, a commitment to progress, and a valuing of human (or
transhuman) existence in this life. […] Transhumanism differs from humanism in
recognizing and anticipating the radical alterations in the nature and possibilities of
our lives resulting from various sciences and technologies […].
In 1992, More and Morrow founded the Extropy Institute, a catalyst for networking
futurists and brainstorming new memeplexes by organizing a series of conferences and,
more importantly, providing a mailing list, which exposed many to transhumanist views for
the first time during the rise of cyberculture and the cyberdelic counterculture. In 1998,
philosophers Nick Bostrom and David Pearce founded the World Transhumanist Association
(WTA), an international non-governmental organization working toward the recognition of
transhumanism as a legitimate subject of scientific inquiry and public policy.[22] In 1999,
the WTA drafted and adopted The Transhumanist Declaration.[23] The Transhumanist FAQ,
prepared by the WTA, gave two formal definitions for transhumanism:[24]
1. The intellectual and cultural movement that affirms the possibility and desirability of
fundamentally improving the human condition through applied reason, especially by
developing and making widely available technologies to eliminate aging and to greatly
enhance human intellectual, physical, and psychological capacities.
Transhumanism 232
2. The study of the ramifications, promises, and potential dangers of technologies that
will enable us to overcome fundamental human limitations, and the related study of the
ethical matters involved in developing and using such technologies.
A number of similar definitions have been collected by Anders Sandberg, an academic and
prominent transhumanist.[25]
In possible contrast with other transhumanist organizations, WTA officials considered that
social forces could undermine their futurist visions and needed to be addressed.[26] A
particular concern is the equal access to human enhancement technologies across classes
and borders.[27] In 2006, a political struggle within the transhumanist movement between
the libertarian right and the liberal left resulted in a more centre-leftward positioning of the
WTA under its former executive director James Hughes.[28] [] In 2006, the board of directors
of the Extropy Institute ceased operations of the organization, stating that its mission was
"essentially completed".[29] This left the World Transhumanist Association as the leading
international transhumanist organization. In 2008, as part of a rebranding effort, the WTA
changed its name to "Humanity+" in order to project a more humane image.[30] Humanity
Plus and Betterhumans publish h+ Magazine, a periodical edited by R. U. Sirius which
disseminates transhumanist news and ideas.[31] [32]
Theory
It is a matter of debate whether transhumanism is a branch of "posthumanism" and how
posthumanism should be conceptualised with regard to transhumanism. The latter is often
referred to as a variant or activist form of posthumanism by its conservative,[4] Christian[33]
and progressive[34] [35] critics, but also by pro-transhumanist scholars who, for example,
characterise it as a subset of "philosophical posthumanism".[3] A common feature of
transhumanism and philosophical posthumanism is the future vision of a new intelligent
species, into which humanity will evolve, which will supplement humanity or supersede it.
Transhumanism stresses the evolutionary perspective, including sometimes the creation of
a highly intelligent animal species by way of cognitive enhancement (i.e. biological
uplift),[26] but clings to a "posthuman future" as the final goal of participant evolution.[36]
Nevertheless, the idea to create intelligent artificial beings, proposed, for example, by
roboticist Hans Moravec, has influenced transhumanism.[10] Moravec's ideas and
transhumanism have also been characterised as a "complacent" or "apocalyptic" variant of
posthumanism and contrasted with "cultural posthumanism" in humanities and the arts.[37]
While such a "cultural posthumanism" would offer resources for rethinking the relations of
humans and increasingly sophisticated machines, transhumanism and similar
posthumanisms are, in this view, not abandoning obsolete concepts of the "autonomous
liberal subject" but are expanding its "prerogatives" into the realm of the posthuman.[38]
Transhumanist self-characterisations as a continuation of humanism and Enlightenment
thinking correspond with this view.
Some secular humanists conceive transhumanism as an offspring of the humanist
freethought movement and argue that transhumanists differ from the humanist mainstream
by having a specific focus on technological approaches to resolving human concerns and on
the issue of mortality.[39] However, other progressives have argued that posthumanism,
whether it be its philosophical or activist forms, amount to a shift away from concerns
about social justice, from the reform of human institutions and from other Enlightenment
preoccupations, toward narcissistic longings for a transcendence of the human body in
Transhumanism 233
quest of more exquisite ways of being.[40] In this view, transhumanism is abandoning the
goals of humanism, the Enlightenment, and progressive politics.
Aims
While many transhumanist theorists and advocates seek to apply reason, science and
technology for the purposes of reducing poverty, disease, disability, and malnutrition
around the globe, transhumanism is distinctive in its particular focus on the applications of
technologies to the improvement of human bodies at the individual level. Many
transhumanists actively assess the potential for future technologies and innovative social
systems to improve the quality of all life, while seeking to make the material reality of the
human condition fulfill the promise of legal and political equality by eliminating congenital
mental and physical barriers.
Transhumanist philosophers argue that there not only exists a perfectionist ethical
imperative for humans to strive for progress and improvement of the human condition but
that it is possible and desirable for humanity to enter a transhuman phase of existence, in
which humans are in control of their own evolution. In such a phase, natural evolution
would be replaced with deliberate change.
Some theorists, such as Raymond Kurzweil, think that the pace of technological innovation
is accelerating and that the next 50 years may yield not only radical technological advances
but possibly a technological singularity, which may fundamentally change the nature of
human beings.[41] Transhumanists who foresee this massive technological change generally
maintain that it is desirable. However, some are also concerned with the possible dangers
of extremely rapid technological change and propose options for ensuring that advanced
technology is used responsibly. For example, Bostrom has written extensively on existential
risks to humanity's future welfare, including risks that could be created by emerging
technologies.[42]
Ethics
Transhumanists engage in interdisciplinary approaches to understanding and evaluating
possibilities for overcoming biological limitations. They draw on futurology and various
fields of ethics such as bioethics, infoethics, nanoethics, neuroethics, roboethics, and
technoethics mainly but not exclusively from a philosophically utilitarian, socially
progressive, politically and economically liberal perspective. Unlike many philosophers,
social critics, and activists who place a moral value on preservation of natural systems,
transhumanists see the very concept of the specifically "natural" as problematically
nebulous at best, and an obstacle to progress at worst.[43] In keeping with this, many
prominent transhumanist advocates refer to transhumanism's critics on the political right
and left jointly as "bioconservatives" or "bioluddites", the latter term alluding to the 19th
century anti-industrialisation social movement that opposed the replacement of human
manual labourers by machines.[44]
Transhumanism 234
Currents
There is a variety of opinion within transhumanist thought. Many of the leading
transhumanist thinkers hold views that are under constant revision and development.[45]
Some distinctive currents of transhumanism are identified and listed here in alphabetical
order:
• Abolitionism, an ethical ideology based upon a perceived obligation to use technology to
eliminate involuntary suffering in all sentient life.[46]
• Democratic transhumanism, a political ideology synthesizing liberal democracy, social
democracy, radical democracy and transhumanism.[47]
• Extropianism, an early school of transhumanist thought characterized by a set of
principles advocating a proactive approach to human evolution.[20]
• Immortalism, a moral ideology based upon the belief that technological immortality is
possible and desirable, and advocating research and development to ensure its
realization.[48]
• Libertarian transhumanism, a political ideology synthesizing libertarianism and
transhumanism.[44]
• Postgenderism, a social philosophy which seeks the voluntary elimination of gender in
the human species through the application of advanced biotechnology and assisted
reproductive technologies.[49]
• Singularitarianism, a moral ideology based upon the belief that a technological
singularity is possible, and advocating deliberate action to effect it and ensure its
safety.[41]
• Technogaianism, an ecological ideology based upon the belief that emerging technologies
can help restore Earth's environment, and that developing safe, clean, alternative
technology should therefore be an important goal of environmentalists.[47]
Spirituality
Although some transhumanists report a strong sense of secular spirituality, they are for the
most part atheists.[22] A minority of transhumanists, however, follow liberal forms of
Eastern philosophical traditions such as Buddhism and Yoga[50] or have merged their
transhumanist ideas with established Western religions such as liberal Christianity[51] or
Mormonism[52] . Despite the prevailing secular attitude, some transhumanists pursue hopes
traditionally espoused by religions, such as "immortality",[48] while several controversial
new religious movements, originating in the late 20th century, have explicitly embraced
transhumanist goals of transforming the human condition by applying technology to the
alteration of the mind and body, such as Raëlism.[53] However, most thinkers associated
with the transhumanist movement focus on the practical goals of using technology to help
achieve longer and healthier lives; while speculating that future understanding of
neurotheology and the application of neurotechnology will enable humans to gain greater
control of altered states of consciousness, which were commonly interpreted as "spiritual
experiences", and thus achieve more profound self-knowledge.[50]
The majority of transhumanists are materialists who do not believe in a transcendent
human soul. Transhumanist personhood theory also argues against the unique identification
of moral actors and subjects with biological humans, judging as speciesist the exclusion of
non-human and part-human animals, and sophisticated machines, from ethical
consideration.[54] Many believe in the compatibility of human minds with computer
Transhumanism 235
hardware, with the theoretical implication that human consciousness may someday be
transferred to alternative media, a speculative technique commonly known as "mind
uploading".[55] One extreme formulation of this idea may be found in Frank Tipler's
proposal of the Omega point. Drawing upon ideas in digitalism, Tipler has advanced the
notion that the collapse of the Universe billions of years hence could create the conditions
for the perpetuation of humanity in a simulated reality within a megacomputer, and thus
achieve a form of "posthuman godhood". Tipler's thought was inspired by the writings of
Pierre Teilhard de Chardin, a paleontologist and Jesuit theologian who saw an evolutionary
telos in the development of an encompassing noosphere, a global consciousness.[56]
The idea of uploading personality to a non-biological substrate and the underlying
assumptions are criticised by a wide range of scholars, scientists and activists, sometimes
with regard to transhumanism itself, sometimes with regard to thinkers such as Marvin
Minsky or Hans Moravec who are often seen as its originators. Relating the underlying
assumptions, for example, to the legacy of cybernetics, some have argued that this
materialist hope engenders a spiritual monism, a variant of philosophical idealism.[57]
Viewed from a conservative Christian perspective, the idea of mind uploading is asserted to
represent a denigration of the human body characteristic of gnostic belief.[58]
Transhumanism and its presumed intellectual progenitors have also been described as
neo-gnostic by non-Christian and secular commentators.[59] [60]
The first dialogue between transhumanism and faith was the focus of an academic seminar
held at the University of Toronto in 2004.[61] Because it might serve a few of the same
functions that people have traditionally sought in religion, religious and secular critics
maintained that transhumanism is itself a religion or, at the very least, a pseudoreligion.
Religious critics alone faulted the philosophy of transhumanism as offering no eternal
truths nor a relationship with the divine. They commented that a philosophy bereft of these
beliefs leaves humanity adrift in a foggy sea of postmodern cynicism and anomie.
Transhumanists responded that such criticisms reflect a failure to look at the actual content
of the transhumanist philosophy, which far from being cynical, is rooted in optimistic,
idealistic attitudes that trace back to the Enlightenment.[62] Following this dialogue,
William Sims Bainbridge conducted a pilot study, published in the Journal of Evolution and
Technology, suggesting that religious attitudes were negatively correlated with acceptance
of transhumanist ideas, and indicating that individuals with highly religious worldviews
tended to perceive transhumanism as being a direct, competitive (though ultimately futile)
affront to their spiritual beliefs.[63]
Practice
While some transhumanists take an abstract and theoretical approach to the perceived
benefits of emerging technologies, others have offered specific proposals for modifications
to the human body, including heritable ones. Transhumanists are often concerned with
methods of enhancing the human nervous system. Though some propose modification of the
peripheral nervous system, the brain is considered the common denominator of personhood
and is thus a primary focus of transhumanist ambitions.[64]
As proponents of self-improvement and body modification, transhumanists tend to use
existing technologies and techniques that supposedly improve cognitive and physical
performance, while engaging in routines and lifestyles designed to improve health and
longevity.[65] Depending on their age, some transhumanists express concern that they will
Transhumanism 236
not live to reap the benefits of future technologies. However, many have a great interest in
life extension strategies, and in funding research in cryonics in order to make the latter a
viable option of last resort rather than remaining an unproven method.[66] Regional and
global transhumanist networks and communities with a range of objectives exist to provide
support and forums for discussion and collaborative projects.
Technologies of interest
Transhumanists support the emergence and
convergence of technologies such as nanotechnology,
biotechnology, information technology and cognitive
science (NBIC), and hypothetical future technologies
such as simulated reality, artificial intelligence,
superintelligence, mind uploading, and cryonics. They
believe that humans can and should use these
technologies to become more than human.[68] They
therefore support the recognition and/or protection of
cognitive liberty, morphological freedom, and
procreative liberty as civil liberties, so as to guarantee [67]
Technologies , a 2002 report
individuals the choice of using human enhancement exploring the potential for synergy
technologies on themselves and their children.[69] Some among nano-, bio-, info- and
cogno-technologies, has become a
speculate that human enhancement techniques and landmark in near-future technological
other emerging technologies may facilitate more radical speculation.
human enhancement by the midpoint of the 21st
century.[41]
A 2002 report, Converging Technologies for Improving Human Performance, commissioned

by the National Science Foundation and US Department of Commerce, contains
descriptions and commentaries on the state of NBIC science and technology by major
contributors to these fields. The report discusses potential uses of these technologies in
implementing transhumanist goals of enhanced performance and health, and ongoing work
on planned applications of human enhancement technologies in the military and in the
rationalization of the human-machine interface in industry.[70]
While international discussion of the converging technologies and NBIC concepts includes
strong criticism of their transhumanist orientation and alleged science fictional
character,[71] [72] [73] research on brain and body alteration technologies has accelerated
under the sponsorship of the US Department of Defense, which is interested in the
battlefield advantages they would provide to the "supersoldiers" of the United States and its
allies.[74] There has already been a brain research program to "extend the ability to manage
information" while military scientists are now looking at stretching the human capacity for
combat to a maximum 168 hours without sleep.[75]
Transhumanism 237
Arts and culture

Transhumanist themes have
become increasingly
prominent in various literary
forms during the period in
which the movement itself has
emerged. Contemporary
science fiction often contains
positive renditions of
technologically enhanced
human life, set in utopian
Natasha Vita-More's Primo is an artistic depiction of a hypothetical
(especially techno-utopian) Posthuman of transhumanist speculation.
societies. However, science
fiction's depictions of enhanced humans or other posthuman beings frequently come with a
cautionary twist. The more pessimistic scenarios include many horrific or dystopian tales of
human bioengineering gone wrong. In the decades immediately before transhumanism
emerged as an explicit movement, many transhumanist concepts and themes began
appearing in the speculative fiction of authors such as Robert A. Heinlein (Lazarus Long
series, 1941–87), A. E. van Vogt (Slan, 1946), Isaac Asimov (I, Robot, 1950), Arthur C.
Clarke (Childhood's End, 1953) and Stanislaw Lem (Cyberiad, 1967).[26]
The cyberpunk genre, exemplified by William Gibson's Neuromancer (1984) and Bruce
Sterling's Schismatrix (1985), has particularly been concerned with the modification of
human bodies. Other novels dealing with transhumanist themes that have stimulated broad
discussion of these issues include Blood Music (1985) by Greg Bear, The Xenogenesis
Trilogy (1987–1989) by Octavia Butler; The Beggar's Trilogy (1990–94) by Nancy Kress;
much of Greg Egan's work since the early 1990s, such as Permutation City (1994) and
Diaspora (1997); The Bohr Maker (1995) by Linda Nagata; Oryx and Crake (2003) by
Margaret Atwood; The Elementary Particles (Eng. trans. 2001) and The Possibility of an
Island (Eng. trans. 2006) by Michel Houellebecq; and Glasshouse (2005) by Charles Stross.
Many of these works are considered part of the cyberpunk genre or its postcyberpunk
offshoot.
Fictional transhumanist scenarios have also become popular in other media during the late
twentieth and early twenty first centuries. Such treatments are found in comic books
(Captain America, 1941; Transmetropolitan, 1997; The Surrogates, 2006), films (2001: A
Space Odyssey, 1968; Blade Runner, 1982; Gattaca, 1997; Repo! The Genetic Opera, 2008),
television series (the Cybermen of Doctor Who, 1966; The Six Million Dollar Man, 1973; the
Borg of Star Trek: The Next Generation, 1989; manga and anime (Galaxy Express 999,
1978; Appleseed, 1985; Ghost in the Shell, 1989 and Gundam Seed, 2002), computer games
(Metal Gear Solid, 1998; Deus Ex, 2000; Half-Life 2, 2004; and BioShock, 2007), and
role-playing games (Shadowrun, 1989), Transhuman Space, 2002)
In addition to the work of Natasha Vita-More, curator of the Transhumanist Arts & Culture
center, transhumanist themes appear in the visual and performing arts.[76] Carnal Art, a
form of sculpture originated by the French artist Orlan, uses the body as its medium and
plastic surgery as its method.[77] Commentators have pointed to American performer
Michael Jackson as having used technologies such as plastic surgery, skin-lightening drugs
and hyperbaric oxygen therapy over the course of his career, with the effect of
Transhumanism 238
transforming his artistic persona so as to blur identifiers of gender, race and age.[78] The
work of the Australian artist Stelarc centers on the alteration of his body by robotic
prostheses and tissue engineering.[79] Other artists whose work coincided with the
emergence and flourishing of transhumanism and who explored themes related to the
transformation of the body are the Yugoslavian performance artist Marina Abramovic and
the American media artist Matthew Barney. A 2005 show, Becoming Animal, at the
Massachusetts Museum of Contemporary Art, presented exhibits by twelve artists whose
work concerns the effects of technology in erasing boundaries between the human and
non-human.
Controversy
Transhumanist thought and research depart significantly from the mainstream and often
directly challenge orthodox theories. The very notion and prospect of human enhancement
and related issues also arouse public controversy.[80] Criticisms of transhumanism and its
proposals take two main forms: those objecting to the likelihood of transhumanist goals
being achieved (practical criticisms); and those objecting to the moral principles or world
view sustaining transhumanist proposals or underlying transhumanism itself (ethical
criticisms). However, these two strains sometimes converge and overlap, particularly when
considering the ethics of changing human biology in the face of incomplete knowledge.
Critics or opponents often see transhumanists' goals as posing threats to human values.
Some also argue that strong advocacy of a transhumanist approach to improving the human
condition might divert attention and resources from social solutions. As most
transhumanists support non-technological changes to society, such as the spread of civil
rights and civil liberties, and most critics of transhumanism support technological advances
in areas such as communications and health care, the difference is often a matter of
emphasis. Sometimes, however, there are strong disagreements about the very principles
involved, with divergent views on humanity, human nature, and the morality of
transhumanist aspirations. At least one public interest organization, the U.S.-based Center
for Genetics and Society, was formed, in 2001, with the specific goal of opposing
transhumanist agendas that involve transgenerational modification of human biology, such
as full-term human cloning and germinal choice technology. The Institute on Biotechnology
and the Human Future of the Chicago-Kent College of Law critically scrutinizes proposed
applications of genetic and nanotechnologies to human biology in an academic setting.
Some of the most widely known critiques of the transhumanist program refer to novels and
fictional films. These works of art, despite presenting imagined worlds rather than
philosophical analyses, are used as touchstones for some of the more formal arguments.
Infeasibility (Futurehype argument)

In his 1992 book Futurehype: The Tyranny of Prophecy, sociologist Max Dublin points out
many past failed predictions of technological progress and argues that modern futurist
predictions will prove similarly inaccurate. He also objects to what he sees as scientism,
fanaticism, and nihilism by a few in advancing transhumanist causes, and writes that
historical parallels exist to millenarian religions and Communist doctrines.[81] Several
notable transhumanists have predicted that death-defeating technologies will arrive
(usually late) within their own conventionally-expected lifetimes. Wired magazine founding
executive editor Kevin Kelly has argued these transhumanists have overly optimistic
Transhumanism 239
expectations of when dramatic technological breakthroughs will occur because they hope to
be saved from their own deaths by those developments.[82]
Despite his sympathies for transhumanism, in his 2002
book Redesigning Humans: Our Inevitable Genetic
Future, public health professor Gregory Stock is
skeptical of the technical feasibility and mass appeal of
the cyborgization of humanity predicted by Raymond
Kurzweil, Hans Moravec and Kevin Warwick. He
believes that throughout the 21st century, many
humans will find themselves deeply integrated into
systems of machines, but will remain biological.
Primary changes to their own form and character will Some transhumanist thinkers assert
arise not from cyberware but from the direct the pace of technological innovation is
accelerating and that the next 50 years
manipulation of their genetics, metabolism, and
may yield not only radical
biochemistry.[83] technological advances but possibly a
technological singularity
In his 2006 book Future Hype: The Myths of
Technology Change, computer scientist and engineer
Bob Seidensticker argues that today's technological achievements are not unprecedented.
Exposing major myths of technology and examining the history of high tech hype, he aims
to uncover inaccuracies and misunderstandings that may characterise the popular and
transhumanist views of technology, to explain how and why these views have been created,
and to illustrate how technological change in fact proceeds.[84]
Those thinkers who defend the likelihood of massive technological change within a
relatively short timeframe emphasize what they describe as a past pattern of exponential
increases in humanity's technological capacities. This emphasis appears in the work of
popular science writer Damien Broderick, notably his 1997 book, The Spike, which contains
his speculations about a radically changed future. Kurzweil develops this position in much
detail in his 2005 book, The Singularity Is Near. Broderick points out that many of the
seemingly implausible predictions of early science fiction writers have, indeed, come to
pass, among them nuclear power and space travel to the moon. He also claims that there is
a core rationalism to current predictions of very rapid change, asserting that such
observers as Kurzweil have a good track record in predicting the pace of innovation.[85]
Hubris (Playing God argument)

There are two distinct categories of criticism, theological and secular, that have been
referred to as "playing god" arguments:
The first category is based on the alleged inappropriateness of humans substituting
themselves for an actual god. This approach is exemplified by the 2002 Vatican statement
Communion and Stewardship: Human Persons Created in the Image of God,[86] in which it
is stated that, "Changing the genetic identity of man as a human person through the
production of an infrahuman being is radically immoral", implying, as it would, that "man
has full right of disposal over his own biological nature". At the same time, this statement
argues that creation of a superhuman or spiritually superior being is "unthinkable", since
true improvement can come only through religious experience and "realizing more fully the
image of God". Christian theologians and lay activists of several churches and
denominations have expressed similar objections to transhumanism and claimed that
Transhumanism 240
Christians already enjoy, however post mortem, what radical transhumanism promises such
as indefinite life extension or the abolition of suffering. In this view, transhumanism is just
another representative of the long line of utopian movements which seek to immanentize
the eschaton i.e. try to create "heaven on earth".[87] [88]
The second category is aimed mainly at "algeny", which
Jeremy Rifkin defined as "the upgrading of existing
organisms and the design of wholly new ones with the
intent of 'perfecting' their performance",[89] and, more
specifically, attempts to pursue transhumanist goals by
way of genetically modifying human embryos in order
to create "designer babies". It emphasizes the issue of
biocomplexity and the unpredictability of attempts to
guide the development of products of biological
The biocomplexity spiral is a depiction
evolution. This argument, elaborated in particular by
of the multileveled complexity of
the biologist Stuart Newman, is based on the organisms in their environments,
recognition that the cloning and germline genetic which is seen by many critics as the
engineering of animals are error-prone and inherently ultimate obstacle to transhumanist
ambition.
disruptive of embryonic development. Accordingly, so it
is argued, it would create unacceptable risks to use
such methods on human embryos. Performing experiments, particularly ones with
permanent biological consequences, on developing humans, would thus be in violation of
accepted principles governing research on human subjects (see the 1964 Declaration of
Helsinki). Moreover, because improvements in experimental outcomes in one species are
not automatically transferable to a new species without further experimentation, there is
claimed to be no ethical route to genetic manipulation of humans at early developmental
stages.[90]
As a practical matter, however, international protocols on human subject research may not
present a legal obstacle to attempts by transhumanists and others to improve their
offspring by germinal choice technology. According to legal scholar Kirsten Rabe
Smolensky, existing laws would protect parents who choose to enhance their child's
genome from future liability arising from adverse outcomes of the procedure.[91]
Religious thinkers allied with transhumanist goals, such as the theologians Ronald
Cole-Turner and Ted Peters, reject the first argument, holding that the doctrine of
"co-creation" provides an obligation to use genetic engineering to improve human
biology.[92] [93]
Transhumanists and other supporters of human genetic engineering do not dismiss the
second argument out of hand, insofar as there is a high degree of uncertainty about the
likely outcomes of genetic modification experiments in humans. However, bioethicist James
Hughes suggests that one possible ethical route to the genetic manipulation of humans at
early developmental stages is the building of computer models of the human genome, the
proteins it specifies, and the tissue engineering he argues that it also codes for. With the
exponential progress in bioinformatics, Hughes believes that a virtual model of genetic
expression in the human body will not be far behind and that it will soon be possible to
accelerate approval of genetic modifications by simulating their effects on virtual
humans.[26] Public health professor Gregory Stock points to artificial chromosomes as an
alleged safer alternative to existing genetic engineering techniques.[83] Transhumanists
Transhumanism 241
therefore argue that parents have a moral responsibility called procreative beneficence to
make use of these methods, if and when they are shown to be reasonably safe and effective,
to have the healthiest children possible. They add that this responsibility is a moral
judgment best left to individual conscience rather than imposed by law, in all but extreme
[26]
cases. In this context, the emphasis on freedom of choice is called procreative liberty.
Contempt for the flesh (Fountain of Youth argument)

Philosopher Mary Midgley, in her 1992 book Science as Salvation, traces the notion of
achieving immortality by transcendence of the material human body (echoed in the
transhumanist tenet of mind uploading) to a group of male scientific thinkers of the early
20th century, including J.B.S. Haldane and members of his circle. She characterizes these
ideas as "quasi-scientific dreams and prophesies" involving visions of escape from the body
coupled with "self-indulgent, uncontrolled power-fantasies". Her argument focuses on what
she perceives as the pseudoscientific speculations and irrational, fear-of-death-driven
fantasies of these thinkers, their disregard for laymen, and the remoteness of their
eschatological visions.[94] Many transhumanists see the 2006 film The Fountain's theme of
necrophobia and critique of the quixotic quest for eternal youth as depicting some of these
criticisms.[95]
What is perceived as contempt for the flesh in the writings of Marvin Minsky, Hans
Moravec, and some transhumanists, has also been the target of other critics for what they
claim to be an instrumental conception of the human body.[38] Reflecting a strain of
feminist criticism of the transhumanist program, philosopher Susan Bordo points to
"contemporary obsessions with slenderness, youth, and physical perfection", which she sees
as affecting both men and women, but in distinct ways, as "the logical (if extreme)
manifestations of anxieties and fantasies fostered by our culture.”[96] Some critics question
other social implications of the movement's focus on body modification. Political scientist
Klaus-Gerd Giesen, in particular, has asserted that transhumanism's concentration on
altering the human body represents the logical yet tragic consequence of atomized
individualism and body commodification within a consumer culture.[59]
Nick Bostrom asserts that the desire to regain youth, specifically, and transcend the natural
limitations of the human body, in general, is pan-cultural and pan-historical, and is
therefore not uniquely tied to the culture of the 20th century. He argues that the
transhumanist program is an attempt to channel that desire into a scientific project on par
with the Human Genome Project and achieve humanity's oldest hope, rather than a puerile
fantasy or social trend.[1]
Transhumanism 242
Trivialization of human identity (Enough argument)

In his 2003 book Enough: Staying Human in an
Engineered Age, environmental ethicist Bill McKibben
argued at length against many of the technologies that
are postulated or supported by transhumanists,
including germinal choice technology, nanomedicine
and life extension strategies. He claims that it would be
morally wrong for humans to tamper with fundamental
aspects of themselves (or their children) in an attempt
In the US, the Amish are a religious
to overcome universal human limitations, such as group probably most known for their
vulnerability to aging, maximum life span, and avoidance of certain modern
biological constraints on physical and cognitive ability. technologies. Transhumanists draw a
parallel by arguing that in the
Attempts to "improve" themselves through such
near-future there will probably be
manipulation would remove limitations that provide a "Humanish", people who choose to
necessary context for the experience of meaningful "stay human" by not adopting human
human choice. He claims that human lives would no enhancement technologies, whose
choice they believe must be respected
longer seem meaningful in a world where such [97]
and protected.
limitations could be overcome technologically. Even the
goal of using germinal choice technology for clearly
therapeutic purposes should be relinquished, since it would inevitably produce temptations
to tamper with such things as cognitive capacities. He argues that it is possible for societies
to benefit from renouncing particular technologies, using as examples Ming China,
Tokugawa Japan and the contemporary Amish.[98]
Transhumanists and other supporters of technological alteration of human biology, such as

science journalist Ronald Bailey, reject as extremely subjective the claim that life would be
experienced as meaningless if some human limitations are overcome with enhancement
technologies. They argue that these technologies will not remove the bulk of the individual
and social challenges humanity faces. They suggest that a person with greater abilities
would tackle more advanced and difficult projects and continue to find meaning in the
struggle to achieve excellence. Bailey also claims that McKibben's historical examples are
flawed, and support different conclusions when studied more closely.[99] For example, few
groups are more cautious than the Amish about embracing new technologies, but though
they shun television and use horses and buggies, some are welcoming the possibilities of
gene therapy since inbreeding has afflicted them with a number of rare genetic diseases.[83]
Genetic divide (Gattaca argument)

Some critics of libertarian transhumanism have focused on its likely socioeconomic
consequences in societies in which divisions between rich and poor are on the rise. Bill
McKibben, for example, suggests that emerging human enhancement technologies would
be disproportionately available to those with greater financial resources, thereby
exacerbating the gap between rich and poor and creating a "genetic divide".[98] Lee M.
Silver, a biologist and science writer who coined the term "reprogenetics" and supports its
applications, has nonetheless expressed concern that these methods could create a
two-tiered society of genetically-engineered "haves" and "have nots" if social democratic
reforms lag behind implementation of enhancement technologies.[100] Critics who make
these arguments do not thereby necessarily accept the transhumanist assumption that
Transhumanism 243
human enhancement is a positive value; in their view, it should be discouraged, or even

banned, because it could confer additional power upon the already powerful. The 1997 film
Gattaca's depiction of a dystopian society in which one's social class depends entirely on
genetic modifications is often cited by critics in support of these views.[26]
These criticisms are also voiced by non-libertarian transhumanist advocates, especially
self-described democratic transhumanists, who believe that the majority of current or
future social and environmental issues (such as unemployment and resource depletion)
need to be addressed by a combination of political and technological solutions (such as a
guaranteed minimum income and alternative technology). Therefore, on the specific issue
of an emerging genetic divide due to unequal access to human enhancement technologies,
bioethicist James Hughes, in his 2004 book Citizen Cyborg: Why Democratic Societies Must
Respond to the Redesigned Human of the Future, argues that progressives or, more
precisely, techno-progressives must articulate and implement public policies (such as a
universal health care voucher system that covers human enhancement technologies) in
order to attenuate this problem as much as possible, rather than trying to ban human
enhancement technologies. The latter, he argues, might actually worsen the problem by
making these technologies unsafe or available only to the wealthy on the local black market
or in countries where such a ban is not enforced.[26]
Threats to morality and democracy (Brave New World argument)

Various arguments have been made to the effect that a society that adopts human
enhancement technologies may come to resemble the dystopia depicted in the 1932 novel
Brave New World by Aldous Huxley. Sometimes, as in the writings of Leon Kass, the fear is
that various institutions and practices judged as fundamental to civilized society would be
damaged or destroyed.[101] In his 2002 book Our Posthuman Future and in a 2004 Foreign
Policy magazine article, political economist and philosopher Francis Fukuyama designates
transhumanism the world's most dangerous idea because he believes that it may undermine
the egalitarian ideals of democracy in general and liberal democracy in particular, through
a fundamental alteration of "human nature".[4] Social philosopher Jürgen Habermas makes
a similar argument in his 2003 book The Future of Human Nature, in which he asserts that
moral autonomy depends on not being subject to another's unilaterally imposed
specifications. Habermas thus suggests that the human "species ethic" would be
undermined by embryo-stage genetic alteration.[102] Critics such as Kass, Fukuyama, and a
variety of Christian authors hold that attempts to significantly alter human biology are not
only inherently immoral but also threats to the social order. Alternatively, they argue that
implementation of such technologies would likely lead to the "naturalizing" of social
hierarchies or place new means of control in the hands of totalitarian regimes. The AI
pioneer Joseph Weizenbaum criticizes what he sees as misanthropic tendencies in the
language and ideas of some of his colleagues, in particular Marvin Minsky and Hans
Moravec, which, by devaluing the human organism per se, promotes a discourse that
enables divisive and undemocratic social policies.[103]
In a 2004 article in Reason, science journalist Ronald Bailey has contested the assertions of
Fukuyama by arguing that political equality has never rested on the facts of human biology.
He asserts that liberalism was founded not on the proposition of effective equality of human
beings, or de facto equality, but on the assertion of an equality in political rights and before
the law, or de jure equality. Bailey asserts that the products of genetic engineering may
well ameliorate rather than exacerbate human inequality, giving to the many what were
Transhumanism 244
once the privileges of the few. Moreover, he argues, "the crowning achievement of the
Enlightenment is the principle of tolerance". In fact, he argues, political liberalism is
already the solution to the issue of human and posthuman rights since, in liberal societies,
the law is meant to apply equally to all, no matter how rich or poor, powerful or powerless,
educated or ignorant, enhanced or unenhanced.[5] Other thinkers who are sympathetic to
transhumanist ideas, such as philosopher Russell Blackford, have also objected to the
appeal to tradition, and what they see as alarmism, involved in Brave New World-type
arguments.[104]
Dehumanization (Frankenstein argument)

Biopolitical activist Jeremy Rifkin and biologist Stuart
Newman accept that biotechnology has the power to
make profound changes in organismal identity. They
argue against the genetic engineering of human beings,
because they fear the blurring of the boundary between
Australian artist Patricia Piccinini's human and artifact.[105] [90] Philosopher Keekok Lee
concept of what human-animal hybrids sees such developments as part of an accelerating trend
might look like are provocative
in modernization in which technology has been used to
creatures which are part of a sculpture
entitled "The Young Family," transform the "natural" into the "artifactual".[106] In the
produced to address the reality of such extreme, this could lead to the manufacturing and
possible parahumans in a enslavement of "monsters" such as human clones,
compassionate way. Transhumanists
human-animal chimeras or bioroids, but even lesser
would call for the recognition of
self-aware parahumans as persons. dislocations of humans and non-humans from social and
ecological systems are seen as problematic. The film
Blade Runner (1982), the novels The Boys From Brazil (1978) and The Island of Dr. Moreau
(1896) depict elements of such scenarios, but Mary Shelley's 1818 novel Frankenstein is
most often alluded to by critics who suggest that biotechnologies could create objectified
and socially-unmoored people and subhumans. Such critics propose that strict measures be
implemented to prevent what they portray as dehumanizing possibilities from ever
happening, usually in the form of an international ban on human genetic engineering.[107]
Writing in Reason magazine, Ronald Bailey has accused opponents of research involving
the modification of animals as indulging in alarmism when they speculate about the
creation of subhuman creatures with human-like intelligence and brains resembling those
of Homo sapiens. Bailey insists that the aim of conducting research on animals is simply to
produce human health care benefits.[108]
A different response comes from transhumanist personhood theorists who object to what
they characterize as the anthropomorphobia fueling some criticisms of this research, which
science writer Isaac Asimov termed the "Frankenstein complex". They argue that, provided
they are self-aware, human clones, human-animal chimeras and uplifted animals would all
be unique persons deserving of respect, dignity, rights and citizenship. They conclude that
the coming ethical issue is not the creation of so-called monsters but what they
characterize as the "yuck factor" and "human-racism" that would judge and treat these
creations as monstrous.[22] [54]
Transhumanism 245
Specter of coercive eugenicism (Eugenics Wars argument)

Some critics of transhumanism allege an ableist bias in the use of such concepts as
"limitations", "enhancement" and "improvement". Some even see the old eugenics, social
Darwinist and master race ideologies and programs of the past as warnings of what the
promotion of eugenic enhancement technologies might unintentionally encourage. Some
fear future "eugenics wars" as the worst-case scenario: the return of coercive
state-sponsored genetic discrimination and human rights violations such as compulsory
sterilization of persons with genetic defects, the killing of the institutionalized and,
specifically, segregation from, and genocide of, "races" perceived as inferior.[109] Health
law professor George Annas and technology law professor Lori Andrews are prominent
advocates of the position that the use of these technologies could lead to such
human-posthuman caste warfare.[107] [110]
For most of its history, eugenics has manifested itself as a movement to sterilize against
their will the "genetically unfit" and encourage the selective breeding of the genetically fit.
The major transhumanist organizations strongly condemn the coercion involved in such
policies and reject the racist and classist assumptions on which they were based, along with
the pseudoscientific notions that eugenic improvements could be accomplished in a
practically meaningful time frame through selective human breeding. Most transhumanist
thinkers instead advocate a "new eugenics", a form of egalitarian liberal eugenics.[111] In
their 2000 book From Chance to Choice: Genetics and Justice, (non-transhumanist)
bioethicists Allen Buchanan, Dan Brock, Norman Daniels and Daniel Wikler have argued
that liberal societies have an obligation to encourage as wide an adoption of eugenic
enhancement technologies as possible (so long as such policies do not infringe on
individuals' reproductive rights or exert undue pressures on prospective parents to use
these technologies) in order to maximize public health and minimize the inequalities that
may result from both natural genetic endowments and unequal access to genetic
enhancements.[112] Most transhumanists holding similar views nonetheless distance
themselves from the term "eugenics" (preferring "germinal choice" or "reprogenetics")[100]
to avoid having their position confused with the discredited theories and practices of
early-20th-century eugenic movements.[113]
Existential risks (Terminator argument)

Struck by a passage from Unabomber → Theodore Kaczynski's anarcho-primitivist
manifesto (quoted in Ray Kurzweil's 1999 book, The Age of Spiritual Machines[11] ),
computer scientist Bill Joy became a notable critic of emerging technologies.[114] Joy's 2000
essay "Why the future doesn't need us" argues that human beings would likely guarantee
their own extinction by developing the technologies favored by transhumanists. It invokes,
for example, the "grey goo scenario" where out-of-control self-replicating nanorobots could
consume entire ecosystems, resulting in global ecophagy.[115] Joy's warning was seized
upon by appropriate technology organizations such as the ETC Group. Related notions were
also voiced by self-described neo-luddite Kalle Lasn, a culture jammer who co-authored a
2001 spoof of Donna Haraway's 1985 Cyborg Manifesto as a critique of the
techno-utopianism he interpreted it as promoting.[116] Lasn argues that high technology
development should be completely relinquished since it inevitably serves corporate
interests with devastating consequences on society and the environment.[117]
Transhumanism 246
In his 2003 book Our Final Hour, British Astronomer Royal Martin Rees argues that
advanced science and technology bring as much risk of disaster as opportunity for
progress. However, Rees does not advocate a halt to scientific activity; he calls for tighter
security and perhaps an end to traditional scientific openness.[118] Advocates of the
precautionary principle, such as the Green movement, also favor slow, careful progress or a
halt in potentially dangerous areas. Some precautionists believe that artificial intelligence
and robotics present possibilities of alternative forms of cognition that may threaten human
life.[119] The Terminator franchise's doomsday depiction of the emergence of an A.I. that
becomes a superintelligence - Skynet, a malignant computer network which initiates a
nuclear war in order to exterminate the human species, has been cited by some involved in
this debate.[120]
Transhumanists do not necessarily rule out specific restrictions on emerging technologies
so as to lessen the prospect of existential risk. Generally, however, they counter that
proposals based on the precautionary principle are often unrealistic and sometimes even
counter-productive, as opposed to the technogaian current of transhumanism which they
claim is both realistic and productive. In his television series Connections, science historian
James Burke dissects several views on technological change, including precautionism and
the restriction of open inquiry. Burke questions the practicality of some of these views, but
concludes that maintaining the status quo of inquiry and development poses hazards of its
own, such as a disorienting rate of change and the depletion of our planet's resources. The
common transhumanist position is a pragmatic one where society takes deliberate action to
ensure the early arrival of the benefits of safe, clean, alternative technology rather than
fostering what it considers to be anti-scientific views and technophobia.[121]
One transhumanist solution proposed by Nick Bostrom is differential technological
development, in which attempts would be made to influence the sequence in which
technologies developed. In this approach, planners would strive to retard the development
of possibly harmful technologies and their applications, while accelerating the development
of likely beneficial technologies, especially those that offer protection against the harmful
effects of others.[42]
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Marx's theory of alienation 251
Marx's theory of alienation

Part of a series on
Marxist theory
Communism portal
Marx's theory of alienation (Entfremdung in German), as expressed in the writings of the

young Karl Marx (in particular the Manuscripts of 1844), refers to the separation of things
that naturally belong together, or to put antagonism between things that are properly in
harmony. In the concept's most important use, it refers to the social alienation of people
from aspects of their "human nature" (Gattungswesen, usually translated as
'species-essence' or 'species-being'). He believed that alienation is a systematic result of
capitalism.
Marx's theory relies on Feuerbach's The Essence of Christianity (1841), which argues that
the idea of God has alienated the characteristics of the human being. Stirner would take the
analysis further in The Ego and Its Own (1844), declaring that even 'humanity' is an
alienating ideal for the individual, to which Marx and Engels responded in The German
Ideology (1845).
Types
In the labour process

Marx's Theory of Alienation is based upon his observation that in emerging industrial
production under capitalism, workers inevitably lose control of their lives and selves, in not
having any control of their work. Workers never become autonomous, self-realized human
beings in any significant sense, except the way the bourgeois want the worker to be
realized. Alienation in capitalist societies occurs because in work each contributes to the
common wealth, but can only express this fundamentally social aspect of individuality
through a production system that is not publicly(socially) owned, but privately owned, for
which each individual functions as an instrument, not as a social being:
'Let us suppose that we had carried out production as human beings. Each of us
would have in two ways affirmed himself and the other person. 1) In my
production I would have objectified my individuality, its specific character, and
therefore enjoyed not only an individual manifestation of my life during the
activity, but also when looking at the object I would have the individual pleasure
of knowing my personality to be objective, visible to the senses and hence a
power beyond all doubt. 2) In your enjoyment or use of my product I would have
the direct enjoyment both of being conscious of having satisfied a human need by
my work, that is, of having objectified man’s essential nature, and of having thus
created an object corresponding to the need of another man’s essential nature. ...
Our products would be so many mirrors in which we saw reflected our essential
nature.'" (Comment on James Mill)
Marx attributes four types of alienation in labour under capitalism.[1] These include the
alienation of the worker from his or her ‘species essence’ as a human being rather than a
machine; between workers, since capitalism reduces labour to a commodity to be traded on
the market, rather than a social relationship; of the worker from the product, since this is
appropriated by the capitalist class, and so escapes the worker's control; and from the act
of production itself, such that work comes to be a meaningless activity, offering little or no
intrinsic satisfactions.
Marx also put emphasis on the role of religion in the alienation process, independently from
his famous quote on the opium of the masses. [2]
Simply put and taken directly from George Ritzer's: "Contemporary Sociological Theory and
Its Roots", the four types of alienation of workers from capitalist/owners are: -Activities of
the workers are chosen by the owners, capitalist; who in return pay them. -Ownership of
production/product in hands of capitalist. -Workers are likely to be separated from their
fellow workers. -Workers driven away from their potential and tasks become mindless.
Significance in Marx's thought
Influence from Hegel and Feuerbach

Alienation is a foundational claim in Marxist theory. Hegel described a succession of
historic stages in the human Geist (Spirit), by which that Spirit progresses towards perfect
self-understanding, and away from ignorance. In Marx's reaction to Hegel, these two,
idealist poles are replaced with materialist categories: spiritual ignorance becomes
alienation, and the transcendent end of history becomes man's realisation of his
species-being; triumph over alienation and establishment of an objectively better society.
This teleological reading of Marx, particularly supported by Alexandre Kojève before World
War II, is criticized by Louis Althusser in his writings about "random materialism"
(matérialisme aléatoire). Althusser claimed that said reading made the proletariat the
subject of history (i.e. Georg Lukacs's History and Class Consciousness [1923] published at
the Hungarian Soviet Republic's fall), was tainted with Hegelian idealism, the "philosophy
of the subject" that had been in force for five centuries, which was criticized as the
"bourgeois ideology of philosophy".
Relation to Marx's theory of history

In The German Ideology Marx writes that 'things have now come to such a pass that the
individuals must appropriate the existing totality of productive forces, not only to achieve
self-activity, but, also, merely to safeguard their very existence' [3]. In other words, Marx
seems to think that, while humans do have a need for self-activity (self-actualisation, the
opposite of alienation), this will be of secondary historical relevance. This is because he
thinks that capitalism will increase the economic impoverishment of the proletariat so
rapidly that they will be forced to make the social revolution just to stay alive - they
probably wouldn't even get to the point of worrying that much about self-activity. This
doesn't mean, though, that tendencies against alienation only manifest themselves once
other needs are amply met, only that they are of reduced importance. The work of Raya
Dunayevskaya and others in the tradition of Marxist humanism drew attention to
manifestations of the desire for self-activity even among workers struggling for more basic
goals .
Class
In this passage, from The Holy Family, Marx says that capitalists and proletarians are
equally alienated, but experience their alienation in different ways:
The propertied class and the class of the proletariat present the same human
self-estrangement. But the former class feels at ease and strengthened in this
self-estrangement, it recognizes estrangement as its own power and has in it the
semblance of a human existence. The class of the proletariat feels annihilated in
estrangement; it sees in it its own powerlessness and the reality of an inhuman
existence. It is, to use an expression of Hegel, in its abasement the indignation at
that abasement, an indignation to which it is necessarily driven by the
contradiction between its human nature and its condition of life, which is the
outright, resolute and comprehensive negation of that nature. Within this
antithesis the private property-owner is therefore the conservative side, the
proletarian the destructive side. From the former arises the action of preserving
the antithesis, from the latter the action of annihilating it. [4]
Further reading
"I am not interested in dry economic socialism. We are fighting against misery, but we
are also fighting against alienation. One of the fundamental objectives of Marxism is to
remove interest, the factor of individual interest, and gain, from people’s psychological
motivations. Marx was preoccupied both with economic factors and with their
repercussions on the spirit. If communism isn’t interested in this too, it may be a
method of distributing goods, but it will never be a revolutionary way of life."
[5]
— Che Guevara
Alienation is a theme in Marx's writing that runs right throughout his work, from the
Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844, to Capital - especially the unpublished
sections entitled Results of the Immediate Process of Production. An online archive of
almost everything written by Marx can be found at the Marxists Internet Archive [6]- at
which you can search for 'alienation'. Another good way to approach Marx's original writing
is through a good collection - Karl Marx: selected writings (second edition), edited by David
Mclellan clearly indicates sections on alienation in its contents. Key works on alienation
include the Comment on James Mill and The German Ideology. An example of
characterisation of alienation in Marx's later work (which differs strongly in emphasis, if
not in actual content from earlier presentations) can be found in the Grundrisse. Marx's
work can sometimes be daunting - many people would recommend reading a short
introduction (such as one of those indicated below) to the concept first.
Secondary literature
• Introductory article on alienation [7] - from the Encyclopaedia of the Marxists Internet
Archive.
• Short article on alienation [8] - drawing mainly on the earlier works (from Lewis A. Coser,
Masters of Sociological Thought: Ideas in Historical and Social Context, 2nd Ed., Fort
Worth: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc., 1977: 50-53.)
• Paul Blackledge Marxism and Ethics [9]
• G.A. Cohen (1977) discusses alienation and fetishism in Ch. VI of Karl Marx's Theory of
History: A Defence.
• Althusser, For Marx, Verso
• Marcuse, Herbert, Reason & Revolution, Beacon
• Part I: Alienation of Karl Marx by Allen W. Wood in the Arguments of the Philosophers
series provides a good introduction to this concept.
• Why Read Marx Today? by Jonathan Wolff provides a simple introduction to the concept.
It is especially clear differentiating the various types of alienation which Marx discusses.
• Marx and human nature: refutation of a legend by Norman Geras, a brief book, contains
much of relevance to alienation by studying the closely related concept of human nature.
• Alienation: Marx's conception of man in capitalist society by Bertell Ollman. Selected
chapters can be read online [10].
• Alienation and Techne in the Thought of Karl Marx, by Kostas Axelos
• Shlomo Avineri, Hegel's Philosophy of Right and Hegel's Theory of the Modern State
• Lukacs' The Young Hegel and Origins of the Concept of Alienation by István Mészáros
• Marx's Theory of Alienation [11] by István Mészáros
• Ludwig Feuerbach [12] at www.marxists.org
• The Evolution of Alienation: Trauma, Promise, and the Millennium, edited by Lauren
Langman and Devorah K. Fishman. Lanham, 2006.
• "Does Alienation Have a Future? Recapturing the Core of Critical Theory," by Harry
Dahms (in Langman and Fishman, The Evolution of Alienation, 2006).
• Alienation in American Society [13] by Fritz Pappenheim, Monthly Review Volume 52,
Number 2
• Karl Marx's Philosophy of Man (1975) by John Plamenatz
• Alienation (1970) by Richard Schacht
• Making Sense of Marx (1994) by Jon Elster
See also
• Commodity fetishism
• Ludwig Feuerbach's The Essence of Christianity (1841)
• Georg Lukacs's theory of class consciousness and reification
External links
[14]
• Bertell Ollman on Alienation
References
[1] A Dictionary of Sociology, Article: Alienation
[2] Marx on Alienation (http:/ / uregina. ca/ ~gingrich/ s3002. htm)
[3] http:/ / www. marxists. org/ archive/ marx/ works/ 1845/ german-ideology/ ch01d. htm
[4] Chapter 4 of The Holy Family (http:/ / www. marxists. org/ archive/ marx/ works/ 1845/ holy-family/ ch04. htm)-
see under Critical Comment No. 2
[5] The Many Faces of Socialism: Comparative Sociology and Politics, 1983, by Paul Hollander, Transaction Pub,
ISBN: 0887387403, Pg. 224
[6] http:/ / www. marxists. org/ archive/ marx
[7] http:/ / www. marxists. org/ glossary/ terms/ a/ l. htm
[8] http:/ / media. pfeiffer. edu/ lridener/ DSS/ Marx/ ch6. htm
[9] http:/ / www. isj. org. uk/ index. php4?id=486& issue=120
[10] http:/ / www. nyu. edu/ projects/ ollman/ books/ a. php
[11] http:/ / www. marxists. org/ archive/ meszaros/ works/ alien/
[12] http:/ / www. marxists. org/ reference/ archive/ feuerbach/
[13] http:/ / www. monthlyreview. org/ 600papp. htm
[14] http:/ / www. alienationtheory. com
Counter-Enlightenment
"Counter-Enlightenment" is a term used to refer to a movement that arose in the
late-eighteenth and early-nineteenth centuries in opposition to the eighteenth century
Enlightenment. The term is usually associated with Isaiah Berlin, who is often credited with
coining it, perhaps taking up a passing remark of the German philosopher Friedrich
Nietzsche, who used the term Gegenaufklärung at the end of the nineteenth century. It has
not been widely used since. The first known use of the term 'counter-enlightenment' in
English was in 1949. Berlin published widely about the Enlightenment and its enemies and
did much to popularise the concept of a Counter-Enlightenment movement that he
characterised as relativist, anti-rationalist, vitalist and organic,[1] and which he associated
most closely with German Romanticism. Some recent scholarship has challenged this view
for focusing too narrowly on Germany and stopping abruptly in the early nineteenth
century, thereby ignoring the Enlightenment's many subsequent critics, particularly in the
twentieth century. Some scholars reject the use of the term 'the Counter-Enlightenment' on
the grounds that there was no single Enlightenment for its alleged enemies to oppose.
Counter- Enlightenment 256
The Counter-Enlightenment Movement vs

Counter-Enlightenments
Although the term 'the Counter-Enlightenment' was
first used in English (in passing) by William Barrett
in a 1949 article ("Art, Aristocracy and Reason") in
Partisan Review, it was Isaiah Berlin who
established its place in the history of ideas. He used
the term to refer to a movement that arose primarily
in late eighteenth and early nineteenth century
Germany against the rationalism, universalism and
empiricism commonly associated with the
Enlightenment. Berlin's widely read essay "The
Counter-Enlightenment" was first published in 1973,
and later reprinted in a popular collection of his
essays (Against the Current) in 1981. The term has
only had wide currency since then.
Joseph-Marie, Comte de Maistre was one of

the more prominent throne-and-altar
conservatives who vehemently opposed
Enlightenment ideas
Berlin argues that, while there were enemies of the

Enlightenment outside of Germany (e.g. Joseph de
Maistre) and before the 1770s (e.g. Giambattista Vico),
Counter-Enlightenment thought did not really 'take off'
until the Germans 'rebelled against the dead hand of
France in the realms of culture, art and philosophy, and
avenged themselves by launching the great
counter-attack against the Enlightenment.' This
reaction was led by the Konigsberg philosopher J. G.
Hamann, 'the most passionate, consistent, extreme and
implacable enemy of the Enlightenment', according to
Berlin. This German reaction to the imperialistic
universalism of the French Enlightenment and
Revolution, which had been forced on them first by the
Francophile Frederick II of Prussia, then by the armies Isaiah Berlin traces the formal
of Revolutionary France, and finally by Napoleon, was Counter-Enlightenment movement
crucial to the epochal shift of consciousness that back to J. G. Hamann.
occurred in Europe at this time, leading eventually to

Romanticism. According to Berlin, the surprising and unintended consequence of this revolt
against the Enlightenment has been pluralism, which owes more to the Enlightenment's
enemies than it does to its proponents, most of whom were monists whose political,
intellectual and ideological offspring have often been terror and totalitarianism. Richard
Wolin (The Seduction of Unreason 2004) has traced the modern descendants of the
Counter-Enlightenment in postmodernism’s deep suspicion of “universalism,” paralleled by
its endorsement of “identity politics,” and concludes that it has worked against the values
of toleration and mutual recognition, not merely of diversity but of commonality.
In his book "Enemies of the Enlightenment" (2001), historian Darrin McMahon extends the
Counter-Enlightenment both back to pre-Revolutionary France and down to the level of
'Grub Street,' thereby marking a major advance on Berlin's intellectual and Germanocentric
view. McMahon focuses on the early enemies of the Enlightenment in France, unearthing a
long-forgotten 'Grub Street' literature in the late-eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries
aimed at the philosophes. He delves into the obscure and at times unseemly world of the
'low Counter-Enlightenment' that attacked the encyclopedistes and fought an often dirty
battle to prevent the dissemination of Enlightenment ideas in the second half of the
century. A great many of these early opponents of the Enlightenment attacked it for
undermining religion and the social and political order. This later became a major theme of
conservative criticism of the Enlightenment after the French Revolution appeared to
vindicate the warnings of the anti-philosophes in the decades prior to 1789.
In his 1996 article for The American Political Science
Review (Vol. 90, No. 2), Arthur M. Melzer identifies the
origin of the Counter-Enlightenment in the religious
writings of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, showing Rousseau
as the man who fired the first major shot in the war
between the Enlightenment and its enemies. Graeme
Garrard follows Melzer in his "Rousseau's
Counter-Enlightenment" (2003). This contradicts
Berlin's depiction of Rousseau as a philosophe (albeit
an erratic one) who shared the basic beliefs of his
Enlightenment contemporaries. Also, like McMahon, it
traces the beginning of Counter-Enlightenment thought
back to France and prior to the German 'Sturm und
Drang' movement of the 1770s. Garrard's book
"Counter-Enlightenments" (2006) broadens the term
Graeme Garrard traces the origin of even further, arguing against Berlin that there was no
the Counter-Enlightenment to
single 'movement' called 'The Counter-Enlightenment'.
Rousseau.
Rather, there have been many Counter-Enlightenments,
from the middle of the eighteenth century through to
twentieth century Enlightenment critics among critical theorists, postmodernists and
feminists. The Enlightenment has enemies on all points of the ideological compass, from the
far left to the far right, and all points in between. Each of the Enlightement's enemies
depicted it as they saw it or wanted others to see it, resulting in a vast range of portraits,
many of which are not only different but incompatible.
This argument has been taken a step further by some, like intellectual historian James
Schmidt, who question the idea of 'the Enlightenment' and therefore of the existence of a
movement opposing it. As our conception of 'the Enlightenment' has become more complex
and difficult to maintain, so too has the idea of 'the Counter-Enlightenment'. Advances in
Enlightenment scholarship in the last quarter century have challenged the stereotypical
view of the eighteenth century as an 'Age of Reason', leading Schmidt to speculate on

whether 'the Enlightenment' might not actually be a creation of its enemies, rather than the
other way round. The fact that the term 'the Enlightenment' was first used in English to
refer to a historical period in 1894 (see Schmidt 2003) lends some support to this argument
that it was a later construction projected back on to the eighteenth century.
Counter-Enlightenment and Counter-Revolution

Although serious doubts were raised about the
Enlightenment prior to the 1790s (e.g. in the works of
Jean-Jacques Rousseau in France and J. G. Hamann in
Germany in particular), the Reign of Terror during the
French revolution fueled a major reaction against the
Enlightenment, which many writers blamed for
undermining traditional beliefs that sustained the
ancien regime, thereby fomenting revolution.
Counter-Revolutionary conservatives like Edmund
Burke, Joseph de Maistre and Augustin Barruel all
asserted a close link between the Enlightenment and
the Revolution, as did many of the revolutionary leaders
themselves, so that the Enlightenment became
increasingly discredited as the Revolution became
Conservative political thinker Edmund
increasingly bloody. That is why the French Revolution Burke opposed the French Revolution
and its aftermath was also a major phase in the in his Reflections on the Revolution in
development of Counter-Enlightenment thought. For France
example, while Edmund Burke's "Reflections on the

Revolution in France" (1790) contains no systematic account of the connection between the
Enlightenment and the Revolution, it is heavily spiced with hostile references to the French
Revolutionaries as merely politicised philosophes. Barruel argues in his best-selling
Memoirs Illustrating the History of Jacobinism (1797)--one of the most widely read books of
its period--that the Revolution was the consequence of a conspiracy of philosophes and
freemasons. In "Considerations on France" (1797), Maistre interprets the Revolution as
divine punishment for the sins of the Enlightenment.
The Romantic Revolt Against the Eighteenth Century

Many, but by no means all, early Romantic writers like Chateaubriand, 'Novalis' (Georg
Philipp 'Friedrich Freiherr von Hardenberg') and Samuel Taylor Coleridge inherited this
Counter-Revolutionary antipathy towards the philosophes. All three directly blamed the
philosophes (in France) and Aufklärer (in Germany) for devaluing beauty, spirit and history
in favour of a view of man as a soulless machine and the universe as a meaningless,
disenchanted void lacking richness and beauty. Of particular concern to early Romantic
writers was the allegedly anti-religious nature of the Enlightenment, even though very few
of the philosophes and Aufklarer were actually atheists. (Most were deists.) This view of the
Enlightenment as an age hostile to religion is common ground between these Romantic
writers and many of their conservative, Counter-Revolutionary predecessors. However,
Chateaubriand, 'Novalis' and Coleridge are exceptions here; few Romantic writers had
much to say for or against the Enlightenment. (The term itself didn't even exist at the time.)
For the most part, they ignored it.
The philosopher Jacques Barzun argues
that Romanticism had its roots in the
Enlightenment. It was not anti-rational, but
balanced rationality against the competing
claims of intuition and the sense of justice.
This view is expressed in Goya's "Sleep of
Reason" (left), in which one of the
nightmarish owls offers the dozing social
critic of Los Caprichos a piece of drawing
chalk: even the rational critic is inspired by
irrational dream-content, under the gaze of
the sharp-eyed lynx [2]. Marshall Brown
makes much the same argument as Barzun
in 'Romanticism and Enlightenment',
questioning the stark opposition between
these two periods.
By the middle of the nineteenth century,

the memory of the French Revolution was
fading and Romanticism had more or less
run its course. In this optimistic age of
science and industry, there were few critics
of the Enlightenment, and few explicit
Francisco de Goya, "The Sleep of Reason Produces defenders. The German philosopher
Monsters" (1799)
Friedrich Nietzsche is a notable (and highly
influential) exception. After an initial
defence of the Enlightenment during his so-called 'middle period' (late-1870s to early
1880s), Nietzsche turned vehemently against it and subscribed to the earlier view of
conservative Counter-Revolutionaries like Burke and Maistre, who blamed the French
Revolution (which Nietzsche always hated) on the Enlightenment.
Enlightened Totalitarianism
It was not until after WWII that 'the Enlightenment' re-emerged as a key organising concept
in social and political thought and the history of ideas. Shadowing it has been a resurgent
Counter-Enlightenment literature blaming the eighteenth century faith in reason for
twentieth century totalitarianism. The locus classicus of this view is Max Horkheimer and
Theodor Adorno's "Dialectic of Enlightenment" (1947), which traces the degeneration of the
general concept of enlightenment from ancient Greece (epitomised by the cunning
'bourgeois' hero Odysseus) to twentieth century fascism. (They say little about soviet
communism, referring to it as a regressive totalitarianism that "clung all too desperately to
the heritage of bourgeois philosophy"[3] ).
While this influential book takes 'enlightenment' as its target, this includes its eighteenth
century form – which we now call 'the Enlightenment' – epitomised by the Marquis de Sade.
Many postmodern writers and some feminists (e.g. Jane Flax) have made similar
arguments, likewise seeing the Enlightenment conception of reason as totalitarian, and as
not having been enlightened enough since, for Adorno and Horkheimer, though it banishes
myth it falls back into a further myth, that of individualism and formal (or mythic) equality
under instrumental reason.
Michel Foucault, for example, argued that attitudes towards the "insane" during the
late-eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries show that supposedly enlightened notions of
humane treatment were not universally adhered to, but instead, that the Age of Reason had
to construct an image of "Unreason" against which to take an opposing stand. Berlin
himself, although no postmodernist, argues that the Enlightenment's legacy in the
twentieth century has been monism (which he claims favours political authoritarianism),
whereas the legacy of the Counter-Enlightenment has been pluralism (something he
associates with liberalism). These are two of the 'strange reversals' of modern intellectual
history.
The Enlightenment Perversion of Reason

What seems to unite all of the Enlightenment's disparate enemies (from eighteenth century
religious opponents, counter-revolutionaries and Romantics to twentieth century
conservatives, feminists, critical theorists and environmentalists) is a rejection of what they
consider to be the Enlightenment perversion of reason: the distorted conceptions of reason
of the kind each associates with the Enlightenment in favour of a more restricted view of
the nature, scope and limits of human rationality. However, very few of the enemies of the
Enlightenment have abandoned reason entirely. The battle has been over the scope,
meaning and application of reason, not over whether it is good or bad, desirable or
undesirable, essential or inessential per se. The conflict between the Enlightenment and the
Counter-Enlightenment is not a conflict between friends and enemies of reason, any more
than it is between friends and enemies of the notion of "enlightenment." Although
objections have consistently been raised against what has been taken as the 'typical'
Enlightenment view of reason by its opponents (on all points of the ideological spectrum,
left, right, and centre), this has almost never been generalised to reason as such by
Counter-Enlightenment thinkers. Some charge that the Enlightenment inflated the power
and scope of reason, while others claim that it narrowed it.
See also
• The Enlightenment
• philosophe
• Jean-Jacques Rousseau
• J. G. Hamann
• Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi
• Joseph de Maistre
• Augustin Barruel
• Memoirs Illustrating the History of Jacobinism
• Chateaubriand
• Novalis
• Friedrich Nietzsche
• Sigmund Freud
• Norbert Elias
• Leo Strauss
• Max Horkheimer
• Theodor Adorno
• Zeev Sternhell
• Isaiah Berlin
• Michel Foucault
• Charles Taylor
• John Gray
• Alasdair MacIntyre
• Natural philosophy
External links
• Isaiah Berlin,"The Counter-Enlightenment", in Dictionary of the History of Ideas (1973)
[4]
• Darrin M. McMahon, "The counter-Enlightenment and the low-life of literature in

pre-Revolutionary France," [5] from Past & Present, May 1998
References
• Berlin, Isaiah, "The Counter-Enlightenment" in The Proper Study of Mankind: An
Anthology of Essays, ISBN 0-374-52717-2.
• Berlin, Isaiah, Three Critics of the Enlightenment: Vico, Hamann, Herder, Henry Hardy,
editor, Princeton University Press, 2003
• Garrard, Graeme, Rousseau's Counter-Enlightenment: A Republican Critique of the
Philosophes (2003) ISBN 0-7914-5604-8
• Garrard, Graeme, Counter-Enlightements: From the Eighteenth Century to the Present
(2006) ISBN 0-415-18725-7
• Garrard, Graeme, "Isaiah Berlin's Counter-Enlightenment" in Transactions of the
American Philosophical Society, ed. Joseph Mali and Robert Wokler (2003), ISBN
0-87169-935-4
• Masseau, Didier, Les ennemis des philosophes:. l’antiphilosophie au temps des Lumières,
Paris: Albin Michel, 2000.
• McMahon, Darrin M., Enemies of the Enlightenment: The French Counter-Enlightenment
and the Making of Modernity details the reaction to Voltaire and the Enlightenment in
European intellectual history from 1750 to 1830.
• Norton, Robert E. "The Myth of the Counter-Enlightenment," Journal of the History of
Ideas, 68 (2007): 635-658.
• Schmidt, James, What Enlightenment Project?, Political Theory, 28/6 (2000), pp. 734 - 57.
• Schmidt, James, Inventing the Enlightenment: Anti-Jacobins, British Hegelians and the
Oxford English Dictionary, Journal of the History of Ideas, 64/3 (2003), pp. 421 - 43.
• Wolin, Richard, The Seduction of Unreason: The Intellectual Romance with Fascism from
Nietzsche to Postmodernism (Princeton University Press) 2004, sets out to trace “the
uncanny affinities between the Counter-Enlightenment and postmodernism.”
References
[1] Aspects noted by Darrin M. McMahon, "The Counter-Enlightenment and the Low-Life of Literature in
Pre-Revolutionary France" Past and Present No. 159 (May 1998:77-112) p. 79 note 7.
[2] http:/ / www. worldandi. com/ newhome/ public/ 2004/ february/ bkpub1. asp
[3] Adorno & Horkeimer, Dialectic of Enlightenment, 1947, pp.32-33
[4] http:/ / etext. lib. virginia. edu/ cgi-local/ DHI/ dhi. cgi?id=dv2-11
[5] http:/ / www. findarticles. com/ p/ articles/ mi_m2279/ is_n159/ ai_21029551
Conservatism 263
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Politics Portal
Conservatism is a political and social term from the Latin verb conservare meaning to
save or preserve.[1] As the name suggests it usually indicates support for tradition and
traditional values though the meaning has changed in different countries and time periods.
The modern political term conservative was used by French politician Chateaubriand in
1819.[2] In Western politics, the term conservatism often refers to the school of thought
started by Edmund Burke and similar thinkers.[3] Scholar R. J. White wrote: "To put
Conservatism 264
conservatism in a bottle with a label is like trying to liquify the atmosphere […] The
difficulty arises from the nature of the thing. For conservatism is less a political doctrine
than a habit of mind, a mode of feeling, a way of living."[4] Russell Kirk considered
conservatism "the negation of ideology".[5]
Conservative political parties have diverse views; the Liberal Democratic Party in Japan, the
Republican Party in the United States, the Conservative Party in Britain, the Liberal Party
of Australia, and the Bharatiya Janata Party in India are all considered major conservative
parties with varying positions.
Development of Western conservatism

From the beginning, some political thought could be
labelled "conservative" but it was not until the Age of
Enlightenment, and the reaction to events surrounding the
French Revolution of 1789, that conservatism rose as a
distinct political attitude or train of thought. Many point to
the rise of a conservative disposition in the wake of the
Protestant Reformation, specifically to the works of
influential Anglican theologian, Richard Hooker,
emphasizing moderation in the political balancing of
interests towards the goals of social harmony and common
good. Edmund Burke’s polemic Reflections on the
Revolution in France helped conservatism gain
prominence.
Edmund Burke (1729–1797)
Edmund Burke supported the American Revolution, but
opposed the French Revolution, which he saw as violent
and chaotic. He pressed for parliamentary control of royal patronage and expenditure.[6]
His classical conservative position insisted that conservatism has no ideology, in the sense
of a utopian program, with some form of master plan. Burke developed his ideas in
response to the enlightened idea of a society guided by abstract reason. He anticipated the
critique of modernism, a term used at the end of the 19th century by the Dutch religious
conservative Abraham Kuyper. Burke did not seek "to give praise or blame to any thing
which relates to human actions, and human concerns, on a simple view of the object in all
the nakedness and solitude of metaphysical abstraction".[7]
Conservatism 265
Burke said some people had less reason than others,

and thus some people will make better governments
than others if they rely upon reason. The proper
formulation of government came not from
abstractions such as reason, but from
time-honoured development of the state, piecemeal
progress through experience and the continuation of
other important societal institutions such as the
family and the Church. He argued that tradition
draws on the wisdom of many generations and the
tests of time, while reason may be a mask for the
preferences of one man, and at best represents only
the untested wisdom of one generation. However,
Burke wrote, "A state without the means of change
is without the means of its conservation." Burke
insisted further change be organic rather than
revolutionary. An attempt to modify the complex Joseph de Maistre (1753-1821)
web of human interactions that form human society,
for the sake of some doctrine or theory, runs the risk of running afoul of the iron law of
unintended consequences.
Western Conservatism has also been influenced by the → Counter-Enlightenment works of

Joseph de Maistre. Maistre argued for the restoration of hereditary monarchy, which he
regarded as a divinely sanctioned institution, and for the indirect authority of the Pope over
temporal matters. He also defended the principle of hierarchical authority, which the
Revolution sought to destroy. Maistre published in 1819 his masterpiece Du Pape ("On the
Pope"). The work is divided into four parts. In the first he argues that, in the Church, the
pope is sovereign, and that it is an essential characteristic of all sovereign power that its
decisions should be subject to no appeal. Consequently, the pope is infallible in his
teaching, since it is by his teaching that he exercises his sovereignty. In the remaining
divisions the author examines the relations of the pope and the temporal powers,
civilization and the welfare of nations, and the schismatic Churches. He argues that nations
require protection against abuses of power by a sovereignty superior to all others, and that
this sovereignty should be that of the papacy, the historical saviour and maker of European
civilization.
Conservatives strongly support the right of property, and Carl B. Cone, in Burke and the
Nature of Politics, pointed out that this view, expressed as philosophy, also served the
interests of the people involved.[8] Conservatives are usually economic liberals, diverging
from classical liberalism in the tradition of Adam Smith.[9] Some conservatives look to a
modified free market order, such as the American System, ordoliberalism, or Friedrich
List's National System. The latter view differs from strict laissez-faire, in that the state's
role is to promote competition while maintaining the national interest, community and
identity.
Most conservatives strongly support the sovereign nation (although that was not so in the
19th century), and patriotically identify with their own nation. Nationalist separatist
movements may be both radical and conservative.
Conservatism 266
Forms of conservatism
Liberal conservatism
Liberal conservatism is a variant of conservatism that combines conservative values and
policies with liberal stances. As these latter two terms have had different meanings over
time and across countries, liberal conservatism also has a wide variety of meanings.
Historically, the term often referred to the combination of economic liberalism, which
champions laissez-faire markets, with the classical conservatism concern for established
tradition, respect for authority and religious values. It contrasted itself with classical
liberalism, which supported freedom for the individual in both the economic and social
spheres.
Over time, the general conservative ideology in many countries adopted economic liberal
arguments, and the term liberal conservatism was replaced with conservatism. This is also
the case in countries where liberal economic ideas have been the tradition, such as the
United States, and are thus considered conservative. In other countries where liberal
conservative movements have entered the political mainstream, such as Italy and Spain, the
terms liberal and conservative may be synonymous. The liberal conservative tradition in the
United States combines the economic individualism of the classical liberals with a Burkean
form of conservatism (which has also become part of the American conservative tradition,
such as in the writings of Russell Kirk).
A secondary meaning for the term liberal conservatism that has developed in Europe is a
combination of more modern conservative (less traditionalist) views with those of social
liberalism. This has developed as an opposition to the more collectivist views of socialism.
Often this involves stressing what are now conservative views of free-market economics and
belief in individual responsibility, with social liberal views on defence of civil rights,
environmentalism and support for a limited welfare state. This philosophy is that of
Swedish Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt. In continental Europe, this is sometimes also
translated into English as social conservatism.
Conservative liberalism
Conservative liberalism is a variant of liberalism that combines liberal values and policies
with conservative stances, or, more simply, the right wing of the liberal movement.[10] [11]
[12]
The roots of conservative liberalism are found at the beginning of the history of
liberalism. Until the two World Wars, in most European countries the political class was
formed by conservative liberals, from Germany to Italy. Conservative liberalism is a more
positive and less radical version of classical liberalism.[13] The events such as World War I
occurring after 1917 brought the more radical version of classical liberalism to a more
conservative (i.e. more moderate) type of liberalism.[14]
Libertarian conservatism
Libertarian conservatism describes certain political ideologies within the United States and
Canada which combines libertarian economic issues with aspects of conservatism. Its five
main branches are Constitutionalism, paleolibertarianism, neolibertarianism, small
government conservatism and Christian libertarianism. They generally differ from
paleoconservatives, in that they are in favor of more personal and economic freedom.[15]
Conservatism 267
Agorists such as Samuel Edward Konkin III labeled libertarian conservatism

right-libertarianism.[16] [17]
In contrast to paleoconservatives, libertarian conservatives support strict laissez-faire
policies such as free trade, opposition to the Federal Reserve and opposition to business
regulations. They are vehemently opposed to environmental regulations, corporate welfare,
subsidies, and other areas of economic intervention. Many of them have views in accord to
Ludwig von Mises. However, many of them oppose abortion, as they see it as a positive
liberty and violates the non-aggression principle because abortion is aggression towards
the fetus.[18]
Fiscal conservatism
Fiscal conservatism is the economic philosophy of prudence in government spending and
debt. Edmund Burke, in his 'Reflections on the Revolution in France', articulated its
principles:
...[I]t is to the property of the citizen, and not to the demands of the creditor of
the state, that the first and original faith of civil society is pledged. The claim of
the citizen is prior in time, paramount in title, superior in equity. The fortunes of
individuals, whether possessed by acquisition or by descent or in virtue of a
participation in the goods of some community, were no part of the creditor's
security, expressed or implied...[T]he public, whether represented by a monarch
or by a senate, can pledge nothing but the public estate; and it can have no public
estate except in what it derives from a just and proportioned imposition upon the
citizens at large.
In other words, a government does not have the right to run up large debts and then throw
the burden on the taxpayer; the taxpayers' right not to be taxed oppressively takes
precedence even over paying back debts a government may have imprudently undertaken.
Green conservatism
Green conservatism is a term used to refer to conservatives who have incorporated green
concerns into their ideology. The Conservative Party in the United Kingdom under David
Cameron has embraced a green agenda that includes proposals designed to impose a tax on
workplace car parking spaces, a halt to airport growth, a tax on 4x4 vehicles and
restrictions on car advertising.
Cultural conservatism
Cultural conservatism is a philosophy that supports preservation of the heritage of a nation
or culture. The culture in question may be as large as Western culture or Chinese
civilization or as small as that of Tibet. Cultural conservatives try to adapt norms handed
down from the past. The norms may be romantic, like the anti-metric movement that
demands the retention of avoirdupois weights and measures in Britain and opposes their
replacement with the metric system. They may be institutional: in the West this has
included chivalry and feudalism, as well as capitalism, laicité and the rule of law.
In the subset social conservatism, the norms may also be what is viewed as a question of
morality. In some cultures, practices such as homosexuality are seen as immoral. In others,
it is considered immoral for a woman to reveal too much of her body.
Conservatism 268
Cultural conservatives often argue that old institutions have adapted to a particular place
or culture and therefore ought to be preserved. Others argue that a people have a right to
their cultural norms, their own language and traditions.
Religious conservatism
Religious conservatives seek to apply the teachings of particular ideologies to politics,
sometimes by proclaiming the value of those teachings, at other times seeking to have
those teachings influence laws. Religious conservatism may support, or be supported by,
secular customs. In other places or at other times, religious conservatism may find itself at
odds with the culture in which the believers reside. In some cultures, there is conflict
between two or more different groups of religious conservatives, each claiming both that
their view is correct, and that opposing views are wrong.
Because many religions preserve a founding text, or at least a set of well-established
traditions, the possibility of radical religious conservatism arises. These are radical both in
the sense of abolishing the status quo and of a perceived return to the radix or root of a
belief. They are ante conservative in their claim to be preserving the belief in its original or
pristine form. Radical religious conservatism generally sees the status quo as corrupted by
abuses, corruption, or heresy. One example of such a movement was the Radical
Reformation within the Protestant Reformation and the later Restorationists of the 1800s.
Similar phenomena have arisen in practically all the world's religions, in many cases
triggered by the violent cultural collision between the traditional society in question and
the modern Western society that has developed throughout the world over the past 500
years.
Conservatism in different countries
Australia
Conservatism in Australia is related to British and American
conservatism in many respects, but has a distinct political tradition.
One scholar argues that Australian conservatism is traditionally
composed of diverse groups and interests that are united more by
opposition to certain political developments than by a distinct
shared ideology.[19] In terms of partisan politics, conservatism has
often been defined as opposition to the Australian Labor Party.
Australian groups that have historically been grouped on the Malcolm Turnbull, the
conservative side include social conservatives, British Empire leader of Liberal Party
nationalists, organizations supporting rural interests, anti-socialist of Australia.
Catholics, fundamentalist Christians and free-market liberals."[19]
Historically, for the first 70 years after the Federation of Australia, the non-Labor (and
hence implicitly conservative) side of Australian politics was associated with policies of
moderate protectionism in trade, and of support for the welfare state, coupled with
maintenance of Australia's ties to the British Empire. Many scholars have seen the
government of Robert Menzies as exemplifying this trend.[19] However, from the 1980s,
free-market economic policies were increasingly associated with conservatism in Australian
Conservatism 269
politics, following the same trend as the United States under Ronald Reagan and the United
Kingdom under Margaret Thatcher.[19] In contemporary Australian politics, the Liberal
Party of Australia is seen as the main conservative party.
Botswana
Seretse Khama founded the conservative Botswana Democratic Party and it has been the
most popular party in Botswana. According to the Economic Freedom of the World survey,
Botswana is Africa's second most capitalist country.
Canada
Canadian conservatism has always been rooted in a preference for the traditional and
established ways of doing things, even as it has shifted in economic, foreign and social
policy. Like Burke, they rejected the sense of both ideology and revolution, preferring
pragmatism and evolution. It is for that reason that unlike conservatives in the United
States, Canadian conservatives are generally not republicans, preferring the monarchy and
Westminster system of government. (The United States is a federal republic, while Canada
is a constitutional monarchy, a distinction resulting from the American Revolution and its
aftermath.)
People's Republic of China

In the People's Republic of China, New Conservatism (新保守主义), sometimes translated as
"Neoconservatism", was a movement which first arose in the early 1990s and argued that
progress was best accomplished through gradual reform of society, eschewing revolution
and sudden overthrow of the governmental system. This movement was based heavily on
the ideas of Edmund Burke and was described in the West by the scholar Joseph Fewsmith.
Other than the name, the movement had no connection with neoconservatism in the United
States (the US movement is instead referred to as Niukang in Chinese), though, from the
standpoint of philosophy, it can be identified as a form of conservative thought, albeit
ideologically different from "old conservatism" (旧保守主义).
Republic of China
In the Republic of China, the conservative Kuomintang (KMT)
(the most popular party) generally supports Chinese
nationalism and Chinese reunification.
Republic of China's current

President Ma Ying-jeou, who
pledged to expand free trade.
Conservatism 270
Germany
In Germany, conservatism has often been represented by
Christian Democratic parties. They form the bulk of the
European People's Party faction in the European Parliament.
The origin of these parties is usually in Catholic parties of the
late 19th and early 20th centuries, and Catholic social teaching
was their original inspiration. Over the years, conservatism
gradually became their main ideological inspiration, and they
Angela Merkel, the first
generally became less Catholic. The German Christian female chancellor of
Democratic Union (CDU), its Bavarian sister party Christian Germany.
Social Union (CSU), and the Dutch Christian Democratic Appeal
(CDA) are Protestant-Catholic parties.
India
Conservatism in India is represented by Hindu nationalist parties like the Bharatiya Janata
Party (BJP)[20] . BJP advocates conservative social policies, self reliance, robust economic
growth, foreign policy driven by a nationalist agenda, and strong national defense.
Hindutva has a special place in its ideology and the party believes that ancient Hindu
culture and values will make India a more enlightened society. BJP falls more correctly in
the Centre-right definition.
Iran
In Iran, conservatism is represented by parties such as the Combatant Clergy Association
(CCA), which includes the nation’s foremost politicized clerics (including the current
Ayatollah) [21] and is considered to be part of the "Islamic right".[22] The CCA was the
majority party in the fourth and fifth parliaments after the Islamic revolution.[23] It was
founded in 1977 by a group of clerics with intentions to use cultural approaches to
overthrow the Shah.[24] Some conservative Iranian political parties and organizations are
part of the powerful Alliance of Builders of Islamic Iran.
Israel
In Israel, Likud is the major centre-right political party. Founded in 1973 as an alliance of
several right-wing and liberal parties, Likud's victory in the 1977 elections was a major
turning point in the country's political history.[25] Likud supports free market capitalism
and liberalism. Likud, under the guidance of Finance minister Binyamin Netanyahu, pushed
through legislation to reduce value added tax (VAT), income and corporate taxes, as well as
customs duty. The party has instituted free trade (especially with the European Union and
the United States) and has dismantled certain monopolies (e.g. Bezeq and the sea ports). It
has privatized numerous government-owned companies (e.g. El Al and Bank Leumi).
Likud has in the past espoused hawkish policies towards the Palestinians, including
opposition to Palestinian statehood and support of the Jewish settlers in the West Bank and
Gaza Strip. However, it has also been the party which carried out the first peace
agreements with Arab states. For instance, in 1979, Likud Prime Minister, Menachem
Begin, signed the Camp David Accords with Egyptian President Anwar al-Sadat, which
returned the Sinai Peninsula (occupied by Israel in the Six-Day War of 1967) to Egypt in
Conservatism 271
return for peace between the two countries. Yitzhak Shamir also granted some legitimacy
to the Palestinians by meeting them at the ill-fated Madrid Conference following the
Persian Gulf War in 1991. However, Shamir refused to concede the idea of a Palestinian
state, and as a result was blamed by some (including U.S. Secretary of State James Baker)
for the failure of the summit. Later, as Prime Minister, Binyamin Netanyahu restated
Likud's position of opposing Palestinian statehood, which after the Oslo Accords was largely
accepted by the opposition Labor Party, even though the shape of any such state was not
clear.
The Likud emphasize such nationalist themes as the flag and the victory in Israel's 1948
war with neighbouring Arab states. The Likud advocates teaching values in childhood
education. The Likud endorses press freedom and promotion of private-sector media, which
has grown markedly under governments Likud has led. A Likud government headed by
Ariel Sharon, however, closed the popular right-wing pirate radio station Arutz 7 ("Channel
7). Arutz 7 was popular with the settlement movement and often criticised the government
from a right-wing perspective. However, the Likud is inclined towards the Torah and
expresses support for it within the context of civil Judaism, as a result of its Irgun past,
which aligned itself according to the word of the Tanakh.
Japan
Japan's conservative Liberal Democratic Party - which
has dominated elections for half a century - traditionally
identified itself with a number of general goals such as
rapid, export-based economic growth and close
cooperation with the United States in foreign and
defense policies, as well as several newer issues, such
as administrative reform. Administrative reform
encompassed several themes: simplification and
Junichiro Koizumi, a leader of the
streamlining of government bureaucracy; privatization
right-wing Liberal Democratic Party
of stateowned enterprises; and adoption of measures, (LDP) who won the largest party
including tax reform, needed to prepare for the strain majority ever in modern Japanese
on the economy posed by an aging society. history.
Other priorities in the early 1990s included promoting a

more active and positive role for Japan in the rapidly developing Asia-Pacific region,
internationalizing Japan's economy by liberalizing and promoting domestic demand,
creating a hightechnology information society, and promoting scientific research.
Nepal
The Nepali politics can be viewed as a very interesting clash of left wing parties, liberal
democratic parties, conservative democratic parties and the ultra-conservatism practiced
by the now-abolished Monarchy. Because of the decade long Maoist insurgency and the
movements of other parties, people of Nepal seem to be rejecting the idea of extreme
conservatism, and consequently the Nepalese monarchy has now been abolished. However,
an intense debate still exists between intellectuals and political activists regarding the
degree of conservatism in Nepali politics. While the Unified CPN (Maoist) propose a
progressive ideology, rejecting all the conservative ideas; The CPN-UML, a democratic
party with communist background, seems to be supporting progressive ideas blended with
Conservatism 272
some conservatism. The right wing party of Nepali Congress, is considered to be more
conservative than others because of their history of supporting the idea of the now
abolished Hindu State as well as the idea of Ceremonial Monarchy. However, Nepali
Congress too has adopted a Republican set up after the 2006 democracy movement in
Nepal.
Historians view the inter party clash in this small nation as a melting pot of all the
ideologies of the political spectrum and the intense discussions continues to intrigue many
political analysts.
Netherlands
In the strict sense, the Netherlands did not have a conservative
tradition until the early 2000s. In the nineteenth-century, Dutch
statesmen such as Guillaume Groen van Prinsterer and Abraham
Kuyper heavily criticized modernity, but their ideas evolved toward
Christian Democracy instead of conservatism.
Explicit conservatism in the Netherlands starts with Andreas Kinneging
a philosopher of law who denounced liberalism in favour of the
Christian and classical foundations of Western civilization. In the early
2000s, he gathered around a group of young conservatives, among
them activist Joshua Livestro and journalist Bart Jan Spruyt, and
Ayaan Hirsi Ali, a
writer and a former founded the Edmund Burke Foundation with the ambition of becoming
MEP from the either a major intellectual influence or a political movement. This
People's Party for project failed. The Foundation now focuses on introducing
Freedom and
conservatism to students.
Democracy.
Traditionally, the Dutch conservative-liberal People's Party for Freedom
and Democracy combines advocacy of free market economy and lower taxes with advocacy
of such personal liberties as euthanasia and the use of softdrugs. The Party for Freedom is
a newly formed party with conservative sentiments, advocating strict restriction on
immigration from Muslim countries and a return to what it calls the 'Judeo-Christian
civilization'. However, it defends values which are usually not associated with
conservatives, such as same-sex marriages. Furthermore, on social and economic issues it
recently tends to vote as often with parties on the Left as well as on the Right. The party is
led by Geert Wilders.
Conservatism 273
New Zealand
The New Zealand National Party ("National" or "the Nats")
currently[26] forms the largest (in terms of parliamentary seats)
political party in the next New Zealand Parliament, and thus function
as the core of a governing coalition. For many decades "National" has
been the largest liberal-conservative political party in New Zealand.
The National Party currently[26] advocates policies of reducing taxes,
reducing social welfare payments, promoting free trade, restoring or
maintaining New Zealand's defence alliances, and promoting one
standard of citizenship for all New Zealanders ("One law for all").
John Key, Current
Prime Minister of
New Zealand.
Saudi Arabia
Saudi Arabia has been under the influence of conservative clerics who uphold a strict
interpretation of Islamic law, and the monarchy supports conservative social polices.[27]
Women are required to dress modestly, and all sexual activity outside of a traditional
heterosexual marriage is illegal. Dancing, playing music or showing movies in public are
forbidden.[28]
Scandinavian countries
In Scandinavian countries, conservatism has been represented in liberal conservative
parties such as the National Coalition party in Finland, the Moderate Party in Sweden,
Høyre in Norway and the Conservative People's Party in Denmark. Domestically, these
parties generally support market-oriented policies. Denmark's conservative-liberal Venstre
has been characterized as a classical liberal party. Their former leader (Anders Fogh
Rasmussen) wrote the book Fra Socialstat til Minimalstat (English: From Social State to
Minimal State), which advocated an extensive reform along classical liberal lines.
South Korea
In the 2008 parliamentary elections, the conservative Grand National Party won 37% of the
vote in South Korea, compared with 25% for the liberal United Democratic Party[29] . After
decades of free market policies, free trade, and low taxation, South Korea is a major
economic power and one of the wealthiest countries in Asia. It had one of the world's
fastest growing economies since the 1960s, now highly developed[30] and the fourth
largest[31] in Asia and 13th largest[32] in the world. Forming the G20 industrial nations and
the world's top ten exporters, it is an APEC and OECD member, defined as a High Income
Nation by the World Bank and an Advanced Economy by the IMF and CIA. The Asian Tiger
is leading the Next Eleven nations and is still among the world's fastest growing developed
countries.[30] Today, its success story is known as the "Miracle on the Han", a role model
for many developing countries.[33]
Conservatism 274
United Kingdom
Conservatism in the United Kingdom is related to its counterparts in other Western nations,
but has a distinct tradition. Edmund Burke is often considered the father of conservatism in
the English-speaking world. Burke was a Whig, while the term Tory is given to the later
Conservative Party. One Australian scholar argues, "For Edmund Burke and Australians of
a like mind, the essence of conservatism lies not in a body of theory, but in the disposition
to maintain those institutions seen as central to the beliefs and practices of society."[19]
The old established form of English, and after the Act of Union,
British conservatism, was the Tory Party. It reflected the attitudes of
a rural land owning class, and championed the institutions of the
monarchy, the Anglican Church, the family, and property as the best
defence of the social order. In the early stages of the industrial
revolution, it seemed to be totally opposed to a process that seemed
to undermine some of these bulwarks. The new industrial elite were
seen by many as enemies to the social order. Robert Peel was able to
reconcile the new industrial class to the Tory landed class by
Margaret Thatcher, persuading the latter to accept the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846.
United Kingdom He created a new political group that sought to preserve the old
prime minister and
status quo while accepting the basics of laissez-faire and free trade.
Ronald Reagan,
American president.
The new coalition of traditional landowners and sympathetic
industrialists constituted the new Conservative Party.
Benjamin Disraeli gave the new party a political ideology. As a young man, he was
influenced by the romantic movement and medievalism, and developed a devastating
critique of industrialism. In his novels, he outlined an England divided into two nations,
each living in perfect ignorance of each other. He foresaw, like Karl Marx, the phenomenon
of an alienated industrial proletariat. His solution involved a return to an idealised view of a
corporate or organic society, in which everyone had duties and responsibilities towards
other people or groups. This "one nation" conservatism is still a significant tradition in
British politics. It has animated a great deal of social reform undertaken by successive
Conservative governments.
Although nominally a Conservative, Disraeli was sympathetic to some of the demands of the
Chartists and argued for an alliance between the landed aristocracy and the working class
against the increasing power of the middle class, helping to found the Young England group
in 1842 to promote the view that the rich should use their power to protect the poor from
exploitation by the middle class. The conversion of the Conservative Party into a modern
mass organisation was accelerated by the concept of Tory Democracy attributed to Lord
Randolph Churchill.
Conservatism 275
A Liberal-Conservative coalition during World War I,

coupled with the ascent of the Labour Party, hastened
the collapse of the Liberals in the 1920s. After World
War II, the Conservative Party made concessions to the
socialist policies of the Left. This compromise was a
pragmatic measure to regain power, but also the result
of the early successes of central planning and state
ownership forming a cross-party consensus. This was
known as Butskellism, after the almost identical
David Cameron, the leader of
Keynesian policies of Rab Butler on behalf of the
Conservative Party.
Conservatives, and Hugh Gaitskell for Labour.
However, in the 1980s, under the leadership of Margaret Thatcher, and the influence of
Keith Joseph, there was a dramatic shift in the ideological direction of British conservatism,
with a movement towards free-market economic policies. As one commentator explains,
"The privatization of state owned industries, unthinkable before, became commonplace
[during Thatcher's government] and has now been imitated all over the world."[34] Some
commentators have questioned whether Thatcherism was consistent with the traditional
concept of conservatism in the United Kingdom, and saw her views as more consistent with
radical classical liberalism. Thatcher was described as "a radical in a conservative party"[34]
, and her ideology has been seen as confronting "established institutions" and the "accepted
beliefs of the elite"[34] , both concepts incompatible with the traditional conception of
conservatism as signifying support for the established order and existing social convention.
United States
Conservatism in the United States includes a variety of political ideologies including fiscal
conservatism, supply-side economics, social conservatism, libertarian conservatism,
bioconservatism and religious conservatism,[35] as well as support for a strong military.
Modern American conservatism was largely born out of alliance between classical liberals
and social conservatives in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.[36]
Contemporary American conservatism traces its heritage back to Irish political philosopher
Edmund Burke, who developed his views in response to the French Revolution.[37] US
President Abraham Lincoln wrote, that conservatism is "the adherence to the old and tried,
against the new and untried."[38] US president Ronald Reagan, who was a self-declared
conservative, is widely seen as a symbol of American conservatism.[39] In an interview, he
said "I believe the very heart and soul of conservatism is libertarianism."[40] Organizations
in the US committed to promoting conservative ideology include the American Conservative
Union, Eagle Forum, Heritage Foundation and the Hoover Institution. US-based media
outlets that are conservative include Human Events, National Review, The American
Conservative, Policy Review, The Weekly Standard. and The Fox News Channel
In the US, social conservatives emphasize traditional views of social units such as the
family, church, or locale. Social conservatism may entail defining marriage as relationships
between one man and one woman (thereby prohibiting same-sex marriage and polygamy)
and laws placing restrictions on the practice of abortion. While many religious
conservatives believe that government should have a role in defending moral values,
libertarian conservatives such as Barry Goldwater advocated a hands-off government where
social values were concerned.
Conservatism 276
Psychology
A meta-analysis of research literature by Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, and Sulloway in 2003
found that many factors, such as intolerance of ambiguity and need for cognitive closure,
contribute to the degree of one's political conservatism.[41] A study by Kathleen Maclay
stated these traits "might be associated with such generally valued characteristics as
personal commitment and unwavering loyalty." The research also suggested that both
liberals and conservatives are resistant to change; liberals simply have a higher
tolerance.[42]
According to psychologist Robert Altemeyer, individuals who are politically conservative
tend to rank high in Right-Wing Authoritarianism on his RWA scale. [43] This finding was
echoed by Theodor Adorno. A study done on Israeli and Palestinian students in Israel found
that RWA scores of right-wing party supporters were significantly higher than those of
left-wing party supporters.[44] However, a 2005 study by H. Michael Crowson and
colleagues suggested a moderate gap between RWA and other conservative positions. "The
results indicated that conservatism is not synonymous with RWA." [45]
Psychologist Felicia Pratto and her colleagues have found evidence to support the idea that
a high Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) is strongly correlated with conservative
political views, and opposition to social engineering to promote equality, though Pratto's
findings have been highly controversial.[46] Pratto and her colleagues found that high SDO
scores were highly correlated with measures of prejudice. They were refuted in this claim
by David J. Schneider, who wrote that "correlations between prejudice and political
conservative are reduced virtually to zero when controls for SDO are instituted" [47] and by
Kenneth Minogue who wrote "It is characteristic of the conservative temperament to value
established identities, to praise habit and to respect prejudice, not because it is irrational,
but because such things anchor the darting impusles of human beings in solidities of
custom which we do not often begin to value until we are already losing them. Radicalism
often generates youth movements, while conservatism is a condition found among the
mature, who have discovered what it is in life they most value." [48]
Another study stated that opposition is not based on racism or sexism, but on a "principled
conservatism,"[49] a perspective based on "concern for equity, color-blindness, and genuine
conservative values." Furthermore, the study suggested that racism and conservatism are
independent, and weakly correlated among the highly educated. In an effort to examine the
relationship between education, SDO, and racism, Sidanius and his colleagues conducted a
survey in which subjects were asked about their political and social attitudes.[49] Results
indicated partial support for the principled-conservatism position. However, contrary to
predictions, correlations among SDO, political conservatism, and racism were strongest
among the most well educated, and weakest among the least well educated.[49]
See also
• 'And' theory of conservatism • Liberal Democratic Party (Japan)
• Black conservatism • Liberalism
• Classical liberalism • Liberal Party of Australia
• Conservative liberalism • Libertarianism
• Conservative Party (UK) • Libertarian Republican

Conservatism 277
• Conservative Political Parties • Neoconservatism
• Conservative Revolutionary movement • Paleoconservatism
• Free market • Political spectrum
• Free trade • Reactionary
• Globalization • Right-wing politics
• Latin Conservatism • Roman Catholic conservatism
• Liberal conservatism
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e0709)
[28] Saudi Arabia Country Specific Information (http:/ / travel. state. gov/ travel/ cis_pa_tw/ cis/ cis_1012. html)
[29] http:/ / psephos. adam-carr. net/ countries/ k/ korea/ korea2008. txt
[30] Korea, Republic of (http:/ / travel. state. gov/ travel/ cis_pa_tw/ cis/ cis_1018. html)
[31] IMF (2007). World Economic Outlook Database, October 2007 (http:/ / www. imf. org/ external/ pubs/ ft/ weo/
2007/ 02/ weodata/ weorept. aspx?sy=2006& ey=2008& scsm=1& ssd=1& sort=country& ds=. & br=1& pr1.
Conservatism 278
x=56& pr1. y=12&

c=512,941,914,446,612,666,614,668,311,672,213,946,911,137,193,962,122,674,912,676,313,548,419,556,513,678,316,181,913
s=PPPGDP& grp=0& a=). 2007. IMF. . Retrieved on 2008-02-12.
[32] IMF. October 2007 World Economic Outlook Database, October 2007 (http:/ / www. imf. org/ external/ pubs/
ft/ weo/ 2007/ 02/ weodata/ weorept. aspx?pr. x=56& pr. y=6& sy=2007& ey=2007& scsm=1& ssd=1&
sort=country& ds=. & br=1&
c=512,941,914,446,612,666,614,668,311,672,213,946,911,137,193,962,122,674,912,676,313,548,419,556,513,678,316,181,913
s=PPPGDP& grp=0& a=). 2007. IMF. October 2007. Retrieved on 2008-02-12.
[33] Seoul's Green Revolution - TIME (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,361781,00. html)
[34] Davies, Stephen, Margaret Thatcher and the Rebirth of Conservatism (http:/ / www. ashbrook. org/ publicat/
onprin/ v1n2/ davies. html), Ashbrook Center for Public Affairs, July 1993
[35] About atheism (http:/ / atheism. about. com/ library/ weekly/ aa070898. htm)
[36] Clark, B. (1998). Political economy: A comparative approach. Westport, CT: Praeger.
[37] Kirk, Russell, The Conservative Mind, p. 6.
[38] Kirk, Russell, The Conservative Mind, p. 8.
[39] " conservatism (http:/ / www. bartleby. com/ 65/ co/ conservatsm. html)". The Columbia Encyclopedia (6th
ed.). 2008. .
[40] Inside Ronald Reagan (http:/ / www. reason. com/ news/ show/ 29318. html), a Reason magazine Interview
with Ronald Reagan, July 1975.
[41] Jost, J.J, Glaser, J., Kruglanski, A.A., & Sulloway, F.J. (2003). Political conservatism as motivated social
cognition. Psychological Bulletin, 129(3), 339-375.
[42] http:/ / berkeley. edu/ news/ media/ releases/ 2003/ 07/ 22_politics. shtml
[43] Altemeyer, B. (1981). Right-wing authoritarianism. Winnipeg, Canada: University of Manitoba Press.
[44] Rubinstein, G. (1996). Two peoples in one land: A validation study of Altemeyer's Right-Wing
Authoritarianism Scale in the Palestinian and Jewish societies in Israel. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology,
27, 216-230.
[45] Crowson, H. Michael, Stephen J. Thoma, and Nita Hestevold. "Is political conservatism synonymous with
authoritarianism?." The Journal of Social Psychology 145.5 (Oct 2005): 571(22). Expanded Academic ASAP.
Gale. Remote Access. 20 May 2009 <http://find.galegroup.com/itx/start.do?prodId=EAIM>.
[46] Pratto, F., Sidanius, J., Stallworth, L.M., & Malle, B.F. (1994). Social dominance orientation: A personality
variable predicting social and political attitudes. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 67(4), 741-763.
[47] The psychology of stereotyping, David J. Schneider, Guilford Press, 2005 ISBN 1593851936, 9781593851934
704 pages page 275
[48] The Social science encyclopedia, Jessica Kuper, Taylor & Francis, 1985 ISBN 0710200080, 9780710200082
916 pages pp 155-6
[49] Sidanius, J., Pratto, F., & Bobo, L. (1996). Racism, conservatism, affirmative action, and intellectual
sophistication: A matter of principled conservatism or group dominance? Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology 70(3), 476-490.
Further reading
• RightWingersGuide.com (http:/ / www. rightwingersguide. com)
• Our Culture, What's Left of It: The Mandarins and the Masses / Theodore Dalrymple
(2005) ISBN 1566636434
• Fascists and conservatives : the radical right and the establishment in twentieth-century
Europe / Martin Blinkhorn., 1990
• Edmund Burke. Reflections on the Revolution in France, Hackett Publishing Company,
Inc. October 1997: ISBN 0-87220-020-5 (paper).
• Crunden, Robert, The Superfluous Men: Critics of American Culture, 1900–1945, 1999.
ISBN 1-882926-30-7
• Recent conservative political thought : American perspectives / Russell G Fryer., 1979
• Paul E. Gottfried, The Conservative Movement, 1993. ISBN 0-8057-9749-1
• The British Right : Conservative and right wing politics in Britain / Neill Nugent., 1977
• America alone : the neo-conservatives and the global order / Stefan A Halper., 2004
• Ted Honderich Conservatism
• Russell Kirk, The Conservative Mind, 7th Ed., 2001. ISBN 0-89526-171-5
Conservatism 279
• Russell Kirk, The Politics of Prudence, 1993. ISBN 1-882926-01-3

• The conservative press in twentieth-century America / Ronald Lora., 1999
• From the New Deal to the New Right: race and the southern origins of modern
conservatism / Joseph E Lowndes., 2008
• Jerry Z. Muller Conservatism
• Right-wing women : from conservatives to extremists around the world / P Bacchetta.,
2002
• Unmaking law : the Conservative campaign to roll back the common law / Jay M
Feinman., 2004
• Radicals or conservatives? The contemporary American right / James McEvoy., 1971
• Robert Nisbet Conservatism: Dream and Reality, 2001. ISBN 0-7658-0862-5
• James Page, 'Ought the Neo-Cons Be Considered Conservatives? A Philosophical
Response'.AQ: Journal of Contemporary Analysis. 75(6):32-33/40. 2003; available on-line
at http:/ / eprints. qut. edu. au/ archive/ 00003599/
• Conservatism in America since 1930 : a reader / Gregory L Schneider., 2003
• Noel O'Sullivan Conservatism
• The new racism : conservatives and the ideology of the tribe / Martin Barker., 1982
• A time for choosing : the rise of modern American conservatism / Jonathan M
Schoenwald., 2001
• Roger Scruton The Meaning of Conservatism
• Facing fascism : the Conservative party and the European dictators, 1935–1940 / N J
Crowson., 1997
• James Fitzjames Stephen, Liberty, Equality, Fraternity.
External links
• Dictionary of the History of Ideas, Conservatism (http:/ / etext. lib. virginia. edu/ cgi-local/
DHI/ dhi. cgi?id=dv1-60).
Post- left anarchy 280
Post-left anarchy
Post-left anarchy is a recent current in anarchist thought that promotes a critique of
anarchism's relationship to traditional leftism. Some post-leftists seek to escape the
confines of ideology in general. Post-left anarchy is marked by a focus on social insurrection
and a rejection of leftist social organisation.[1]
Arguments
The left, even the revolutionary left, post-leftists argue, is anachronistic and incapable of
creating change. Post-left anarchy offers critiques of radical strategies and tactics which it
considers antiquated: the demonstration, class-oriented struggle, focus on tradition, and
the inability to escape the confines of history. The book Anarchy in the Age of Dinosaurs,
for example, criticizes traditional leftist ideas and classical anarchism while calling for a
rejuvenated anarchist movement. The → CrimethInc. essay "Your Politics Are Boring as
Fuck" is another critique of "leftist" movements:
Why has the oppressed proletariat not come to its senses and joined you in your fight
for world liberation? ... [Because] they know that your antiquated styles of protest –
your marches, hand held signs, and gatherings – are now powerless to effect real
change because they have become such a predictable part of the status quo. They
know that your post-Marxist jargon is off-putting because it really is a language of
mere academic dispute, not a weapon capable of undermining systems of control…
—Nadia C., "Your Politics Are Boring as Fuck"[2]
Some post-anarchists have come to similar conclusions, if for different reasons:
There is a certain litany of oppressions which most radical theories are obliged to pay
homage to. Why is it when someone is asked to talk about radical politics today one
inevitably refers to this same tired, old list of struggles and identities? Why are we so
unimaginative politically that we cannot think outside of this 'shopping list' of
oppressions?
—Saul Newman, From Bakunin to Lacan, p. 171[3]
Conflicts with leftism

Advocates of post-left anarchy argue that anarchism has been weakened by its long
attachment to contrary leftist movements and single-issue causes (anti-war, anti-nuclear,
etc.). It calls for a synthesis of anarchist thought and a specifically anti-authoritarian
revolutionary movement outside of the authoritarian leftist milieu. It sometimes focuses on
the individual rather than speaking in terms of class and in some cases shuns
organizational tendencies in favor of attempts at absence of hierarchy, with some attention
paid to the idea that informal, unstructured groups tend to create informal hierarchies.
The authoritarian left, post-leftists argue, is anachronistic and incapable of effecting
change. Several post-leftists have also argued that an essential element of authoritarian
leftism is a reliance on "compulsory moralism". Such socialized value judgements
perpetuate alienation and an inability on the part of individuals to think critically.
Post-leftists believe that anarchism necessitates organic, subjectively derived self-theory.
Post- left anarchy 281
Proponents and detractors

Groups and individuals associated with Post-left anarchism include → CrimethInc., Jason
McQuinn, → Bob Black, and the magazines → Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed and →
Green Anarchy. The ideas associated with post-left anarchy have been criticized by other
anarchists, notably Murray Bookchin, whose polemic, Social Anarchism Or Lifestyle
Anarchism: An Unbridgeable Chasm, attacks these recent trends in anarchist thinking. →
Bob Black wrote a book in response to Bookchin's arguments called Anarchy After Leftism.
See also
• Green syndicalism
• Illegalism
• Insurrectionary anarchism
• Left anarchism
• Post-structuralism
• Situationist International
Further reading
• → Black, Bob (1997). Anarchy after Leftism. Birmingham: CAL Press. ISBN
9781890532000.
External links
• "Anarchy After Leftism [4]" a comprehensive primer and portal from Infoshop.org
• "Primitivist and post-left 'anarchism' [5]" from Anarchism.ws
• "ifightbears.org [6]" a hub for like-minded writers and theorists of the post-left school of
thought
• "[7] Letter to "Anarchy" magazine criticizing Post-Left Anarchism
References
[1] Macphee, Josh (2007). Realizing the Impossible. Stirling: AK Press. ISBN 1904859321.
[2] Nadia C. " Your Politics Are Boring As Fuck (http:/ / www. crimethinc. com/ texts/ selected/ asfuck. php)",
CrimethInc. Selected Primary Texts.
[3] Newman, Saul (2001). From Bakunin to Lacan. Lexington: Lexington Books. p. 171. ISBN 0739102400.
[4] http:/ / www. infoshop. org/ afterleftism. html
[5] http:/ / anarchism. ws/ postleft. html
[6] http:/ / www. ifightbears. org
[7] http:/ / flag. blackened. net/ revolt/ anarchism/ writers/ anarcho/ movement/ AJODAplatform2. html
282
Authors
Fredy Perlman
Fredy Perlman (August 20, 1934 – July 26, 1985) was an author, publisher and activist. His
most popular work, the book → Against His-Story, Against Leviathan!, is a major source of
inspiration for → anti-civilisation perspectives in contemporary anarchism.
Childhood and youth

Perlman was born in Brno, Czechoslovakia. He emigrated with parents to Cochabamba,
Bolivia in 1938 just ahead of the Nazi takeover. The Perlman family came to the United
States in 1945 and finally settled in Lakeside Park, Kentucky.
In 1952 he attended Morehead State College in Kentucky and then UCLA from 1953-55.
Perlman was on the staff of The Daily Bruin, the school newspaper, when the university
administration changed the constitution of the newspaper to forbid it from nominating its
own editors, as the custom had been. Perlman left the newspaper staff at that time and,
with four others, proceeded to publish an independent paper, The Observer, which they
handed out on a public sidewalk at the campus bus stop, since they were forbidden by the
administration to distribute in on the campus. {Source: Loud Bark and Curious Eyes, by
George Garrigues at [1]).
In 1956-59 he attended Columbia University, where he met his life-long companion,
Lorraine Nybakken. He enrolled as a student of English literature but soon concentrated his
efforts in philosophy, political science and European literature. One particularly influential
teacher for him at this time was C. Wright Mills.
Travel and study

In late 1959, Perlman and his wife took a cross-country motor scooter trip, mostly on
two-lane highways traveling at 25 miles per hour. From 1959 to 1963, they lived on the
lower east side of Manhattan while Perlman worked on a statistical analysis of the world's
resources with John Ricklefs. They participated in anti-bomb and pacifist activities with the
Living Theatre and others. Perlman was arrested after a sit-down in Times Square in the
fall of 1961. He became the printer for the Living Theatre and during that time wrote The
New Freedom, Corporate Capitalism and a play, Plunder, which he published himself.
In 1963, the husband and wife left the U.S. and moved to Belgrade, Yugoslavia after living
some months in Copenhagen and Paris. Perlman received a master's degree in economics
and a PhD at the University of Belgrade's Law School; his dissertation was titled
"Conditions for the Development of a Backward Region," which created an outrage among
some members of the faculty. During his last year in Yugoslavia, he was a member of the
Planning Institute for Kosovo and Metohija.
Fredy Perlman 283
Professional life
During 1966-69 the couple lived in Kalamazoo, Michigan. Perlman taught social science
courses at Western Michigan University and created outrage among some members of the
faculty when he had students run their own classes and grade themselves. During his first
year in Kalamazoo, he and Milos Samardzija, one of his professors from Belgrade,
translated Isaac Illych Rubin's Essay on Marx's Theory of Value. Perlman wrote an
introduction to the book: "An Essay on Commodity Fetishism."
In May 1968, after lecturing for two weeks in Turin, Italy, Perlman went to Paris on the last
train before rail traffic was shut down by some of the strikes that were sweeping Western
Europe that season. He participated in the May unrest in Paris and worked at the Censier
center with the Citroen factory committee. After returning to Kalamazoo in August, he
collaborated with Roger Gregoire in writing Worker-Student Action Committees, May 68.
During his last year in Kalamazoo, Perlman had left the university and together with several
other people, mostly students, inaugurated the Black and Red magazine, of which six issues
appeared. Typing and layout was done at the Perlman house and the printing at the Radical
Education Project in Ann Arbor, Michigan. In January 1969 Perlman completed The
Reproduction of Daily Life. While traveling in Europe in the spring of 1969, he spent several
weeks in Yugoslavia and there wrote Revolt in Socialist Yugoslavia, which was suppressed
by the authorities, who called it a CIA plot.
In August 1969 he and his wife moved to Detroit, where he wrote The Incoherence of the
Intellectual and with others translated → Guy Debord's Society of the Spectacle. This
edition was indicated by Debord himself as containing "obvious weaknesses."[2]
In 1970 Perlman was one of a large group that set up the Detroit Printing Co-op with
equipment from Chicago. For the next decade, Black & Red publications were printed
there, along with countless other projects ranging from leaflets to newspapers to books.
Between 1971 and 1976 he worked on several books, originals as well as translations,
including Manual for Revolutionary Leaders, Letters of Insurgents, Peter Arshinov's History
of the Makhnovist Movement, Voline's The Unknown Revolution, and → Jacques Camatte's
The Wandering of Humanity. During the same years, Perlman began playing the cello, often
in chamber music sessions twice a week. In 1971 he and his wife traveled to Alaska by car.
In 1976 Perlman underwent surgery to replace a damaged heart valve. After, he helped
write and perform Who's Zerelli? a play critiquing the authoritarian aspects of the medical
establishment.
During 1977-80 he studied (and charted) world history. During these years, he traveled to
Turkey, Egypt, Europe and regions of the U.S. to visit historic sites with Lorraine. In 1980
he began a comprehensive history of The Strait (Detroit and surroundings). He did not
finish this work, and the first and last chapters remain unwritten. In July 1985, he
estimated that it would take him eight or ten months to complete and edit the manuscript.
Both Perlman and Lorraine helped on the anti-authoritarian magazine The Fifth Estate,
doing typesetting and proofreading as well as contributing articles. His most recent
contributions were Anti-Semitism and the Beirut Pogrom and The Continuing Appeal of
Nationalism.
During 1982-83, he suspended work on The Strait to write Against His-story, Against
Leviathan!.
Fredy Perlman 284
In 1983, Perlman joined the cello section of the Dearborn Orchestra and in June 1985
performed quartets by Mozart and Schumann at a program for Physicians for Social
Responsibility.
On July 26, 1985, Perlman underwent heart surgery at Henry Ford Hospital, where he died.
In 1989, his widow Lorraine Perlman published a biography of Fredy, Having Little, Being
Much on the press they founded, Black & Red. Lorraine Perlman continues to run the press
in Detroit, Michigan and still contributes to Fifth Estate.
Selected Publications
[3]
• “Essay on Commodity Fetishism”. Telos 6 (Fall 1970). New York: Telos Press.
See also
• → John Zerzan
• Fifth Estate periodical
References
[1] http:/ / ulwaf. com/ Daily-Bruin-History/ 15_Epilogue. html
[2] Letter from Guy Debord to Donald Nicholson-Smith, 27 April 1978 (http:/ / www. notbored. org/
debord-27April1978. html)
[3] http:/ / www. telospress. com
• This article was adapted from text in Fifth Estate
External links
• Black and Red Books, the press founded by the Perlmans (http:/ / www. blackandred. org/
)
• Loud Bark and Curious Eyes: A History of the UCLA Daily Bruin, 1919-1955 (http:/ /
www. ulwaf. com/ cgi-bin/ webglimpse/ home/ ulwaf/ ulwaf-www?query=perlman&
errors=0& age=& maxfiles=50& maxlines=30& maxchars=10000& cache=yes)
• Fredy Perlman's writings online (http:/ / www. geocities. com/ ~johngray/ indx1.
htm#perlman)
• Excerpt from Against His-story, Against Leviathan! (http:/ / www. primitivism. com/
leviathan. htm)
John Zerzan 285
John Zerzan
John Zerzan
Zerzan in Belgrade, Serbia

Born 1943
Salem, Oregon, United States
Occupation Philosopher, author
John Zerzan (born 1943) is an American anarchist and → primitivist philosopher and
author. His works criticize agricultural civilization as inherently oppressive, and advocate
drawing upon the ways of life of prehistoric humans as an inspiration for what a free
society should look like. Some of his criticism has extended as far as challenging
domestication, language, symbolic thought (such as mathematics and art) and the concept
of time. His five major books are Elements of Refusal (1988), → Future Primitive and Other
Essays (1994), Running on Emptiness (2002), → Against Civilization: Readings and
Reflections (2005) and Twilight of the Machines (2008).
Early life and education

Zerzan was born in Salem, Oregon to immigrants of Bohemian heritage. He studied as an
undergraduate at Stanford University and later received a Master's degree in History from
San Francisco State University. He completed his coursework towards a Ph.D. at the
University of Southern California but dropped out before completing his dissertation.
Zerzan's work
Zerzan's theories draw on Theodor Adorno's concept of negative dialectics to construct a
theory of civilization as the cumulative construction of alienation. According to Zerzan,
original human societies in paleolithic times, and similar societies today such as the !Kung,
Bushmen and Mbuti, live a non-alienated and non-oppressive form of life based on primitive
abundance and closeness to nature. Constructing such societies as a kind of political ideal,
or at least an instructive comparison against which to denounce contemporary (especially
industrial) societies, Zerzan uses anthropological studies from such societies as the basis
for a wide-ranging critique of aspects of modern life. He portrays contemporary society as a
world of misery built on the psychological production of a sense of scarcity and lack.[1] The
history of civilisation is the history of renunciation; what stands against this is not progress
but rather the Utopia which arises from its negation.[2]
John Zerzan 286
Zerzan is an anarchist, and is broadly associated with the philosophies of →

anarcho-primitivism, green anarchy, anti-civilisation, → post-left anarchy, → neo-luddism
and embodiment, and in particular opposition to technology.[3] He rejects not only the state,
but all forms of hierarchical and authoritarian relations. "Most simply, anarchy means
'without rule.' This implies not only a rejection of government but of all other forms of
domination and power as well."[4]
Zerzan's work relies heavily on a strong dualism between the "primitive" — viewed as
non-alienated, wild, non-hierarchical, ludic, and socially egalitarian — and the "civilised" —
viewed as alienated, domesticated, hierarchically organised and socially discriminatory.
Hence, "life before domestication/agriculture was in fact largely one of leisure, intimacy
with nature, sensual wisdom, sexual equality, and health."[5]
Zerzan's claims about the status of primitive societies are based on a reading of the works
of anthropologists such as → Marshall Sahlins and → Richard B. Lee. Crucially, the category
of primitives is restricted to pure hunter-gatherer societies with no domesticated plants or
animals. For instance, hierarchy among Northwest Coast Native Americans whose main
activities were fishing and foraging is attributed to their having domesticated dogs and
tobacco.[5] [6]
Zerzan calls for a "Future Primitive", a radical reconstruction of society based on a
rejection of alienation and an embracing of the wild. "It may be that our only real hope is
the recovery of a face-to-face social existence, a radical decentralization, a dismantling of
the devouring, estranging productionist, high-tech trajectory that is so impoverishing."[4]
The usual use of anthropological evidence is comparative and demonstrative - the necessity
or naturality of aspects of modern western societies is challenged by pointing to
counter-examples in hunter-gatherer societies. "Ever-growing documentation of human
prehistory as a very long period of largely non-alienated life stands in sharp contrast to the
increasingly stark failures of untenable modernity."[2] It is unclear, however, whether this
implies a re-establishment of the literal forms of hunter-gatherer societies or a broader kind
of learning from their ways of life in order to construct non-alienated relations.
Zerzan's political project calls for the destruction of technology. He draws the same
distinction as → Ivan Illich, between tools that stay under the control of the user, and
technological systems that draw the user into their control. One difference is the division of
labour, which Zerzan opposes. In Zerzan's philosophy, technology is possessed by an elite
which automatically has power over other users; This power is one of the sources of
alienation, along with domestication and symbolic thought.
Zerzan's typical method is to take a particular construct of civilisation (a technology, belief,
practice or institution) and construct an account of its historical origins, what he calls its
destructive and alienating effects and its contrasts with hunter-gatherer experiences. In his
essay on number, for example, Zerzan starts by contrasting the "civilized" emphasis on
counting and measuring with a "primitive" emphasis on sharing, citing Dorothy Lee's work
on the Trobriand Islanders in support, before constructing a narrative of the rise of number
through cumulative stages of state domination, starting with the desire of Egyptian kings to
measure what they ruled.[7] This approach is repeated in relation to time,[8] gender
inequality,[9] work,[10] technology,[11] art and ritual,[6] agriculture[12] and globalization.[13]
Zerzan also writes more general texts on anarchist,[4] primitivist theory,[2] [5] critiques of
"postmodernism", and of perceived opponents such as Hakim Bey.[14]
John Zerzan 287
Political development
In 1966, Zerzan was arrested while performing civil disobedience at a Berkeley
anti-Vietnam War march and spent two weeks in the Contra Costa County Jail. He vowed
after his release never again to be willingly arrested. He attended events organized by Ken
Kesey and the Merry Pranksters and was involved with the psychedelic drug and music
scene in San Francisco's Haight-Ashbury neighborhood.[15] [16]
In the late 1960s he worked as a social worker for the city of San Francisco welfare
department. He helped organize a social worker's union, the SSEU, and was elected vice
president in 1968, and president in 1969.[17] [16] The local Situationist group Contradiction
denounced him as a "leftist bureaucrat".[18] He became progressively more radical as he
dealt further with his and other unions. He was also a voracious reader of the Situationists,
being particularly influenced by → Guy Debord.[16]
In 1974, Black and Red Press published Unions Against Revolution by Spanish ultra-left
theorist Grandizo Munis that included an essay by Zerzan which previously appeared in the
journal Telos. Over the next 20 years, Zerzan became intimately involved with the → Fifth
Estate, → Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed, Demolition Derby and other anarchist
periodicals. He began to question civilization in the early 80's, after having sought to
confront issues around the neutrality of technology and division of labour, at the time when
Fredy Perlman was making similar conclusions.[19] He saw civilization itself as the root of
the problems of the world and that a hunter-gatherer form of society presented the most
egalitarian model for human relations with themselves and the natural world.
Zerzan and the "Unabomber"

In the mid-1990s, Zerzan became a confidant to → Theodore Kaczynski, the "Unabomber",
after he read Industrial Society and Its Future, the so-called Unabomber Manifesto. Zerzan
sat through the Unabomber trial and often conversed with Kaczynski during the
proceedings. It was after becoming known as a friend of the Unabomber that the
mainstream media became interested in Zerzan and his ideas.
In Zerzan's essay "Whose Unabomber?" (1995), he signaled his support for the Kaczynski
doctrine, but criticised the bombings:
...the mailing of explosive devices intended for the agents who are engineering
the present catastrophe is too random. Children, mail carriers, and others could
easily be killed. Even if one granted the legitimacy of striking at the high-tech
horror show by terrorizing its indispensable architects, collateral harm is not
justifiable...[20]
However, Zerzan in the same essay offered a qualified defense of the Unabomber's actions:
The concept of justice should not be overlooked in considering the Unabomber
phenomenon. In fact, except for his targets, when have the many little Eichmanns
who are preparing the Brave New World ever been called to account?… Is it
unethical to try to stop those whose contributions are bringing an unprecedented
assault on life?[20]
Two years later, in the 1997 essay "He Means It - Do You?," Zerzan wrote:
Enter the Unabomber and a new line is being drawn. This time the bohemian
schiz-fluxers, Green yuppies, hobbyist anarcho-journalists, condescending
organizers of the poor, hip nihilo-aesthetes and all the other "anarchists" who
John Zerzan 288
thought their pretentious pastimes would go on unchallenged indefinitely - well,

it's time to pick which side you're on. It may be that here also is a Rubicon from
which there will be no turning back.
In a 2001 interview with The Guardian, he said:
Will there be other Kaczynskis? I hope not. I think that activity came out of
isolation and desperation, and I hope that isn't going to be something that people
feel they have to take up because they have no other way to express their
opposition to the brave new world.[21]
Zerzan and Pacific Northwest anarcho-primitivism

On May 7, 1995, a full-page interview with Zerzan was featured in The New York Times.[22]
Another significant event that shot Zerzan to celebrity philosopher status was his
association with members of the Eugene, Oregon anarchist scene that later were the
driving force behind the use of black bloc tactics at the 1999 anti-World Trade Organization
protests in Seattle, Washington. Anarchists using black bloc tactics were thought to be
chiefly responsible for the property destruction committed at numerous corporate
storefronts and banks.
News media coverage started a firestorm of controversy after the riots, and Zerzan was one
of those that they turned to in order to explain the actions that some had taken at the
demonstrations. After gaining this public notoriety, Zerzan began accepting speaking
engagements and giving interviews around the world explaining anarcho-primitivism and
the more general Global Justice Movement. Recently Zerzan has been involved with the →
Post-left anarchist trend, which argues that anarchists should break with the political left.
Zerzan is currently one of the editors of → Green Anarchy, a journal of anarcho-primitivist
and insurrectionary anarchist thought. He is also the host of Anarchy Radio in Eugene on
the University of Oregon's radio station KWVA [23] which airs Tuesday nights 7 to 8 pm
Pacific Standard Time (PST) as of June 30, 2009. He has also served as a contributing editor
at Anarchy Magazine and has been published in magazines such as AdBusters. He does
extensive speaking tours around the world, and is married to an independent consultant to
museums and other nonprofit organizations.
Criticism
In his essay "Social Anarchism or Lifestyle Anarchism: An Unbridgeable Chasm", Murray
Bookchin directed criticism from an anarchist point of view at Zerzan's anti-civilisational
and anti-technological perspective. → Bob Black's Anarchy After Leftism is a known book
within primitivist circles, written as a rebuttal to Bookchin. Another notable anarchist work
directed at Bookchin's perspective is → David Watson's Beyond Bookchin.
Aside from Murray Bookchin, several other anarchist critiques of Zerzan's primitivist
philosophies exist. The pamphlet, "Anarchism vs. Primitivism" by Brian Oliver Sheppard
criticizes many aspects of the primitivist philosophy. [24] Some authors, such as Andrew
Flood, have argued that destroying civilization would lead to the death of a significant
majority of the population. [25] John Zerzan contends the collapse of civilization as having a
gradual decrease on population size, with the possibility of people having the need to seek
means of sustainability more close to nature.[26] Additionally, several primitivists, such as →
Derrick Jensen, point out that civilization is in fact unsustainable, and as such the problem
John Zerzan 289
addressed by the primitivists in maintaining overpopulation is not a question of their

choosing, while they seek other possible scenarios and look for appropriate courses of
actions.[27] [28] [29]
Selected works
• Telos 21, Organized Labor versus "The Revolt Against Work:" The Critical Contest. New
York: Telos Press Ltd., Fall 1974. (Telos Press [3]).
• Telos 124, Why Primitivism?. New York: Telos Press Ltd., Summer 2002. (Telos Press [3]).
• Telos 137, Breaking the Spell: A Civilization Critique Perspective. New York: Telos Press
Ltd., Winter 2008. (Telos Press [3]).
• Telos 141, Second-Best Life: Real Virtuality. New York: Telos Press Ltd., Winter 2007.
(Telos Press [3]).
• Telos 27, Unionization in America. New York: Telos Press Ltd., Spring 1976. (Telos Press
[3]
).
• Telos 28, Unionism and the Labor Front. New York: Telos Press Ltd., Summer 1978.
(Telos Press [3]).
• Telos 49, Origins and Meaning of World War I. New York: Telos Press Ltd., Fall 1981.
(Telos Press [3]).
• Telos 50, Anti-Work and the Struggle for Control. New York: Telos Press Ltd., Winter
1981-1982. (Telos Press [3]).
• Telos 60, Taylorism and Unionism: The Origins of a Partnership. New York: Telos Press
Ltd., Summer 1984. (Telos Press [3]).
See also
• Green anarchism
• Neo-Tribalism
• → Green Anarchy, publication where John Zerzan works as one of the editors
• → Surplus, a Swedish movie (atmo, 2003) which contains an interview with John Zerzan
• → Fifth Estate, publication where Zerzan published consistently through 1988
External links
[30]
• John Zerzan's website
• Green Anarchist archive [31] Green anarchy archive that includes book and writings of
John Zerzan and other anti-civilization writers.
• Textos de John Zerzan (spanish) [32]
• Green Anarchy web site [33]
• Insurgent Desire [9] – John Zerzan writings and interviews can be read online
• Primitivism.com [10] – Writings by Zerzan and other primitivist authors and essayists
• Creel Commission [39] – June 2006 conversation with John Zerzan and the UK band
• ZNet's Primitivism Debate [34], Michael Albert vs John Zerzan, Eric Blair and the → Green
Anarchy Collective
• Guide to John Zerzan's papers at the University of Oregon [35]
[47]
• John Zerzan's conferences in Montreal, intro and videos (May '08)
• John Zerzan's Turkish articles [36]
• John Wisniewski interviews John Zerzan [37]
John Zerzan 290
• Resources on Green Anarchism that include some of Zerzan's writings and ideas at Jesus
Radicals [37]
References
[1] John Zerzan - The Mass Psychology of Misery (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ massmisery. htm)
[2] John Zerzan - Why Primitivism? (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ whyprim. htm)
[3] John Zerzan (http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ mayday/ story/ 0,7369,475181,00. html) The Guardian
[4] John Zerzan - What is Anarchism? (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ whatisanarchism. htm)
[5] John Zerzan - Future Primitive (http:/ / www. primitivism. com/ future-primitive. htm)
[6] John Zerzan - Running on Emptiness: The Failure of Symbolic Thought (http:/ / www. primitivism. com/
emptiness. htm)
[7] John Zerzan - Number: Its Origin and Evolution (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ number. htm)
[8] John Zerzan - Time and its Discontents (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ time. htm)
[9] John Zerzan - Patriarchy, Civilization, and the Origins of Gender (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/
patriarchy. htm)
[10] John Zerzan - Organized Labor versus "The Revolt Against Work" (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/
organisedlabour. htm)
[11] John Zerzan - Technology (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ technology. htm)
[12] John Zerzan - Agriculture (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ agriculture. htm)
[13] John Zerzan - Globalization and its Apologists: An Abolitionist Perspective (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org.
uk/ globalization. htm)
[14] John Zerzan - "Hakim Bey," Postmodern Anarchist (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ pmanarchist. htm)
[15] http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ world/ 2001/ apr/ 18/ mayday. features11
[16] John Zerzan - So...how did you become an anarchist? (http:/ / www. modukit. com/ anarhija-blok45/ zerzan/
sadrzaj/ textz/ html/ Z_so-how-did-you-become-an-anarchist. html)
[17] History of the union (http:/ / www. shapingsf. org/ ezine/ labor/ nopaid/ main. html)
[18] "Open Letter to John Zerzan, anti-bureaucrat of the San Francisco Social Services Employees Union" (http:/ /
www. bopsecrets. org/ PH/ zerzan. htm)
[19] http:/ / www. corrupt. org/ act/ interviews/ john_zerzan
[20] John Zerzan - Whose Unabomber? (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ whoseunabomber. htm)
[21] http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ world/ 2001/ apr/ 18/ mayday. features11
[22] Prominent Anarchist Finds Unsought Ally in Serial Bomber (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage.
html?res=990CE3DD113FF934A35756C0A963958260& sec=& spon=& & scp=1& sq=zerzan& st=cse) (New
York Times article)
[23] http:/ / gladstone. uoregon. edu/ ~kwva/
[24] Anarchism vs. Primitivism by Brian Oliver Sheppard (http:/ / libcom. org/ library/ anarchism-vs-primitivism)
[25] Civilization, Primitivism, Anarchism by Andrew Flood (http:/ / www. anarkismo. net/ newswire.
php?story_id=1451)
[26] http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ fp. htm
[27] Endgame, Vol. 1: The Problem of Civilization, Seven Stories Press (http:/ / www. endgamethebook. org/ )
[28] http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ primprimer. htm
[29] http:/ / www. primitivism. com/ impoverishment. htm
[30] http:/ / www. johnzerzan. net
[31] http:/ / www. green-anarchy. wikidot. com
[32] http:/ / www. johnzerzan. com. ar. istemp. com
[33] http:/ / www. greenanarchy. org
[34] http:/ / www. zmag. org/ debateprim. htm
[35] http:/ / nwda-db. wsulibs. wsu. edu/ findaid/ ark:/ 80444/ xv81752
[36] http:/ / yabanil. net/ ?tag=john-zerzan
[37] http:/ / greylodge. org/ gpc/ ?p=1623
Derrick Jensen 291
Derrick Jensen
Derrick Jensen (born December 19, 1960) is an American author and environmental
activist living in Crescent City, California.[1] Jensen has published several books questioning
and critiquing contemporary society and its values, including A Language Older Than
Words, The Culture of Make Believe, and → Endgame. He holds a B.S. in Mineral
Engineering Physics from the Colorado School of Mines and an M.F.A. in Creative Writing
from Eastern Washington University.[2] He has also taught creative writing at Pelican Bay
State Prison and Eastern Washington University.[3]
Themes in Jensen's work

Jensen is often labeled an anarcho-primitivist, by which is meant he concludes that
civilization[4] is inherently unsustainable and based on violence. He argues that the modern
industrial economy is fundamentally at odds with healthy relationships, the natural
environment, and indigenous peoples. He concludes that the very pervasiveness of these
behaviors indicates that they are diagnostic symptoms of the greater problem of civilization
itself. Accordingly, he exhorts readers and audiences to help bring an end to industrial
civilization.
In A Language Older Than Words and also in an article entitled Actions Speak Louder Than
Words, Jensen states "Every morning when I awake I ask myself whether I should write or
blow up a dam. I tell myself I should keep writing, though I'm not sure that's right".[5]
Jensen proposes that a different, harmonious way of life is possible, and that it can be seen
in many past societies including many Native American or other indigenous cultures. He
claims that many indigenous peoples perceive a primary difference between Western and
indigenous perspectives: even the most open-minded Westerners generally view listening to
the natural world as a metaphor, as opposed to the way the world works. Furthermore,
these indigenous peoples understand the world as consisting of other beings with whom we
can enter into relationship; this stands opposed to the more Western belief that the world
consists of objects or resources to be exploited or used.
Writings
A Language Older Than Words uses the lens of domestic violence to look at the larger
violence of western culture. The Culture of Make Believe begins by exploring racism and
misogyny and moves to examine how this culture’s economic system leads inevitably to
hatred and atrocity. Strangely Like War is about deforestation. Walking on Water is about
education (It begins: "As is true for most people I know, I’ve always loved learning. As is
also true for most people I know, I always hated school. Why is that?").[6] Welcome to the
Machine is about surveillance, and more broadly about science and this culture’s obsession
with control.
Endgame is about what he describes as the inherent unsustainability of civilization. In this
book he asks: "Do you believe that this culture will undergo a voluntary transformation to a
sane and sustainable way of living?" Nearly everyone he talks to says no. His next question
is: "How would this understanding — that this culture will not voluntarily stop destroying
the natural world, eliminating indigenous cultures, exploiting the poor, and killing those
who resist — shift our strategy and tactics? The answer? Nobody knows, because we never
Derrick Jensen 292
talk about it: we’re too busy pretending the culture will undergo a magical transformation."
Endgame, he says, is "about that shift in strategy, and in tactics."[7]
Jensen's writing uses the first-person and interweaves personal experiences with cited facts
to construct arguments. His books are written like narratives, lacking a linear, hierarchical
structure. They are not divided into distinct sections devoted to an individual argument.
Instead, his writing is conversational, leaving one line of thought incomplete to move on to
another, returning to the first again at some later point. Jensen uses this creative
non-fiction style to combine his artistic voice with logical argument. Jensen often uses
quotations as reference points for ideas explored in a chapter. (For example, he introduces
the first chapter of Walking on Water with a quote from Jules Henry's book Culture Against
Man.)[8]
Jensen wrote and Stephanie McMillan illustrated the graphic novel As the World Burns
(2007).
Awards and acclaim

• 2008: Grand Prize winner, Eric Hoffer Book Award for Thought to Exist in the Wild,
Derrick Jensen, Photographs by Karen Tweedy-Holms.[9]
• 2006: Named "Person of the Year" by Press Action for the publication of Endgame.[10]
• 2003: The Culture of Make Believe was one of two finalists for the J. Anthony Lukas Book
Prize.[11]
• 2000: Hackensack, NJ, Record declared A Language Older Than Words its best book of
the year.
• 2000: Language was nominated for Quality Paperback Book Club's New Vision Award.
• 1998: Second Prize in the category of small budget non-profit advertisements, as
determined by the Inland Northwest Ad Federation, for the first ad in the "National
Forests: Your land, your choice" series.
• 1995: Critics' Choice for one of America's ten best nature books of 1995, for Listening to
the Land: Conversations About Nature, Culture, and Eros.[2]
Published works
Spoken word on CD
• Derrick Jensen Standup Tragedy (live CD)
• ---- The Other Side of Darkness (live CD), 2004
• ---- Now This War Has Two Sides (live CD), PM Press, 2008
Books
• Derrick Jensen, 1995, Listening to the Land: Conversations about Nature, Culture, and
Eros, Sierra Club Books, ISBN 0-87156-417-3 Republished 2004 by Chelsea Green
Publishing Company, ISBN 978-1931498562
• ----, George Draffan and John Osborn, 1995, Railroads and Clearcuts: Legacy of
Congress's 1864 Northern Pacific Railroad Land Grant, Keokee Company Publishing,
ISBN 1-879628-08-2
• ---- 2000, A Language Older Than Words, Context Books, ISBN 1-893956-03-2
Republished 2004 by Chelsea Green Publishing Company, ISBN 978-1931498555
Derrick Jensen 293
• ---- The Culture of Make Believe, New York: Context Books, 2002, ISBN 1-893956-28-8
Republished 2004 by Chelsea Green Publishing Company, ISBN 978-1931498579
• ---- and George Draffan, 2003, Strangely Like War: The Global Assault on Forests,
Chelsea Green, ISBN 978-1931498456
• ---- and George Draffan, 2004, Welcome to the Machine: Science, Surveillance, and the
Culture of Control, Chelsea Green Publishing Company, ISBN 1-931498-52-0
• ---- 2005, Walking on Water: Reading, Writing, and Revolution, Chelsea Green, ISBN
978-1931498784
• ---- 2006, → Endgame, Volume 1: The Problem of Civilization, Seven Stories Press, ISBN
1-58322-730-X
• ---- 2006, → Endgame, Volume 2: Resistance, Seven Stories Press, ISBN 1-58322-724-5
• ---- and Karen Tweedy Holmes, 2007, Thought to Exist in the Wild: Awakening from the
Nightmare of Zoos, No Voice Unheard, ISBN 978-0972838719
• ---- and Stephanie McMillan, 2007, As the World Burns: 50 Things You Can Do to Stay in
Denial, Seven Stories Press, ISBN 1-58322-777-6
• ---- 2008, How Shall I Live My Life?: On Liberating the Earth from Civilization, PM Press,
ISBN 978-1604860030
• ---- and Aric McBay, 2009, What We Leave Behind, Seven Stories Press, ISBN
978-1583228678
• ---- 2009, Songs of the Dead, PM Press, ISBN 978-1604860443
Further reading
Related authors include → John Zerzan (→ Against Civilization and Elements of Refusal),
George Draffan, Ward Churchill, → Chellis Glendinning, Inga Muscio, Terry Tempest
Williams, Frederick W. Turner (Beyond Geography: The Western Spirit Against the
Wilderness), Jack Forbes (Columbus and Other Cannibals), Dave Edwards, → Daniel Quinn
(Ishmael, Beyond Civilization, The Man Who Grew Young), Neil Evernden (The Natural
Alien), David Watson (Against the Megamachine), → Stanley Diamond (In Search of the
Primitive: A Critique of Civilization), → Jacques Ellul (The Technological Society), Thom
Hartmann (Last Hours of Ancient Sunlight), and → Lewis Mumford (Technics and Human
Development and The Pentagon of Power).
External links
[12]
• Official personal website
• The website for Jensen's latest book Endgame, which includes numerous online excerpts
[13]
• Jesus Radicals' New Review of Endgame, Vol. 1 [14]

• A Talk given by Derrick Jensen at The Santa Cruz Vets Hall on 03-29-06 [15]
[16]
• A Conversation with Derrick Jensen, published in Black Oak Presents, Summer 2008
• Conversation with Derrick Jensen, published in ascent magazine, summer 2008 [17]
• An interview with Derrick Jensen in NoCompromise.org [18]
• Contribution to HopeDance Magazine [19]
• Earth: A Wake-up Call for Obama Nation, April 25, 2009 Speaking Event, Arlington, VA
[20]
Derrick Jensen 294
References
[1] Endgame, Volume 1: The Problem of Civilization, Seven Stories Press (ISBN 1-58322-730-X), p.17
[2] Derrick Jensen (http:/ / www. derrickjensen. org/ about. html)
[3] Jensen D., 2003, Walking on Water: Reading, Writing, and Revolution, Context Books (ISBN 1-893956-37-7).
[4] He defines a civilization as "a culture — that is, a complex of stories, institutions, and artifacts — that both
leads to and emerges from the growth of cities (civilization, see civil: from civis, meaning citizen, from Latin
civitatis, meaning state or city), with cities being defined — so as to distinguish them from camps, villages, and
so on — as people living more or less permanently in one place in densities high enough to require the routine
importation of food and other necessities of life." Jensen D., 2006, Endgame, Volume 1: The Problem of
Civilization, Seven Stories Press (ISBN 1-58322-730-X), p.17
[5] Actions Speak Louder Than Words (http:/ / www. hopedance. org/ archive/ issue30/ articles/ jensen. htm)
[6] Walking on Water, p.1
[7] Endgame V.1, p.1
[8] Jensen D., 2004, Walking on Water: Reading, Writing, and Revolution, Chelsea Green (ISBN 1-931498-48-2),
p.1
[9] " HOFFERAWARD.COM (http:/ / www. hofferaward. com/ )". www.hofferaward.com. . Retrieved on
2008-04-27.
[10] Press Action ::: Press Action Awards 2006 (http:/ / www. pressaction. com/ news/ weblog/ full_article/
awards12292006/ )
[11] Derrick Jensen (http:/ / www. derrickjensen. org/ published. html)
[12] http:/ / www. derrickjensen. org
[13] http:/ / www. endgamethebook. org
[14] http:/ / anarchism. jesusradicals. com/ primitivism/ endgamereview. pdf
[15] http:/ / www. indybay. org/ archives/ archive_by_id. php?id=4470& category_id=60
[16] http:/ / www. blackoakmedia. org/ interviews/ jensen. html
[17] http:/ / ascentmagazine. com/ articles. aspx?articleID=282& page=read& subpage=current& issueID=38/
[18] http:/ / www. nocompromise. org/ issues/ 26jensen. html
[19] http:/ / www. hopedance. org/ archive/ issue30/ articles/ jensen. htm
[20] http:/ / www. pressaction. com/ news/ weblog/ earth
Richard Borshay Lee 295
Richard Borshay Lee

Richard Borshay Lee (born 1937) is a Canadian anthropologist. Lee has studied at the
University of Toronto and University of California, Berkeley, where he received a Ph.D.
Presently, he holds a position at the University of Toronto as Professor Emeritus of
Anthropology. Lee is also currently researching issues concerning the indigenous people of
Botswana and Namibia, particularly their ecology and history.
Known best for his work on the Ju'/hoansi, Lee won the 1980 Anisfield-Wolf Book Award for
his book The !Kung San: Men, Women, and Work in a Foraging Society.
With → Irven DeVore, Lee was co-organiser of the 1966 University of Chicago Symposium
on "Man the Hunter". [1]
In 2003, Anthropologica, the journal of the Canadian Anthropology Society, dedicated an
issue to Lee's oeuvre. Most recently, Lee edited The Cambridge Encyclopedia of
Hunter-Gatherers, which was published in March 2005.
Selected publications
• Subsistence Ecology of !Kung Bushmen (1965), PhD Dissertation, University of
California, Berkeley.
• The !Kung San: Men, Women and Work in a Foraging Society (1979), Cambridge and
New York: Cambridge University Press.
• The Dobe Ju/'hoansi (2003), 3rd ed., Thomson Learning/Wadsworth.
Awards
• 1980 Anisfield-Wolf Book Award for The !Kung San: Men, Women, and Work in a
Foraging Society
• 1980 Herskovits Award of the African Studies Association for The !Kung San: Men,
Women, and Work in a Foraging Society
External links
• Anthropologica Vol. 45 No. 1, 2003 [2]
[3]
• Expanded Bibliography by Jacqueline Solway
• Biography of Richard Lee [4]
This article about an anthropologist is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by Borshay Lee
expanding it [5].
Richard Borshay Lee 296
References
[1] http:/ / links. jstor. org/ sici?sici=0014-1801(197224)19%3A1%3C83%3AMTH%3E2. 0. CO%3B2-U
[2] http:/ / www. anthropologica. ca/ past_issues/ vol45-1. html
[3] http:/ / www. wlupress. wlu. ca/ ~wwwpress/ jrls/ anthro/ issues/ 45_1/ solway-bib. pdf
[4] http:/ / www. mnsu. edu/ emuseum/ information/ biography/ klmno/ lee_richard. html
[5] http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ wiki/ :Richard
Tim Ingold
Tim Ingold is a British social anthropologist. His bibliography includes The Perception of
the Environment. Essays in Livelihood, Dwelling and Skill, Routledge, 2000, which is a
collection of essays, some of which had been published earlier.
Bibliography
• Lines: a brief history (2007). London: Routledge.
• The perception of the environment: essays on livelihood, dwelling and skill (2000).
London: Routledge.
• Evolution and social life (1986). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
• The appropriation of nature: essays on human ecology and social relations (1986).
Manchester: Manchester University Press.
• Hunters, pastoralists and ranchers: reindeer economies and their transformations (1980).
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
• The Skolt Lapps today (1976). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
See also
Taskscape
External links
[1]
• University of Aberdeen
[2]
This article about an educator is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by expanding it .
References
[1] http:/ / www. abdn. ac. uk/ ~wap001/ staff/ details. php?id=tim. ingold
[2] http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ w/ index. php?stub& title=Tim_Ingold& action=edit
Marshall Sahlins 297
Marshall Sahlins
Marshall David Sahlins (born December 27, 1930, Chicago, Illinois) is a prominent
American anthropologist. He received both a Bachelors and Masters degree at the
University of Michigan where he studied with Leslie White, and earned his Ph.D. at
Columbia University in 1954 where his main intellectual influences included Karl Polanyi
and Julian Steward. He returned to teach at the University of Michigan and in the 1960s
became politically active, protesting against the Vietnam War. In the late 1960s he also
spent two years in Paris, where he was exposed to French intellectual life (and particularly
the work of Claude Lévi-Strauss) and the student protests of May 1968. In 1973 he moved
to the University of Chicago, where he is today the Charles F. Grey Distinguished Service
Professor of Anthropology Emeritus.
Sahlins' work has focused on demonstrating the power that culture has to shape people's
perceptions and actions. He has been particularly interested to demonstrate that culture
has a unique power to motivate people that is not derived from biology. His early work
focused on debunking the idea of 'economically rational man' and to demonstrate that
economic systems adapted to particular circumstances in culturally specific ways. After the
publication of Culture and Practical Reason in 1976 his focus shifted to the relation
between history and anthropology, and the way different cultures understand and make
history. Although his focus has been the entire Pacific, Sahlins has done most of his
research in Fiji and Hawaii.
In his Evolution and Culture (1960) he touched the areas of cultural evolution and
neoevolutionism. He divided the evolution of societies into 'general' and 'specific'. General
evolution is the tendency of cultural and social systems to increase in complexity,
organization and adaptiveness to environment. However, as the various cultures are not
isolated, there is interaction and a diffusion of their qualities (like technological inventions).
This leads cultures to develop in different ways (specific evolution), as various elements are
introduced to them in different combinations and on different stages of evolution.
In the late 1990s Sahlins became embroiled in a heated debate with Gananath Obeyesekere
over the details of Captain James Cook's death in the Hawaiian Islands in 1779. At the heart
of the debate was how to understand the rationality of indigenous people. Obeyesekere
insisted that indigenous people thought in essentially the same way as Westerners and was
concerned that any argument otherwise would paint them as 'irrational' and 'uncivilized'.
Sahlins, on the other hand, was critical of Western thought and argued that indigenous
cultures were distinct and equal to those of the West.
In 2001, Marshall Sahlins became the executive publisher of a small press called Prickly
Paradigm.
See also
• → Original affluent society
• Economic anthropology
Publications
• Social Stratification in Polynesia (1958)
• Moala: Culture and Nature on a Fijian Island (1962)
• Evolution and Culture (ed., 1960)
• Stone Age Economics (1974: ISBN 0422745308)
• Tribesmen (1968)
• The Use and Abuse of Biology (1976: ISBN 0472087770)
• Culture and Practical Reason (1976: ISBN 0226733599)
• Historical Metaphors and Mythical Realities (1981: ISBN 0472027212)
• Waiting For Foucault (1999: ISBN 1891754114)
• Islands of History (1985: ISBN 0226733572)
• Anahulu: The Anthropology of History in the Kingdom of Hawaii (1992: ISBN
0226733637)
• How "Natives" Think: About Captain Cook, for Example (1995: ISBN 0-226-73368-8)
• Culture in Practice (2000: ISBN 094229937X)
• Apologies to Thucydides: Understanding History as Culture and Vice Versa (2004: ISBN
0226734005)
• The Western Illusion of Human Nature (2008: ISBN 13-9780979405723)
External links
• The Original Affluent Society [1] - the seminal article by Marshall Sahlins
• Faculty Page [1] - from the University of Chicago Department of Anthropology web site
• http:/ / www. mnsu. edu/ emuseum/ information/ biography/ pqrst/ sahlins_marshall. html
• Waiting for Foucault, Still [2] A small, pocket-sized book by Sahlins. Published in 2002 by
Prickly Paradigm, now available for free online(in pdf).
• Poor Man, Rich Man, Big Man, Chief: Political types in Melanesia and Polynesia [3] - free
online text
About the controversy with Obeyesekere (See also Death of Cook article, about the 2004
re-discovery of the original painting of the incident by John Cleveley the Younger, showing
a less idealised Cook):
• http:/ / www. ahs. cqu. edu. au/ humanities/ history/ 52148/ modules/ pacific_peoplesC.
html#obey
• http:/ / www. snarkout. org/ archives/ 2004/ 07/ 20/
References
[1] http:/ / anthropology. uchicago. edu/ faculty/ faculty_sahlins. shtml
[2] http:/ / www. prickly-paradigm. com/ paradigm1. pdf
[3] http:/ / www. scribd. com/ doc/ 22292/
Marshall-Sahlins-Poor-Man-Rich-Man-BigMan-Chief-Political-Types-in-Melanesia-and-Polynesia
Pierre Clastres
Pierre Clastres, (1934-1977), was a French anthropologist and ethnographer. He is best
known for his fieldwork among the Guayaki in Paraguay and his theory on stateless
societies. Some people regard him as giving scientific validity to certain → anarchist
perspectives.[1]
In his most famous work, Society Against the State (1974), Clastres indeed criticizes both
the evolutionist notion that the state would be the ultimate destiny of all societies, and the
Rousseauian notion of man's natural state of innocence (the myth of the noble savage).
Knowledge of power is innate in any society, thus the natural state for humans wanting to
preserve autonomy is a society structured by a complex set of customs which actively avert
the rise of despotic power. The state is seen as but a specific constellation of hierarchical
power peculiar only to societies who have failed to maintain these mechanisms which
prevent separation from happening. Thus, in the Guayaki tribes, the leader has only a
representational role, being his people's spokesperson towards other tribes ("international
relations"). If he abuses his authority, he may be violently removed by his people, and the
institution of "spokesperson" is never allowed to transform itself into a separate institution
of authority. Pierre Clastres' theory thus was an explicit criticism of vulgar Marxist theories
of economic determinism, in that he considered an autonomous sphere of politics, which
existed in stateless societies as the active conjuration of authority. The essential question
which Clastres sought to answer was: why would an individual in an egalitarian (eg
foraging) society chose to subordinate himself to an authority? He considered the
consequent rise of the state to be due to the power disparaties that arise when religion
credits a prophet or other medium with a direct knowledge of divine power which is
unattainable by the bulk of society. It is this upsetting of the balance of power that
engendered the inequality to be found in more highly structured societies, and not an initial
economic disparity as argued by the Marxist school of thought.
Bibliography
• « Liberté, malencontre, innommable » dans Étienne de La Boétie, Le Discours de la
servitude volontaire
• Chronicle of the Guayaki Indians (Chronique des indiens Guayaki), 1972
• Society Against the State (La Société contre l'État'), 1974
• Le Grand Parler. Mythes et chants sacrés des Indiens Guaraní, 1974
• French Marxists and their Anthropology (Les marxistes et leur anthropologie), 1978
• Recherches d'anthropologie politique, 1980
• Archeology of Violence (Archéologie de la violence. La guerre dans les sociétés
primitives.)
• Bartholomew Dean “Critical Re-vision: Clastres' Chronicle and the optic of primitivism”,
2002 In Best of Anthropology Today, 1974-2000, ed. J. Benthall, with a preface by M.
Pierre Clastres 300
Sahlins. London: Routledge. [2]

• Geertz, Clifford: "Deep Hanging Out", The New York Review of Books, Vol. XLV (1998),
no. 16 (Oct 22), pp. 69- 72
See also
• Anarchism in Africa
• Anthropology and ethnology
• Power (sociology)
• Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari Anti-Oedipus (1978)
External links
[3]
• An Excerpt from Society Against the State ()
• A page from the Librairie Libertaire, describing Clastres and linking to some of his essays
[4]
()
• The essay La question du pouvoir dans les sociétés primitives [5] ()
• Entry [6] of the French Encyclopædia Universalis on the concept of ethnocide ()
References
[1] John Zerzan - Origins of War (http:/ / www. greenanarchy. org/ index. php?action=viewwritingdetail&
writingId=543& kw=origins+ of+ war)
[2] http:/ / www. amazon. com/ gp/ reader/ 0415262550
[3] http:/ / www. primitivism. com/ society-state. htm
[4] http:/ / perso. wanadoo. fr/ libertaire/ archive/ 2000/ 228-mai/ clastres. htm
[5] http:/ / increvablesanarchistes. org/ articles/ 1968_81/ clastre_pouvoirprimitif. htm
[6] http:/ / vadeker. club. fr/ corpus/ ethnocide. html
Brian Ferguson 301
Brian Ferguson
1. REDIRECT Lucas Gray
Paul Shepard
Paul Howe Shepard, Jr.
Born 1926
Kansas City, MO
Died July 27, 1996 (age 69–70)
Salt Lake City, Utah
Occupation Author, Professor
Nationality American
Subjects Ecology, Domestication, Ecopsychology
Notable work(s) The Tender Carnivore and the Sacred Game, Nature and Madness,
Coming Home to the Pleistocene, Where we Belong, the Others.
Paul Howe Shepard, Jr. (1926–July 27, 1996) is an American environmentalist and author
best known for introducing the "Pleistocene paradigm" to → deep ecology. His works have
attempted to establish a normative framework in terms of evolutionary theory and
developmental psychology. He offers a critique of sedentism / civilization and advocates
modeling human lifestyles on those of nomadic prehistoric humans. He explores the
connections between domestication, language, and cognition.
He died of lung cancer on July 21, 1996 in Salt Lake City.[1]
Based on his early study of modern ethnographic literature examining contemporary
nature-based peoples, Shepard created a developmental model for understanding the role
of sustained contact with nature in healthy human psychological development, positing that
humans, having spent 99% of their social history in hunting and gathering environments,
are therefore evolutionarily dependent on nature for proper emotional and psychological
growth and development. Drawing from ideas of neoteny, Shepard postulated that many
humans in post-agricultural society are often not fully mature, but are trapped in infantilism
or an adolescent state.
Early life and Education

Shepard was born in Kansas City and earned his bachelor's degree from the University of
Missouri. He went on to earn a doctorate from Yale, and his 1967 book Man in the
Landscape: a Historic View of the Esthetics of Nature was based on his thesis. From 1973
until his retirement in 1994 he taught at Pitzer College and Claremont Graduate School.
Legacy
Shepard's books have become landmark texts among ecologists and helped pave the way
for the modern → primitivist train of thought, the essential elements being that "civilization"
itself runs counter to human nature - that human nature, as Shepard so eloquently stated, is
Paul Shepard 302
a consciousness shaped by our evolution and our environment. We are, essentially, "beings
of the Paleolithic."
Some of his most influential books are The Tender Carnivore and the Sacred Game, Nature
and Madness, Coming Home to the Pleistocene, Where we Belong, and the Others.
Selected Bibliography (FP)

• Encounters With Nature: Essays by Paul Shepard, ed. by Florence R. Shepard with an
Introduction by David Petersen, Washington, D.C: ISLAND PRESS/Shearwater Books,
1999).
• Coming Home to the Pleistocene, ed. by Florence R. Shepard (Washington D.C. : ISLAND
PRESS/Shearwater Books, 1998).
• Nature and Madness, with a Foreword by C.L.Rawlins (Athens, GA: The University of
Georgia Press, 1998)(San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 1982).
• Thinking Animals: Animals and the Development of Human Intelligence, with a Foreword
by Max Oelschlaeger(Athens, GA: The University of Georgia Press, 1998) (New York: The
Viking Press, 1978)
• The Tender Carnivore and the Sacred Game with a Foreword by George Sessions
(Athens, GA: The
University of Georgia Press, 1998) ( New York: Scribners, 1973).
• Traces of an Omnivore, with an Introduction by Jack Turner (Washington, D. C.: Island
Press/Shearwater Books, 1996).
• The Only World We've Got : A Paul Shepard Reader (San Francisco: Sierra Club Books,
1996).
• The Others: How Animals Made Us Human (Washington, D. C.: Island Press/Shearwater
Books, 1996).
• Man in the Landscape: An Historic View of the Esthetics of Nature (College Station, TX:
Texas A & M University Press, 1991) (New York: Knopf, 1967).
• The Sacred Paw: The Bear in Nature, Myth, and Literature (with Barry Sanders) (New
York: The Viking Press,1985) (New York: Arcana Books, Penguin, 1992).
• Environ/mental: Essays on the Planet as Home (with Daniel McKinley) (Boston: Houghton
Mifflin, 1971).
• The Subversive Science: Essays Toward an Ecology of Man (with Daniel McKinley)
(Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1969).
References
[1] Pace, Eric. "Paul Shepard Professor and Author, 71". Obituary in the New York Times, July 22, 1996, page A15
• Conesa-Sevilla, J. (2007). “Minding Animals”: Paul Shepard’s “Selfish” Argument for His
Own Question “What Good Are Animals?” The Trumpeter, 23, 3, 78-91.
Mark Nathan Cohen 303
Mark Nathan Cohen

Mark Nathan Cohen is an American anthropologist and a professor in the State University
of New York.[1] He has an A.B. degree from Harvard College (1965) and a Ph.D. degree in
anthropology (Columbia University, 1971). His areas of research and teaching include
human evolution and demographic history, cultural evolution, biology, medical care and
forensic anthropology. He has written several books in the field of population growth and
life expectancy.
Bibliography
Among other books, he has authored:
• Health and the Rise of Civilization (Yale University Press, 1989)
• Paleopathology at the Origins of Agriculture (Academic Press 1984)
• Culture of Intolerance (Yale University Press 1998)
• Ancient Health (University Press of Florida 2007)
• Darwin and the Bible (Pearson Educacion and Allyn & Bacon 2008)
• The Food Crisis in Prehistory (Yale University Press 1977)
• Biosocial Mechanisms of Population Regulation (Yale University Press 1980)
References
[1] http:/ / www. plattsburgh. edu/ academics/ anthropology/ faculty/ cohen. php
Harold Barclay
Harold B. Barclay (born January 3, 1924[1] ) is professor emeritus in anthropology at the
University of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta. His research has focussed on rural society in
modern Egypt and the northern Arab Sudan as well as political anthropology and
anthropology of religion. He is also commonly acknowledged as a notable writer in
anarchist theory, specialising in → theories involving the destruction of the state and how
society would operate if leaderless.
Select bibliography
1. Buurri al Lamaab, a suburban village in the Sudan. Cornell studies in anthropology.
Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1964.
2. The role of the horse in man's culture. London: J.A. Allen, 1980. ISBN 0851313299
3. Culture: the human way. Calgary. Alta., Canada: Western Publishers, 1986. ISBN
0919119115
4. People without Government: An Anthropology of Anarchy, rev. ed., Seattle: Left Bank
Books, 1990. ISBN 0-939306-09-3.
5. Culture and anarchism. London: Freedom Press, 1997. ISBN 0900384840
6. The state. London: Freedom Press, 2003. ISBN 1904491006
7. Longing for Arcadia: memoirs of an anarcho-cynicalist anthropologist. Victoria, B.C.:
Trafford, 2005. ISBN 1412056799
Harold Barclay 304
References
[1] Barclay, Harold (2005). Longing for Arcadia. Trafford Publishing. ISBN 9781412056793.
This article about an educator is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by expanding it (http:/ /
en. wikipedia. org/ w/ index. php?stub& title=Harold_Barclay& action=edit).
Stanley Diamond
Stanley Diamond (January 4, 1922 – March 31, 1991) was an American poet and
anthropologist. As a young man, he identified as a poet and attended first the University of
North Carolina at Chapel Hill and then New York University, graduating from the latter
with a B.A. in English and Philosophy.
At the outbreak of World War II, Diamond joined the British Army Field Service and served
in North Africa. Like many veterans of his generation, he went to graduate school on the
G.I. Bill and received a Ph.D. in anthropology from Columbia University in 1951.
After graduation, he held a teaching position at the University of California at Los Angeles,
but as a result of denouncing the McCarthyist politics of that era he was dismissed and
found that no other university was willing to hire him for the next three years. It was during
this period that he conducted his first ethnographic fieldwork, which took him to an Israeli
kibbutz and a nearby Arab mountain village. On his return to the United States, he taught
at Brandeis University and Syracuse University before moving to the New School for Social
Research in 1966, where he founded the New School anthropology program; within a few
years, this program developed into a full department. Diamond served as the department
chair until 1983, when he was named Distinguished Professor of Anthropology and
Humanities at the New School and also Poet in the University. He later taught as visiting
professor in Berlin and Mexico and at Bard College.
As an ethnographer and social critic, Diamond conducted research in Israel; among the
Anaguta of the Jos Plateau in the Nigeria during the last years of British colonial rule;
among the Seneca Nation of upstate New York; and in Biafra during the 1967-1970 Biafran
War, when he advocated for Biafran independence. Diamond is also known for founding the
social science journal Dialectical Anthropology in 1976, as well as for a number of
published books, including several volumes of poetry, including Totems and Going West.
He founded the first department of critical anthropology in the United States at the New
School for Social Research in New York. He also founded the most widely circulated
international journal of anthropology in the world, Dialectical Anthropology. His best-known
book is a collection of essays called In Search Of The Primitive.
Stanley Diamond 305
Major publications
• Culture in history, Columbia University Press, 1960.
• Primitive views of the world, Columbia University Press, 1964.
• Music of the Jos Plateau and other regions of Nigeria (audio recording), Folkways
Records, 1966.
• The transformation of East Africa: Studies in political anthropology (Stanley Diamond
and Fred G. Burke, editors), Basic Books, 1967.
• Anthropological perspectives on education (Murray L. Wax, Stanley Diamond, and Fred
O. Gearing, editors), Basic Books, 1971.
• In search of the primitive: A critique of civilization, Transaction Books, 1974.
• Toward a Marxist anthropology: Problems and perspectives, Mouton, 1979.
• Anthropology: Ancestors and heirs (Stanley Diamond, editor), Mouton, 1980.
• Culture in history: Essays in honor of Paul Radin (Stanley Diamond, editor), Octagon
Books, 1981.
Source
• "Stanley Diamond: In Memoriam," Dialectical Anthropology, vol. 16, no. 2 (June, 1991),
pp. 105-106.
This article about an anthropologist is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by Diamond
expanding it [1].
References
[1] http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ wiki/ :Stanley
Irven DeVore 306
Irven DeVore
Irven DeVore (October 7, 1934) is an anthropologist and evolutionary biologist, and
Curator of Primatology at Harvard University's Peabody Museum of Archaeology and
Ethnology. He also teaches at Harvard.
Professor DeVore was doing field research on the behavior and ecology of baboons in 1959,
at the same time Jane Goodall was doing her research on chimpanzees and Robert Ardrey
was writing African Genesis, and has also studied the San of southern Africa. DeVore was
also an early supporter of the field of sociobiology.
Professor DeVore has also appeared on many television programs as an expert or narrator.
Irven DeVore once said, "There is no excuse for boring students when you're talking about
human nature. It's too interesting."
DEGREES: B.A. 1956, University of Texas, Philosophy and Anthropology, M.A. 1959,
University of Chicago, Anthropology, Ph.D. 1962, University of Chicago, Anthropology, M.A.
1963, Harvard University, Honorary
AWARDS: President, Section H (Anthropology), American Association for the Advancement
of Science, 1988-89 Fellow, American Academy of Arts and Sciences, elected 1968 Fellow,
American Association for the Advancement of Science, elected 1967 Fellow, American
Anthropological Association, elected 1962 The Walker Prize for Science, Museum of
Science, Boston, 1970 Lifetime Achievement Award, Institute of Human Origins, New York,
1990
Teaching and Fellowships
• Chairman, Department of Anthropology, Harvard University, 1987-1992
• Ruth Moore Professor of Biological Anthropology, since 1991
• Distinguished Visiting Professor, University of Cape Town, South Africa, 1992
• Professor of Anthropology and Biology, Harvard University, since 1969
• Visiting Lecturer, Human Biology, Stanford University, 1964 and 1966
• Lecturer in Anthropology, Harvard University, 1963
• Fellow, Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences, 1962-63
• Fellow, Miller Institute for Basic Research in Science, Berkeley, 1961
• Assistant Professor of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley, 1960-61
Offices in Professional Organizations (selected):
• Director, 1996-97, and Acting Director, 1994, Peabody Museum of Archaeology and
Ethnology, Harvard University
• Trustee, 1974-present, Co-Chair, Science & Grants Committee, 1980-present, L. S. B.
Leakey Foundation, San Francisco, California
• Board of Advisors, 1976-94, The Center for Field Research ("Earthwatch"), Belmont,
Massachusetts
• Co-Founder and President, 1986-present, Dolphins of Shark Bay Research Foundation,
Western Australia
• Board of Directors, 1973-94, Cultural Survival, Inc., Cambridge, Massachusetts
• Advisory Council, Section H (Anthropology), 1987-90, American Association for the
Advancement of Science, Washington, D.C.
• Advisory Council, 1979-83, Wenner-Gren Foundation, New York, New York
• Co-Founder, Kalahari Peoples Fund, 1970
Irven DeVore 307
• Executive Board, 1970-73, American Anthropological Association, Washington, D. C.

• Board of Directors, 1972-75, Foundations' Fund for Research in Psychiatry, New Haven
• Advisory Committee on Primate Research Centers, 1964-67, National Institutes of Health
• Board of Directors, 1968-72, Education Development Center, Cambridge, Massachusetts
• Advisor, 1968-72, The Danforth Foundation, St. Louis, Missouri
• Board of Directors, 1971-73, Ninth International Congress of Anthropological and
Ethological Sciences, Inc., Chicago
• Committee on Conservation of Nonhuman Primates, 1972-73, National Research Council,
National Academy of Sciences, Washington, D.C.
Books
• Primate Behavior: Field Studies of Monkeys and Apes, ed., Holt, Rinehart & Winston,
New York.
• 1965 The Primates, with S. Eimerl (Series: LIFE Nature Library), Time-Life, New York.
• 1968 Man the Hunter, with Richard B. Lee, eds. Aldine Publ., Chicago.
• 1976 Kalahari Hunter-Gatherers, with Richard B. Lee, eds., Harvard University Press,
Cambridge, Massachusetts.
• 1982 Field Guide for the Study of Adolescence, with Beatrice Whiting, John Whiting, et
al. A 200-page field manual prepared by the staff and post-doctoral trainees for use at the
field sites in our cross-cultural study of adolescence; revision for publication as a general
field guide is under consideration.
External links
• Curriculum vitae [1] - his professional résumé
• Interview transcript [2]
[3]
• Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology
References
[1] http:/ / www. discoverlife. org/ who/ CV/ DeVore,_Irven. html
[2] http:/ / www. meta-library. net/ transcript/ devore-frame. html
[3] http:/ / www. peabody. harvard. edu
Clive Ponting 308
Clive Ponting
Clive Ponting (born 1947) is a British writer, former academic and former senior civil
servant. He is the author of a number of revisionist books on British and world history.
However, he is perhaps best known for leaking documents about the Belgrano affair of the
Falklands War.
General Belgrano
Formerly a senior civil servant at the Ministry of Defence (MoD), Clive Ponting achieved
notoriety in July 1984, when he sent two documents to Labour MP, Tam Dalyell, about the
sinking of an Argentine naval warship General Belgrano, a key incident in the Falklands
War of 1982. The documents revealed that the General Belgrano had been sighted a day
earlier than officially reported, and was steaming away from the Royal Navy taskforce, and
was outside the exclusion zone, when the cruiser was attacked and sunk.
Official Secrets Act

Ponting admitted revealing the information and was charged with a criminal offence under
Section 2 of the 1911 Official Secrets Act. His defence rested on two issues:
• that the matter was in the public interest, and
• that disclosure to a Member of Parliament was privileged.
Although Ponting fully expected to be imprisoned – and had brought his toothbrush and
shaving kit along to the court on February 11, 1985 – he was acquitted by the jury. The
acquittal came despite the judge's direction to the jury that "the public interest is what the
government of the day says it is". He resigned from the civil service on February 16, 1985.
Right to know
The Ponting case was seen as a landmark in British legal history, raising serious questions
about the validity of the 1911 Official Secrets Act and the public's "right to know". Shortly
after his resignation, The Observer began to serialize Ponting's book entitled The Right to
Know: the inside story of the Belgrano affair. The Conservative government reacted by
tightening up UK secrets legislation, introducing the 1989 Official Secrets Act and
removing the public interest defence which Ponting had successfully used to avoid being
convicted.
Clive Ponting 309
Academic
Ponting was educated at Bristol Grammar School.
Following his resignation from the Civil Service, Ponting served as a Reader in the
Department of Politics and International Relations at the University of Wales, Swansea,
until retirement in 2004.
Bibliography
About the case

• Norton-Taylor, Richard. The Ponting Affair. Cecil Woolf, 1985. ISBN 0-900821-73-6
By Clive Ponting
• The Right to Know: The Inside Story of the Belgrano Affair (1985), Sphere Books, ISBN
0-7221-6944-2
• Whitehall - Tragedy and Farce (1986), Hamish Hamilton, ISBN 0-2411-1835-2
• Breach of Promise - Labour in Power, 1964-70 (1989), Hamish Hamilton, ISBN
0-2411-2683-5
• 1940: Myth and Reality (1990), Hamish Hamilton, ISBN 978-0241126684
• A Green History of the World: The Environment and the Collapse of Great Civilizations
(1991), Penguin, ISBN 0-1401-7660-8
• Churchill (1994), Sinclair-Stevenson, ISBN 1-8561-9270-9
• Armageddon - The Second World War (1995), Random House, ISBN 0-6794-3602-2
• Progress and Barbarism: The World in the Twentieth Century (1998), Chatto & Windus,
ISBN 1-8561-9610-0
• World History - A New Perspective (2000), Chatto & Windus, ISBN 0-7011-6834-X
• Thirteen Days - Diplomacy and Disaster, the Countdown to the Great War (2003),
Pimlico, ISBN 0-7126-6826-8
• The Crimean War - The Story Behind the Myth (2004), Pimlico, ISBN 0-7126-6826-8
• Gunpowder - The Story (2005), Chatto & Windus, ISBN 0-7011-7752-7
• A New Green History of the World: The Environment and the Collapse of Great
[1]
Civilizations (2007), Penguin, ISBN 0-1430-3898-2 Penguin's description of the book
See also
• Tam Dalyell
• Sarah Tisdall
• Patrick Haseldine
• Jury nullification
External links
[2]
• Falklands' row civil servant resigns
• A Green History of the World [3]
Clive Ponting 310
References
[1] http:/ / booksellers. penguin. com/ nf/ Book/ BookDisplay/ 0,,9780143038986,00. html
[2] http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ onthisday/ hi/ dates/ stories/ february/ 16/ newsid_2545000/ 2545907. stm
[3] http:/ / ecobooks. com/ books/ history. htm
Thomas Malthus
1. REDIRECT Thomas Robert Malthus
Jared Diamond 311
Jared Diamond
Jared Diamond
Born Jared Mason Diamond

10 September 1937
Boston, Massachusetts
Residence United States
Citizenship American
Fields Physiology
Biophysics
Ornithology
Environmentalism
Ecology
Geography
Evolutionary Biology
Anthropology
Institutions University of California, Los Angeles
Alma mater Harvard College

Cambridge University
Notable awards Phi Beta Kappa Award in Science (1997)

Royal Society Prize for Science Books (1992, 1998 & 2006)
Pulitzer Prize (1998)
National Medal of Science (1999)
Jared Mason Diamond (born 10 September 1937) is an American scientist and nonfiction
author whose work draws from a variety of fields. He is currently Professor of Geography
and Physiology at UCLA. He is best known for the award-winning books The Third
Chimpanzee; Guns, Germs, and Steel; and Collapse.
Biography
Diamond was born in Boston, Massachusetts, to a Polish-Jewish family. His father was the
physician Louis K. Diamond, and his mother a teacher, musician, and linguist. He attended
the Roxbury Latin School, earning his A.B. degree from Harvard College in 1958, and his
Ph.D. in physiology and membrane biophysics from the University of Cambridge in 1961.
After graduating from Cambridge, he returned to Harvard as a Junior Fellow until 1965,
and, in 1968, became Professor of Physiology at UCLA Medical School. While in his
twenties, he also developed a second, parallel, career in the ornithology of New Guinea, and
has since undertaken numerous research New Guinea and nearby islands. In his fifties,
Jared Diamond 312
Diamond gradually developed a third career in environmental history, and become a

Professor of Geography at UCLA, his current position.[1] He was awarded an honorary
doctorate by Westfield State College in 2009.
He is married to Marie Diamond (née Marie Nabel Cohen), granddaughter of Polish
politician Edward Werner, and has two adult sons named Josh and Max Diamond. In 1999,
he was awarded the National Medal of Science. His sister Susan Diamond is a successful
novelist. Her book What Goes Around has sold many copies.
Diamond speaks a dozen languages, listed in the order learned: English, Latin, French,
Greek, German, Spanish, Russian, Finnish, Fore (a New Guinea language), New
Melanesian, Indonesian, and Italian.
Work
As well as scholarly books and articles in the fields of ecology and ornithology, Diamond is
the author of a number of popular science books, which are known for combining sources
from a variety of fields other than those he has formally studied.
The first of these, The Third Chimpanzee: The Evolution and Future of the Human Animal
(1991), examined human evolution and its relevance to the modern world, incorporating
insights from anthropology, evolutionary biology, genetics, ecology, and linguistics. It was
well-received by critics, and won the 1992 Rhône-Poulenc Prize for Science Books[2] and the
Los Angeles Times Book Prize.[3] In 1997, he followed this up with Why is Sex Fun?, which
focused in on the evolution of human sexuality, again borrowing from anthropology,
ecology, and evolutionary biology.
His third and best known popular science book, Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of
Human Societies, was published in 1997. In it, Diamond seeks to explain Eurasian
hegemony throughout history. Using evidence from ecology, archaeology, genetics,
lingustics, and various historical case studies, he argues that the gaps in power and
technology between human societies do not reflect cultural or racial differences, but rather
originate in environmental differences powerfully amplified by various positive feedback
loops. As a result, the geography of the Eurasian landmass gave its human inhabitants an
inherent advantage over the societies on other continents, which they were able to
dominate or conquer. Although certain examples in the book, and its alleged environmental
determinism, have been criticised, it became a best-seller, and received numerous awards,
including a Pulitzer Prize, an Aventis Prize for Science Books[2] (Diamond's second), and the
1997 Phi Beta Kappa Award in Science. A television documentary based on the book was
produced by the National Geographic Society in 2005.
Diamond's most recent book, Collapse: How Societies Choose to Fail or Succeed (2005),
examines a range of past civilizations in an attempt to identify why they either collapsed or
succeeded, and considers what contemporary societies can learn from these historical
examples. As in Guns, Germs, and Steel, he argues against traditional culture-historical
explanations for the failure of past societies, and instead focuses on ecological factors.
Among the societies he considers are the Norse and Inuit of Greenland, the Maya, the
Anasazi, the indigenous people of Rapa Nui (Easter Island), Japan, Haiti, the Dominican
Republic, and modern Montana. While not as successful as Guns, Germs and Steel, Collapse
was again both critically acclaimed and subject to accusations of environmental
determinism and specific inaccuracies. It won Diamond his third Royal Society Prize for
Science Books (previously known as the Rhône-Poulenc and Aventis Prize)[2] .
Jared Diamond 313
Controversy
On 21 April 2009, Henep Isum Mandingo and Hup Daniel Wemp of Papua New Guinea filed
a $10 million USD defamation lawsuit against Diamond over a New Yorker Magazine article
titled Vengeance Is Ours: What can tribal societies tell us about our need to get even? The
article is an account of feuds and vengeance killings among tribes in the New Guinea
highlands which Mandingo and Wemp claim have been misrepresented and embellished by
Diamond.[4] The lawsuit came in the wake of an investigation by Rhonda Roland Shearer
which highlighted factual inaccuracies in the article, most notably the fact that Mandingo,
the alleged target of the feud who was rendered wheelchair-bound in the fighting, is fit and
healthy.[5] Diamond and the New Yorker stand by the article. They maintain that it is a
faithful account of the story related to Diamond by Wemp while they worked together in
2001 and in a formal interview in 2006, based on "detailed notes", and that both Diamond
and the magazine did all they reasonably could to verify the story. Furthermore they claim
that in a taped interview between Wemp and a New Yorker fact-checker, Wemp failed to
raise any significant objections. Pauline Wiessner, an expert on tribal warfare in Papua New
Guinea, points that out that young men often exaggerate or make up entirely their exploits
in tribal warfare, and that Diamond was naïve to accept and publish Wemp's stories at face
value.[6]
Selected Publications
Books
• 1972 Avifauna of the Eastern Highlands of New Guinea, Publications of the Nuttall
Ornithological Club, No. 12, Cambridge, Mass., pp. 438.[7]
• 1975 M. L. Cody and J. M. Diamond, eds. Ecology and Evolution of Communities [8].
Belknap Press, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass.
• 1979 J. M. Diamond and M. LeCroy. Birds of Karkar and Bagabag Islands, New Guinea.
Bull. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist. 164:469-531
• 1984 J. M. Diamond. The Avifaunas of Rennell and Bellona Islands. The Natural History
of Rennell Islands, British Solomon Islands 8:127-168
• 1986 J. M. Diamond and T. J. Case. eds. Community Ecology. Harper and Row, New York
• 1986 B. Beehler, T. Pratt, D. Zimmerman, H. Bell, B. Finch, J. M. Diamond, and J. Coe.
Birds of New Guinea. Princeton University Press,Princeton
• 1992 The Third Chimpanzee: The Evolution and Future of the Human Animal, ISBN
0-060-98403-1
• 1997 Why is Sex Fun? The Evolution of Human Sexuality, ISBN 0-465-03127-7
• 1997 Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies. W.W. Norton & Co. ISBN
0-393-06131-0
• 2001 The Birds of Northern Melanesia: Speciation, Ecology, & Biogeography (with Ernst
Mayr), ISBN 0-195-14170-9
• 2003 Guns, Germs, and Steel Reader's Companion, ISBN 1-586-63863-7.
• 2005 Collapse: How Societies Choose to Fail or Succeed. New York: Viking Books. ISBN
1-586-63863-7.
• 2006 [re-release] The Third Chimpanzee: The Evolution and Future of the Human Animal.
New York: HarperCollins. ISBN 0-060-84550-3.
Jared Diamond 314
Articles
• Island Biogeography and the Design of Natural Reserves (1976), in Robert M. May's
Theoretical Ecology: Principles and Applications, Blackwell Scientific Publications, pp.
163–186.
• Ethnic differences. Variation in human testis size. (April 1986) Nature 320(6062):488-489
PubMed [9].
• The Worst Mistake in the History of the Human Race [10] (May 1987) Discover pp. 64–66
• Curse and Blessing of the Ghetto (March 1991) Discover, pp.60–66
• Race Without Color [11] (November 1994) Discover
• The Curse of QWERTY [12] (April 1997) Discover
• Japanese Roots (June 1998) Discover
• What’s Your Consumption Factor? [13] (January 2, 2008) The New York Times
Boards
• Editorial board, Skeptic Magazine, a publication of The Skeptics Society
• Member, the American Philosophical Society
• Member, the American Academy of Arts and Sciences
• Member, the National Academy of Sciences
• US regional director of the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF/World Wildlife Fund)
Awards and honors

• 1961-1965 Prize Fellowship in Physiology, Trinity College, Cambridge, England
• 1968-1971 Lederle Medical Faculty Award
• 1972 Distinguished Teaching Award, UCLA Medical Class
• 1973 Distinguished Teaching Award, UCLA Medical Class
• 1975 Distinguished Achievement Award, American Gastroenterological Association
• 1976 Kaiser Permanente/Golden Apple Teaching Award
• 1976 Nathaniel Bowditch Prize, American Physiological Society
• 1978 American Ornithologists Union, elected fellow
• 1979 Franklin L. Burr Award, National Geographic Society
• 1985 MacArthur Foundation “Genius” Grant
• 1989 Archie Carr Medal
• 1990 MacArthur Foundation Fellow
• 1992 Tanner Lecturer, University of Utah and many other endowed lectureships
• 1992 Rhône-Poulenc Prize for Science Books for The Third Chimphanzee[2]
• 1992 Los Angeles Times Science Book Prize[3]
• 1993 Zoological Society of San Diego Conservation Medal
• 1994 Skeptics Society, Randi Award
• 1995 Honorary doctor of literature, Sejong University, Korea
• 1996 Faculty Research Lecturer, UCLA
• 1997 Phi Beta Kappa Science Book Prize for Guns, Germs and Steel
• 1998 Pulitzer Prize for Guns, Germs and Steel
• 1998 Elliott Coues Award, American Ornithologists' Union
• 1998 California Book Awards, Gold Medal in nonfiction for Guns, Germs and Steel
• 1998 Aventis Prize for Science Books for Guns, Germs and Steel[2]
• 1998 International Cosmos Prize[1]
Jared Diamond 315
• 1999 Lannan Literary Award for Nonfiction

• 2001 Tyler Prize for Environmental Achievement
• 2002 Lewis Thomas Prize for Writing about Science
• 2006 Royal Society Prize for Science Books for Collapse[2]
• 2006 Dickson Prize in Science
• 2008 Ph.D. Honoris Causa at the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, Belgium
See also
• Assembly rules
References
[14]
• Richmond Forum
• Rivers 2006 [15]
[1] " The Prize Winner, 1998 (http:/ / www. expo-cosmos. or. jp/ jusyou/ 1998_e. html)". Expo-Cosmos. . Retrieved
on 2009-05-18.
[2] " Prize for Science Books previous winners and shortlists (http:/ / royalsociety. org/ bookspage. asp?id=6372)".
Royal Society. . Retrieved on 2009-05-18.
[3] " Los Angeles Times Festival of Books - Book Prizes - Winners by Award (science) (http:/ / www. latimes. com/
extras/ bookprizes/ winners_byaward. html#science)". Los Angeles Times. . Retrieved on 2009-05-18.
[4] Maull, Samuel (April 22, 2009). " Author Jared Diamond sued for libel (http:/ / apnews. myway. com/ article/
20090422/ D97NNPMO0. html)". AP News. . Retrieved on 2009-04-23.
[5] Shearer, Rhonda Roland (21 April 2009). " JARED DIAMOND’S FACTUAL COLLAPSE: New Yorker Mag’s
Papua New Guinea Revenge Tale Untrue…Tribal Members Angry, Want Justice (http:/ / www. stinkyjournalism.
org/ latest-journalism-news-updates-149. php)". Stinky Journalism.org. . Retrieved on 18 May 2009.
[6] Baltar, Michael (15 May 2009). " ‘Vengeance’ Bites Back At Jared Diamond (http:/ / www. sciencemag. org.
ezphost. dur. ac. uk/ cgi/ content/ summary/ 324/ 5929/ 872?maxtoshow=& HITS=10& hits=10&
RESULTFORMAT=& andorexacttitleabs=and& andorexactfulltext=and& searchid=1& FIRSTINDEX=0&
volume=324& firstpage=872& resourcetype=HWCIT)". Science (American Association for the Advancement of
Science) 324 (5929): 872-874. doi: 10.1126/science.324_872 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1126/ science. 324_872).
ISSN 1095-9203 (http:/ / worldcat. org/ issn/ 1095-9203). . Retrieved on 23 June 2009.
[7] http:/ / www. expo-cosmos. or. jp/ jusyou/ 1998_e. html
[8] http:/ / www. hup. harvard. edu/ catalog/ CODECO. html
[9] http:/ / www. ncbi. nlm. nih. gov/ entrez/ query. fcgi?cmd=Retrieve& db=PubMed& list_uids=3083267&
dopt=Abstract
[10] http:/ / www. environnement. ens. fr/ perso/ claessen/ agriculture/ mistake_jared_diamond. pdf
[11] http:/ / discovermagazine. com/ 1994/ nov/ racewithoutcolor444
[12] http:/ / discovermagazine. com/ 1997/ apr/ thecurseofqwerty1099
[13] http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2008/ 01/ 02/ opinion/ 02diamond. html?_r=1& sq=Jared%20Diamond& st=nyt&
adxnnl=1& scp=1& adxnnlx=1229112115-QuKQJMC9jvJdKsW/ aQhaZg
[14] http:/ / www. richmondforum. org/ bio_JaredDiamond. asp
[15] http:/ / www. rivers2006. org/ html/ diamond. htm
Jared Diamond 316
External links
• Diamond's page at UCLA department of geography (http:/ / www. geog. ucla. edu/ people/
faculty. php?lid=3078& display_one=1& modify=1)
• Diamond's page at the UCLA school of medicine (http:/ / dgsom. healthsciences. ucla.
edu/ research/ institution/ personnel?personnel_id=45273)
• Jared Diamond, linguist, molecular physiologist, bio-geographer, etc. / UCLA Spotlight
(http:/ / spotlight. ucla. edu/ faculty/ jared-diamond/ )
• Diamond biography at The Edge (http:/ / www. edge. org/ 3rd_culture/ bios/ diamond.
html)
• Jared Diamond Video Presentation of Collapse (http:/ / vimeo. com/ 2761241) - Video of a
talk given at The Earth Institute atColumbia University in April 2007
• TED Talks: Jared Diamond on why societies collapse (http:/ / www. ted. com/ talks/ view/
id/ 365) at TED in 2003
• The Evolution of Religions - lecture at The Center for Religion and Civic Culture,
University of Southern California (http:/ / www. youtube. com/ watch?v=th7CFye03gQ) at
YouTube
• Interview with Charlie Rose (http:/ / www. charlierose. com/ guests/ jared-diamond)
Desmond Morris 317
Desmond Morris
Desmond Morris
Born January 24, 1928
Purton, Wiltshire, England,
United Kingdom
Nationality English
Occupation Zoologist and Ethologist
Desmond John Morris (born 24 January 1928, Purton, north Wiltshire[1] ) is a British
zoologist and ethologist, but is also known as a surrealist painter and popular author.
Life
Morris was educated at Dauntsey's School, an independent school in West Lavington,
Wiltshire. After military service, he attended the University of Birmingham where he
graduated in 1951 with a First Class Honours Degree in Zoology. In 1954, he was awarded
a D.Phil. from Oxford University for his thesis on the Reproductive Behaviour of the
Ten-spined Stickleback, supervised by Niko Tinbergen. He was employed by the Zoological
Society of London as Curator of Mammals at the London Zoo, eventually leaving in 1966 in
frustration about stagnation at the zoo.
He is sometimes wrongly stated to be a relative of Welsh entertainer Johnny Morris, best
remembered for presenting the BBC television series Animal Magic, but this is not the case.
[2]
In the media
Morris first came to public attention in the 1950s as a presenter of the ITV television
programme Zoo Time,[3] but achieved world-wide fame in 1967 with his book The Naked
Ape.[4] The book is an unabashed look at the human species, notable for its focus on
humanity's animal-like qualities and our similarity with apes, and for explaining human
behaviour as largely evolved to meet the challenges of prehistoric life as a →
hunter-gatherer. Reprinted many times and in many languages, it continues to be a
best-seller.
His later studies, books and television shows have continued this focus on human
behaviour, explained from a bluntly zoological point of view. This approach itself, and his
specific conclusions, have often attracted controversy.
Desmond Morris 318
Art
In addition to his scientific pursuits, he is an surrealist
artist. His work has been exhibited alongside works by
Spanish painter Joan Miró and contributed significantly
to the British Surrealist movement. He had his first solo
show in 1948, and has shown regularly since then. In
1957, he curated an exhibition of chimpanzee paintings
and drawings at the Institute of Contemporary Arts,
London, including paintings by a young chimpanzee
called Congo.
Painting by Congo.
Film adviser
Morris oversaw the creation of the gestural and body language for the Paleolithic human
characters in the 1981 film Quest for Fire.
See also
• Sociobiology
• Sexual selection in human evolution
Bibliography
• The Biology of Art (1963) - a look at the paintings of primates and their relation to human
art
• The Mammals: A Guide to the Living Species (1965) — a comprehensive and compelling
listing of all mammal genera, all non-rodent non-bat species, and additional information
on select species.
• The Naked Ape (1967) — an unabashed look at the human species. The book is notable
for its focus on humanity's animal-like qualities and our similarity with apes. Reprinted
many times and in many languages, it continues to be a best-seller.
• The Human Zoo (1969) — a continuation of the previous book, analysing human
behaviour in big modern societies and their resemblance to animal behaviour in captivity.
• Intimate Behaviour (1971) — this book examines and analyses any physical contact acted
out by human animals. From clapping, to having a hair cut, to hand jive, to patting on the
back, to hugging, to babe suckling, to copulation...
• Manwatching (1977), reprinted as Peoplewatching (2002)
• Gestures: Their Origin and Distribution (1979)
• Animal Days (1979) — Autobiographical
• The Soccer Tribe (1981)
• Pocket Guide to Manwatching (1982)
• Inrock (1983)
• Bodywatching – A Field Guide to the Human Species (1985) — Hundreds of photos
analyzing the human body from hair down to the feet.
• Catwatching (1986) — a study of one of the most popular of household pets across the
centuries.
Desmond Morris 319
• Dogwatching (1986) — an in-depth study of "man's best friend".

• Horsewatching (1989) — subtitled "Why does a horse whinny and everything else you
ever wanted to know"
• Animalwatching (1990)
• Babywatching (1991)
• The Human Animal (1994) — book and BBC documentary TV series
• Cat World: A Feline Encyclopedia (1997)
• The Naked Eye (2001)
• Dogs: The Ultimate Dictionary of over 1000 Dog Breeds (2001)
• Peoplewatching: The Desmond Morris Guide to Body Language (2002)
• The Naked Woman: A Study of the Female Body (2004)
• Linguaggio muto (Dumb language) (2004)
• Watching (2006)
• The Naked Man: A Study of the Male Body (2008)
External links
[5]
• www.desmond-morris.com Official website including a complete biography
References
[1] http:/ / www. sirc. org/ about/ desmond_morris. html
[2] http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 1/ hi/ uk/ 337622. stm
[3] http:/ / www. wildfilmhistory. org/ person/ 91/ Desmond+ Morris. ht
[4] http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ society/ 2008/ sep/ 07/ children. family
[5] http:/ / www. desmond-morris. com/
Chellis Glendinning 320
Chellis Glendinning
Chellis Glendinning (born June 1947) is a
European-American author of creative nonfiction, licensed
psychotherapist[1] , and political activist. She is noted as a
pioneer in the field of ecopsychology, [2] , a proponent of
land-based culture, and a critic of technological society,
having worked with such contemporaries as → Jerry
Mander, → Vandana Shiva, Helena Norberg-Hodge, and →
Kirkpatrick Sale.[3]
Glendinning's relations include Thomas Hooker, founder

of the colony of Connecticut; Dr. Frank E. Bunts, founder
of the Cleveland Clinic; and the civil rights activist, her
mother Mary Hooker Glendinning.[4] .
She has written five books, as well as for journals,
magazines, and newspapers including Orion [5], Chellis Glendinning
[6] [7] [8]
CounterPunch , ColdType: The Reader , Alternet ,
Tikkun [9], Race, Poverty and the Environment [10] San Francisco Bay Guardian and Santa
Fe New Mexican [11].
In 2007 Glendinning’s bilingual folk opera De Un Lado Al Otro, written in collaboration with
ethnomusicologist Cipriano Vigil, was presented at the Lensic Performing Arts Center in
Santa Fe NM. Robert Castro directed.[12]
Glendinning graduated from the University of California, Berkeley in social sciences in
1969[13] , at which time she was inducted into Phi Beta Kappa (Alpha of California
Chapter).[14] She received her Ph.D in psychology from Columbia Pacific University in
1984.[15]
Her Off the Map won the 2000 National Federation of Press Women Book Award [16] in
general nonfiction, and Chiva was honored with the same award in 2006. In 1989 she
received the New Mexico Humanities Council First Times Award for Short Story Writing,[17]
and was named Best Local Writer by the Río Grande Sun of Española NM in 2000 and
2003.[18]
In 1997 Glendinning won the Río Arriba County, Zero Injustice Award for her “courageous
stand in support of the customs, culture, and traditions of the Native American and
Indo-Hispano people of northern New Mexico."[19]
Her papers are housed in the Labadie Collection of the University of Michigan.[20]
Books
• My Name Is Chellis and I’m in Recovery from Western Civilization [21]. Gabriola BC
Canada: New Society Publishers/New Catalyst/ Sustainability Classics, 2007; and Boston:
Shambhala Publications, 1994.
• Chiva: A Village Takes on the Global Heroin Trade [16]. New Society Publishers, 2005.
• Winner of the National Federation of Press Women 2006 Book Award for general
nonfiction.
• Winner of the New Mexico Press Women 2006 Communications Award for general
nonfiction.
• Finalist for 2007 New Mexico Book Awards in nonfiction.
• Off the Map: An Expedition Deep into Empire and the Global Economy [22]. New Society
Publishers, 2002; and Off the Map: An Expedition Deep into Imperialism, the Global
Economy and Other Earthly Whereabouts. Shambhala Publications, 1999.
• Winner of the National Federation of Press Women 2000 Book Award for general
nonfiction.
• Winner of the New Mexico Press Women 2000 Communications Award for general
nonfiction.
• A Map: From the Old Connecticut Path to the Rio Grande Valley and All the Meaning
Inbetween. Great Barrington MA: E.F. Schumacher Society, 1999.
• When Technology Wounds [23]. New York: William Morrow, 1990.
• Waking Up in the Nuclear Age [24]. William Morrow, 1987.
Opera
• De Un Lado Al Otro, with composer Cipriano Vigil, 2006.
Selected Essays
• "Cuestionando la Tecnología: Si al Alambre de Fardo y No a las Torres de Microondas" in
Amadao Lascár y Jesús Sepúlveda, eds., Rebeldes y Terrestres: Propuestas de Cambio y
Subversión. Santiago de Chile: Mosquito Comunicaciones, 2008.
• "Cheering for Morgan Stanley," [25], Counterpunch, November 18, 2008.
• "Wireless Mind, Gullible Mind," [25], Counterpunch, October 10-12, 2008.
• "Technofascismo: Los Mecanismos del Totalitarianismo Inverso [26]," Rebelión, translated
by Germán Leyens, June 20, 2008.
• "Techno-Fascism: Every Move You Make," [25] Counterpunch, June 19, 2008.
• "Notes toward a Neo-Luddite Manifesto," [27] Utne Reader, 38, no. 1 (March/April 1990):
50–53.
• "Technology, Trauma, and the Wild." [28] In Ecopsychology: Restoring the Earth, Healing
the Mind. edited by T. Roszak, et al., 41–54. San Francisco. Sierra Club Books, 1995
• "La Tecnología, El Trauma, y Lo Salvaje," PanNatura. Quito de Ecuador: Fundación
Sangay, 2006.
• "Cocaína No, Coca Sí [29]," April 2006.
• “Hear Tell: Invisibility, Invasiveness, and the Cell Phone,” www.bluegreenearth.com,
Spring 2002.
• “Re-membering Decolonization,” Tikkun, January/February 2002.
• “Fear and Loathing in Los Alamos: On the Lam from the Cerro Grande Fire,” Orion,
Winter 2001.
• "The Conversation We Haven’t Had: Trauma, Technology, and the Wild" in Michael
Shuman and Julia Sweig, eds., Technology for the Common Good. Washington DC:
Institute for Policy Studies Books, 1993.
• "Men/Women, War/Peace: A Systems Approach" (with Ofer Zur) in Mark Macy, ed.,
Solutions for a Troubled World. Boulder CO: Earthview Press, 1987.
References
[1] Licensed Professional Clinical Counselor/Licensed Mental Health Counselor #1946, State of New Mexico,
USA. Issue date: July 31, 1994.
[2] Theodore Roszak, Mary E. Gomes, and Allen D. Kanner, eds., Ecopsychology: Restoring the Earth, Healing the
Mind. San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 1995, pp. 44-54, 336; JayWalljasper and Jon Spade, eds., Visionaries:
People and Ideas to Change Your Life. Gabriola Island CAN: New Society Publishers, 2001, pp. 260-263; and
John Mongillo and Bibi Booth, eds., Environmental Activists. Westport CT: Greenwood Press, 2001, pp. 110-114.
[3] Stephanie Mills, ed., Turning Away from Technology. San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 1997, p. xxviii; and Z.
Pascal Zachary, “Not So Fast,” Wall Street Journal, June 26, 1997.
[4] Simon Sacket's Ancestors and Descendents,
www.freepages.books.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~teking/Simon/pafg158.htm
[5] http:/ / www. orionmagazine. org/ pages_toc/ om_toc/ ombi/ index_ombi_98-02. html
[6] http:/ / www. google. com/ search?q=glendinning& btnG=Google+ Search& domains=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.
counterpunch. org& sitesearch=http%3A%2F%2Fwww. counterpunch. org
[7] http:/ / www. coldtype. net/ reader. html
[8] http:/ / www. alternet. org. authors/ 6002
[9] http:/ / www. tikkun. org/ archive/ backissues/ xtik0201
[10] http:/ / www. urbanhabitat. org/ printarchives/ 5-3and4
[11] http:/ / www. centerforinvestigativereporting. org/ investigations/ outlet?page=59
[12] (http:/ / www. sfreporter. com/ stories/ performing_arts_books_September_12_18/ 1871/ ) ; and
hol.Hispaniconline.com/HispanicMag/2007_3/LatinForum-Calendar.htm
[13] University of California Berkeley, Class of 1969; and Mongillo and Booth, pp. 110-114
[14] Phi Beta Kappa, Alpha of California, 1969; and Mongillo and Booth, pp. 110-114.
[15] Columbia Pacific University, San Rafael CA, Class of 1984; (http:/ / www. behaviorresearch. org/
Columbia-Pacific-University. htm) ; and Mongillo and Booth, pp. 110-114
[16] http:/ / www. newsociety. com/ bookid/ 3860
[17] Laura Buelow, Chellis Glendinning and Marjorie Moore, First Times in New Mexico. Albuquerque NM:
Educational Foundations, Special Projects, University of New Mexico, 1990
[18] “Readers Choice 2000”/”Best Local Writer,” Río Grande Sun, August 2000; and “Readers Choice
2003”/”Glendinning Top Writer,” Río Grande Sun, 24 July 2003.
[19] (http:/ / www. lajicarita. org/ 97oct. htm)
[20] Accession Form #08-L13, University of Michigan/Special Collections Library. Date of Accession: 21 August
2008. Collection Name: Glendinning, Chellis, Papers. Processor: Will Lovick, 16 September 2008; http:/ / quod.
lib. umich. edu/ cgi/ f/ findaid/ findaid-idx?c=sclead& idno=umich-scl-glendinning
[23] http:/ / www. amazon. com/ When-Technology-Wounds-Consequences-Progress/ dp/ 0688072828
[24] http:/ / www. amazon. ca/ Waking-Up-Nuclear-Age-Therapy/ dp/ 0688069371
[25] http:/ / www. counterpunch. org
[26] http:/ / firgoa. usc. es/ drupal/ node/ 40271
[27] http:/ / www. jesusradicals. com/ anarchism/ technology/
[28] http:/ / www. jesusradicals. com/ wp-content/ uploads/ technology-trauma-and-the-wild. pdf
[29] http:/ / upsidedownworld. org/ main/ content/ view/ 250/ 1
Kirkpatrick Sale 323
Kirkpatrick Sale
Kirkpatrick Sale (born in Ithaca, New York, 1937) is an independent scholar and author
who has written prolifically about environmentalism, luddism, technology and political
decentralism. He has been described as "a leader of the Neo-Luddites"[1] and "the
theoretician for a new secessionist movement."[2]
Life and work

Sale graduated from Cornell University, majoring in history, in 1958.[3] [4] He served as
editor of the student-owned and managed newspaper, the Cornell Daily Sun. Sale was one
of the leaders of the May 23, 1958 protest against university policies forbidding male and
female students fraternizing and its "in loco parentis" policy. Sale and his friend and
roommate Richard Farina, and three others, were charged by Cornell. The protest was
described in Farina's 1966 novel, Been Down So Long It Looks Like Up to Me.[2]
Upon graduation, Sale married Faith Apfelbaum (in Cornell, 1958) who later worked as an
editor with Thomas Pynchon, Kurt Vonnegut, Joseph Heller and Amy Tan. Faith died in
1999.[5]
Sale worked initially in journalism for the leftist journal New Leader and the New York
Times Magazine, before becoming a freelance journalist. He spent time in Ghana and wrote
his first book about it. His second book, SDS, was about the radical 1960s group Students
for a Democratic Society. Subsequent books explored radical decentralism, bioregionalism,
environmentalism, the Luddites and similar themes.[4] He has continued to write for
publications like The Nation, CounterPunch, The New York Review of Books, Utne Reader
and Mother Jones.
Secessionist activism
Sale argues that the major theme of contemporary history, from the dissolution of the
Soviet Union to the expansion of United Nations membership from 51 in 1945 to 192
nations today, is the breakup of great empires. Some on both left and right call for smaller,
less powerful government.[2]
In 2004, Sale and members of the Second Vermont Republic formed the Middlebury
Institute which is dedicated to the study of separatism, secession, and self-determination.
Sale is director of the institute. In 2006, Middlebury sponsored the First North American
Secessionist Convention [6], which attracted 40 participants from 16 secessionist
organizations, and was described as the first gathering of secessionists since the American
Civil War. Delegates issued a statement of principles of secession which they presented as
The Burlington Declaration [7].
In October 2007, the New York Times interviewed Sale about the Second North American
Secessionist Convention [8], co-hosted by the Middlebury Institute. Sale told the
interviewer: “The virtue of small government is that the mistakes are small as well...If you
want to leave a nation you think is corrupt, inefficient, militaristic, oppressive, repressive,
but you don’t want to move to Canada or France, what do you do? Well, the way is through
secession, where you could stay home and be where you want to be.”[2] The convention
received worldwide media attention. [9] [10] [11]
Controversies
In 1995, Sale made a public bet with Kevin Kelly that by the year 2020, there would be a
convergence of three disasters: Global currency collapse, significant warfare between rich
and poor, and environmental disasters of some significant size. The bet was turned into a
claim on the FX prediction market, where the probability has hovered around 25%.[12] [1]
In his 1990 book The Conquest of Paradise: Christopher Columbus and the Columbian
Legacy, Sale argued that Christopher Columbus was an imperialist bent on conquest from
his first voyage. In a New York Times book review, historian and member of the
Christopher Columbus Quincentenary Jubilee Committee William H. McNeill wrote about
Sale: "he has set out to destroy the heroic image that earlier writers have transmitted to us.
Mr. Sale makes Columbus out to be cruel, greedy and incompetent (even as a sailor), and a
man who was perversely intent on abusing the natural paradise on which he intruded."[13]
The book Taking Sides: Clashing Views on Controversial Issues in American History
presents a debate between Sale and Robert Royal, vice president for research at the Ethics
and Public Policy Center, who insisted that Columbus was a courageous risk-taker who
advanced knowledge about other parts of the world.[14]
Sale has described personal computers as "the devil's work"[2] and in the past opened
personal appearances by smashing one. During promotion of his 1995 book Rebels Against
the Future: The Luddites and Their War on the Industrial Revolution, Sale debated with
Newsweek Magazine senior editor and technology columnist Steven Levy "about the
relative merits of the communications age".[15] However, Sale currently uses a computer in
his secessionist organizing.[2]
News stories about the Second North American Secessionist Convention [8], co-sponsored
by Sale's Middlebury Institute, mentioned the controversial Southern Poverty Law Center's
allegations that the other co-sponsor, The League of the South, was a "racist hate group."
Sale responded: "They call everybody racists. There are, no doubt, racists in the League of
the South, and there are, no doubt, racists everywhere."[9] [10] The Southern Poverty Law
Center later criticized the New York Times' October 2007 Peter Applebombe interview of
Sale for not covering its allegations.[16]
Books
• After Eden: The Evolution of Human Domination, Duke University Press, 2006. ISBN
978-0-8223-3938-0
• The Fire of His Genius: Robert Fulton and the American Dream, Free Press, 2001.
• Why the Sea Is Salt: Poems of Love and Loss, iuniverse, 2001.
• Rebels Against the Future: The Luddites and Their War on the Industrial Revolution:
Lessons for the Computer Age, Addison Wesley, 1995.
• The Green Revolution: The American Environmental Movement, 1962-1992, Hill and
Wang, 1993.
• The Conquest of Paradise: Christopher Columbus and the Columbian Legacy, Knopf,
1990.
• Dwellers in the Land: The Bioregional Vision. San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 1985.
ISBN 0-87156-847-0
• Human Scale. New York: Coward, McCann & Geoghegan, 1980. ISBN 0-698-11013-7
• Power Shift: The Rise of the Southern Rim and Its Challenge to the Eastern
Establishment. New York: Random House, 1975.
• SDS, Random House, 1973. Vintage Books edition (paperback) 1974. ISBN 0394478894
• The Land and People of Ghana, Lippincott, 1963, 1972.
Writings on-line
• links Sale articles as updated [17] at Middlebury Institute, including "Breakdown of
Nations," "Small Is Powerful," "Lessons of 9/11," "Things Fall Apart," "Seeing Red - and
Seeing Blue," "The Case for American Secession," as well as videos featuring Sale.
• Sale contribution in The American Conservative magazine to the topic What is Left? What
is Right? Does it matter? [18], August 28, 2006.
• Blue State Secession [19], The Nation, December 13, 2005.
• Imperial Entropy: Collapse of the American Empire [20], CounterPunch, February 22,
2005.
• An End to the Israeli Experiment? Unmaking a Grievous Error [21], CounterPunch, March
3, 2003.
• the Fire of His Genius, Robert Fulton and the American Dream [22], summary and first
chapter of Sale’s book.
[23]
• Unabomber's Secret Treatise: Is There Method In His Madness? , printed at
Electronic Frontier Foundation web site.
• The Imposition of Technology [24]
• Five Facets of a Myth [25]
• An Overview of Decentralism [26], Keynote Remarks at E. F. Schumacher Society
Decentralist Conference, June 28-30, 1996.
• The Columbian Legacy and the Ecosterian Response [27], E. F. Schumacher Society Third
Annual Lecture, October 1990.
• Mother of All: An Introduction to Bioregionalism [28], E. F. Schumacher Society Third
Annual Lecture, October 1983.
Interviews
[29]
• Interview on Luddism at primitivism.com
• Luddism in the New Millennium, David Kupfer interview [30]
• Kevin Kelly interview (WiReD) [31], 2004.
• The Bioregionalist Vision, Julie A. Wortman interview [32]
• Apostle of Catosptrophe, Derek Turner interview [33], Quarterly Review, 2007 (PDF).
[34]
• A Vision of a Nation No Longer in the U.S., Peter Applebaum interview , New York
Times, 2007.
See also
• → Simple living
• Secession
• Bioregionalism
• Decentralization
• Human scale
External links
• Prof. Martin Ryder's page on Luddites and neo-Luddites with information on Kirkpatrick
Sale [11]
References
[1] Kevin Kelly, Interview with the Luddite (http:/ / www. wired. com/ wired/ archive/ 3. 06/ saleskelly_pr. html),
Wired Magazine, 1995.
[2] Peter Applebombe, A Vision of a Nation No Longer in the U.S. (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2007/ 10/ 18/
nyregion/ 18towns. html), New York Times, October 18, 2007.
[3] Richard and Mimi Farina "fan site" (http:/ / www. richardandmimi. com/ cornell. html).
[4] Thinkquest Biography Kirkpatrick Sale (http:/ / library. thinkquest. org/ 26026/ People/ kirkpatrick_sale. html).
[5] Bruce Weber, Obituary: Faith Sale, 63, a Fiction Editor Known as a Writers' Advocate (http:/ / query. nytimes.
com/ gst/ fullpage. html?res=9902E4DE1031F930A25751C1A96F958260), New York Times, December 13,
1999.
[6] http:/ / middleburyinstitute. org/ secessionconvention2006. html
[7] http:/ / middleburyinstitute. org/ burlingtondeclaration2006. html
[8] http:/ / middleburyinstitute. org/ secessionconvention2007. html
[9] Bill Poovey, Secessionists Meeting in Tennessee (http:/ / www. wilmingtonstar. com/ article/ 20071004/ NEWS/
710040357/ -1/ State), Associated Press, October 3, 2007.
[10] Leonard Doyle, Anger over Iraq and Bush prompts calls for secession from the US (http:/ / news.
independent. co. uk/ world/ americas/ article3028714. ece), Independent, UK, October 4, 2007.
[11] WDEF News 12 Video report on Secessionist Convention (http:/ / wdef. com/ news/
secessionists_say_second_north_american_secessionists_convention/ 10/ 2007), October 3, 2007.
[12] FX Claim NLud (http:/ / ideafutures. com/ fx-bin/ Claim?claim=NLud& uid=2)
[13] William H. McNeill, Review of Kirkpatrick Sale's The Conquest of Paradise (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/
fullpage. html?res=9C0CE5DD1739F934A35753C1A966958260& sec=& spon=& pagewanted=all), New York
Times, October 7, 1990.
[14] Larry Madaras, James M. SoRelle, Taking Sides: Clashing Views on Controversial Issues in American History
(http:/ / www. dushkin. com/ catalog/ 0072850299. mhtml?SECTION=TOC), McGraw-Hill/Dushkin, 2002.
[15] Kirkpatrick Sale-Steven Levy Debate At New Jersey Institute of Technology Will Address Merits of
Technology (http:/ / www. njit. edu/ v2/ News/ Releases/ 3336. htm), February 1998.
[16] Mark Potok, New York Times Feature on Sale Left Out a Fact or Two (http:/ / www. splcenter. org/ blog/
2007/ 10/ 23/ times-feature-on-sale-left-out-a-fact-or-two/ ), October 23, 2007.
[17] http:/ / www. middleburyinstitute. net
[18] http:/ / www. amconmag. com/ article/ 2006/ aug/ 28/ 00004/
[19] http:/ / www. thenation. com/ doc. mhtml?i=20041213& s=sale
[20] http:/ / www. counterpunch. org/ sale02222005. html
[21] http:/ / www. counterpunch. org/ sale03032003. html
[22] http:/ / www. ulster. net/ ~hrmm/ diglib/ fulton/ foreward. html
[23] http:/ / www. eff. org/ / Censorship/ Terrorism_militias/ sale_unabomber. analysis
[24] http:/ / www. primitivism. com/ imposition. htm
[25] http:/ / www. non-fides. fr/ spip. php?article231
[26] http:/ / www. schumachersociety. org/ conferences/ kirkkey. html
[27] http:/ / www. schumachersociety. org/ publications/ sale_90. html
[28] http:/ / www. schumachersociety. org/ publications/ sale_83. html
[29] http:/ / www. primitivism. com/ sale. htm
[30] http:/ / yeoldeconsciousnessshoppe. com/ art42. html
[31] http:/ / www. wired. com/ wired/ archive/ 3. 06/ saleskelly_pr. html
[32] http:/ / thewitness. org/ archive/ 9906/ currentarticle. html
[33] http:/ / www. quarterly-review. org/ sitebuildercontent/ sitebuilderfiles/ qr3sale. pdf
[34] http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2007/ 10/ 18/ nyregion/ 18towns. html
Jerry Mander
Jerry Mander is an American activist and author, best known for his 1977 book, Four
Arguments for the Elimination of Television. His most recent book, The Superferry
Chronicles, is about efforts by Hawaiian activists to halt the operation of the Hawaii
Superferry.
Mander worked in advertising for 15 years, including five as partner and president of
Freeman, Mander & Gossage in San Francisco. Mander worked with the noted
environmentalist, David Brower, managing the Sierra Club's advertising campaigns to
prevent the construction of dams in the Grand Canyon, to establish Redwood National Park,
and to stop the U.S. Supersonic Transport (SST) project. In 1971 he founded the first
non-profit advertising agency in the United States, Public Interest Communications.
Mander is currently the director of the International Forum on Globalization, and the
program director for Megatechnology and Globalization at the Foundation for Deep
Ecology.
Notwithstanding its resemblance to the term "gerrymander", "Jerry Mander" is his real
name, not a pseudonym; he was born to Harry and Eva Mander.
Bibliography
• The Great International Paper Airplane Book, with George Dippel and Howard Gossage
(1971) ISBN 0-671-21129-3
• Four Arguments for the Elimination of Television (1977) ISBN 0-688-08274-2
• In the Absence of the Sacred (1991) ISBN 0-87156-509-9
• The Case Against the Global Economy and for a Turn Toward the Local, with Edward
Goldsmith (1996) ISBN 0-87156-865-9.
• Alternatives to Economic Globalization: A Better World Is Possible, Contributor, with the
International Forum on Globalization Alternatives Task Force (2004) ISBN 1576753034,
ISBN 9781576753033.
• Paradigm Wars: Indigenous Peoples' Resistance to Globalization, with Victoria
Tauli-Corpuz (2006) ISBN 1-57805-132-0
• The Superferry Chronicles: Hawaii’s Uprising Against Militarism, Commercialism, and
the Desecration of the Earth, [1] with Koohan Paik, Koa Books (2008) ISBN
978-0-9773338-8-2
Jerry Mander 328
External links
• Bad Magic: The Failure of Technology [2] - An Interview with Jerry Mander by Catherine
Ingram (from "The Sun" magazine)
• The Perils of Globalization [3] - An Interview with Jerry Mander by Scott London (from the
radio series "Insight & Outlook")
• Four Arguments for the Elimination of Television [4] - A Book Review
• The Homogenization of Global Consciousness: Media, Telecommunications and Culture
[5]
, an Article by Jerry Mander at Lapis Magazine Online
• On "Paradigm Wars" [6] - A Talk by Jerry Mander, November 28, 2006 (video)
• The Foundation for Deep Ecology [7]
References
[1] http:/ / www. superferrychronicles. com
[2] http:/ / www. ratical. org/ ratville/ AoS/ theSun. html
[3] http:/ / www. scottlondon. com/ insight/ scripts/ mander. html
[4] http:/ / www. turnoffyourtv. com/ reviews/ Jerry. Mander. html
[5] http:/ / www. lapismagazine. org/ content/ view/ 120/ 2/
[6] http:/ / fora. tv/ fora/ showthread. php?t=533
[7] http:/ / www. deepecology. org/
David Watson (anarchist)

David Watson (b. 1951) is an American anarchist author who for many years was a
primary contributor to the anti-authoritarian magazine → Fifth Estate, originally founded in
Detroit, Michigan and based there for many years. Watson started working with Fifth
Estate in the 1960s, but has not been active in the publication for the last few years.
As a member of the Fifth Estate staff, Watson has written under many pseudonyms,
including George Bradford, T. Fulano, Primitivo Solis, Dogbane Campion, and Mr.
Venom. He wrote on a wide variety of subjects for the newspaper, and was an early voice
in the anarchist current of radical political ecology and → anarcho-primitivism; his seminal
essay "Against the Megamachine" was published in 1981, a number of years before then- →
Fifth Estate contributor → John Zerzan completed the series of "origins essays" (about time,
language, art, agriculture and number) which established Zerzan's primitivist intellectual
foundations. Watson's version of primitivism had many distinctions from Zerzan's, including
differences over the question of agriculture, time, and mediation. Watson argued for a
"reasoned primitivism," pointedly so in his 1996 critique of social ecologist Murray
Bookchin, Beyond Bookchin: Preface for a Future Social Ecology. This was in Watson's view
a primitivist orientation, (following Stanley Diamond and ethno-poetics) that would affirm
the insights of primitive (or original) and indigenous societies while avoiding simplistic
imitation of their lifeways in the context of modern society. While defending the
perspectives of indigenous peoples, Watson also worked to publish news on and to support
indigenous land and rights struggles. Troubled by the views of Zerzan and other primitivist
writers such as → John Moore, Watson distanced himself from ideological primitivism in his
1996 essay "Swamp Fever."
Watson's poetry, translations, essays, and articles have been published in various literary
magazines and journals. His work has been translated into Spanish (his book Contra la
David Watson (anarchist) 329
megamaquina was published by aliKornio ediciones in 2002 in Barcelona), Portuguese,

Italian, and Russian. He is currently working on a book about the responses of the left to
the collapse of Yugoslavia, the subsequent wars, and Western intervention. Some of his
articles on this subject can be found at the Balkan Witness website.
External links
• Beyond Bookchin [1]
• Against the Megamachine [2]
[3]
• "Swamp Fever, Primitivism & the "Ideological Vortex": Farewell to All That"
• "Civilization Is Like A Jetliner" by T Fulano [4]
• "On the Road to Nowhere" [5]
• "On the 150th Anniversary of the Communist Manifesto" [6]
• "We All Live in Bhopal" by George Bradford [7]
• "Milosevic “Crucified”: Counter-Spin as Useful Idiocy" [8]
• "The Balkan Wars and the New World Dis/Order" [9]
• "Late Summer Wars" [10]
References
[1] http:/ / www. blackandred. org/ pages/ catalog. html
[2] http:/ / bookstore. autonomedia. org/ index. php?main_page=pubs_product_book_info& products_id=5
[3] http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ swampfever. htm
[4] http:/ / www. beatingheartspress. com/ civilizationjetliner. html
[5] http:/ / www. newint. org/ issue266/ road. htm
[6] http:/ / www. newint. org/ issue307/ manifesto. htm
[7] http:/ / www. eco-action. org/ dt/ bhopal. html
[8] http:/ / citycellar. com/ BalkanWitness/ watson2. htm
[9] http:/ / citycellar. com/ BalkanWitness/ watson. htm
[10] http:/ / 72. 29. 73. 163/ ~vox/ ac/ F08/ f08. html
Bob Black 330
Bob Black
Western Philosophy
20th-century philosophy
Full name Robert Charles Black, Jr.
Birth January 4, 1951
School/tradition → Post-left anarchy
Bob Black (born Robert Charles Black, Jr. on January 4, 1951) is an American anarchist
and lawyer. He is the author of The Abolition of Work and Other Essays, Beneath the
Underground, Friendly Fire, Anarchy After Leftism, and numerous political essays.
Kenn Thomas hailed Black in 1999 as a "defender of the most liberatory tendencies within
modern anti-authoritarian thought".[1]
Literary work
Beginning in the late 1970s, Bob Black was one of the earliest people to advocate what is
now called → post-left anarchy. In his vociferously confrontational writing style he has
criticized many of the perceived sacred cows of leftist, anarchist, and activist thought. An
unaffiliated New Leftist in his college years, Black became dissatisfied with authoritarian
socialist ideology and after discovering anarchism spent much of his energy analyzing
authoritarian tendencies within ostensibly "anti-authoritarian" groups. In his essay "My
Anarchism Problem" he writes: "To call yourself an anarchist is to invite identification with
an unpredictable array of associations, an ensemble which is unlikely to mean the same
thing to any two people, including any two anarchists." Though not an →
anarcho-primitivist, he sometimes writes for and has strongly influenced anarcho-primitivist
publications.
Some of his work from the early 1980s (anthologized in The Abolition of Work and Other
Essays) highlights his critiques of the nuclear freeze movement ("Anti-Nuclear Terror"), the
editors of Processed World ("Circle A Deceit: A Review of Processed World"), "radical
feminists" ("Feminism as Fascism"), and Libertarians ("The Libertarian As Conservative").
The Abolition of Work

The Abolition of Work, Black's most widely read essay, draws upon the ideas of Charles
Fourier, William Morris, Paul Goodman, and → Marshall Sahlins. In it he argues for the
abolition of the producer- and consumer-based society, where, Black contends, all of life is
devoted to the production and consumption of commodities. Attacking Marxist state
socialism as much as market capitalism, Black argues that the only way for humans to be
free is to reclaim their time from jobs and employment, instead turning necessary
subsistence tasks into free play done voluntarily - an approach referred to as "ludic". The
essay argues that "no-one should ever work", because work - defined as compulsory
productive activity enforced by economic or political means - is the source of most of the
misery in the world. Black denounces work for its compulsion, and for the forms it takes - as
subordination to a boss, as a "job" which turns a potentially enjoyable task into a
meaningless chore, for the degradation imposed by systems of work-discipline, and for the
large number of work-related deaths and injuries - which Black typifies as "homicide". He
Bob Black 331
views the subordination enacted in workplaces as "a mockery of freedom", and denounces
as hypocrites the various theorists who support freedom while supporting work.
Subordination in work, Black alleges, makes people stupid and creates fear of freedom.
Because of work, people become accustomed to rigidity and regularity, and do not have the
time for friendship or meaningful activity. Most workers, he states, are dissatisfied with
work (as evidenced by petty deviance on the job), so that what he says should be
uncontroversial; however, it is controversial only because people are too close to the
work-system to see its flaws.
Play, in contrast, is not necessarily rule-governed, and is performed voluntarily, in complete
freedom, as a gift economy. He points out that → hunter-gatherer societies are typified by
play, a view he backs up with the work of → Marshall Sahlins; he recounts the rise of
hierarchal societies, through which work is cumulatively imposed, so that the compulsive
work of today would seem incomprehensibly oppressive even to ancients and medieval
peasants. He responds to the view that "work," if not simply effort or energy, is necessary
to get important but unpleasant tasks done, by claiming that first of all, most important
tasks can be rendered ludic, or "salvaged" by being turned into game-like and craft-like
activities, and secondly that the vast majority of work does not need doing at all. The latter
tasks are unnecessary because they only serve functions of commerce and social control
that exist only to maintain the work-system as a whole. As for what is left, he advocates
Charles Fourier's approach of arranging activities so that people will want to do them. He is
also skeptical but open-minded about the possibility of eliminating work through
labour-saving technologies. He feels the left cannot go far enough in its critiques because of
its attachment to building its power on the category of workers, which requires a
valorization of work.
Anarchy After Leftism, and the Bookchin controversy

Beginning in 1997, Black became involved in a debate sparked by the work of anarchist and
founder of the Institute for Social Ecology Murray Bookchin, an outspoken critic of the
post-left anarchist tendency. Bookchin wrote and published Social Anarchism or Lifestyle
Anarchism: An Unbridgeable Chasm, labeling post-left anarchists and others as "lifestyle
anarchists" - thus following up a theme developed in his Philosophy of Social Ecology.
Though he does not refer directly to Black's work (an omission which Black interprets as
symptomatic), Bookchin clearly has Black's rejection of work as an implicit target when he
criticises authors such as → John Zerzan and → Dave Watson, whom he controversially
labels part of the same tendency.
For Bookchin, "lifestyle anarchism" is individualistic and childish. "Lifestyle anarchists"
demand "anarchy now", imagining they can create a new society through individual lifestyle
changes. In his view this is a kind of fake-dissident consumerism which ultimately has no
impact on the functioning of capitalism because it fails to recognise the realities of the
present. He grounds this polemic in a social-realist critique of relativism, which he
associates with lifestyle anarchism as well as postmodernism (to which he claims it is
related). Ludic approaches, he claims, lead to social indifference and egotism similar to that
of capitalism. Against this approach, he advocates a variety of anarchism in which social
struggles take precedence over individual actions, with the evolution of the struggle
emerging dialectically as in classical Marxist theory. The unbridgeable chasm of the book's
title is between individual "autonomy" - which for Bookchin is a bourgeois illusion - and
social "freedom", which implies direct democracy, municipalism, and leftist concerns with
Bob Black 332
social opportunities. In practice his agenda takes the form of a combination of elements of
anarchist communism with a support for local-government and NGO initiatives which he
refers to as Libertarian Municipalism. He claims that "lifestyle anarchism" goes against the
fundamental tenets of anarchism, accusing it of being "decadent" and "petty-bourgeois" and
an outgrowth of American decadence and a period of declining struggle, and speaks in
nostalgic terms of "the Left that was" as, for all its flaws, vastly superior to what has come
since.
In response, Black published Anarchy After Leftism which later became a seminal post-left
work.[1] The text is a combination of point-by-point, almost legalistic dissection of
Bookchin's argument, with bitter theoretical polemic, and even personal insult against
Bookchin (whom he refers to as "the Dean" throughout). Black accuses Bookchin of
moralism, which in post-left anarchism, refers to the imposition of abstract categories on
reality in ways which twist and repress desires (as distinct from "ethics", which is an ethos
of living similar to Friedrich Nietzsche's call for an ethic "beyond good and evil"), and of
"puritanism", a variant of this. He attacks Bookchin for his Stalinist origins, and his failure
to renounce his own past affiliations with what he himself had denounced as "lifestylist"
themes (such as the slogans of May 1968). He claims that the categories of "lifestyle
anarchism" and "individualist anarchism" are straw-men. He alleges that Bookchin adopts a
"work ethic", and that his favored themes, such as the denunciation of Yuppies, actually
repeat themes in mass consumer culture, and that he fails to analyze the social basis of
capitalist "selfishness"; instead, Black calls for an enlightened "selfishness" which is
simultaneously social, as in Max Stirner's work.
Bookchin, Black claims, has misunderstood the critique of work as asocial, when in fact it
proposes non-compulsive social relations. He argues that Bookchin believes labour to be
essential to humans, and thus is opposed to the abolition of work. And he takes him to case
for ignoring Black's own writings on work, for idealizing technology, and for
misunderstanding the history of work.
He denounces Bookchin's alleged failure to form links with the leftist groups he now
praises, and for denouncing others for failings (such as not having a mass audience, and
receiving favourable reviews from "yuppie" magazines) of which he is himself guilty. He
accuses Bookchin of self-contradiction, such as calling the same people "bourgeois" and
"lumpen", or "individualist" and "fascist". He alleges that Bookchin's "social freedom" is
"metaphorical" and has no real content of freedom. He criticizes Bookchin's appropriation
of the anarchist tradition, arguing against his dismissal of authors such as Stirner and Paul
Goodman, rebuking Bookchin for implicitly identifying such authors with
anarcho-capitalism, and defending what he calls an "epistemic break" made by the likes of
Stirner and Nietzsche. He alleges that the post-left "disdain for theory" is simply Bookchin's
way of saying they ignore his own theories. He offers a detailed response to Bookchin's
accusation of an association of eco-anarchism with fascism via a supposed common root in
German romanticism, criticising both the derivation of the link (which he terms
"McCarthyist") and the portrayal of romanticism itself, suggesting that Bookchin's sources
such as Mikhail Bakunin are no more politically correct than those he denounces, and
accusing him of echoing fascist rhetoric and propaganda. He provides evidence to dispute
Bookchin's association of "terrorism" with individualist rather than social anarchism. He
points to carnivalesque aspects of the Spanish Revolution to undermine Bookchin's dualism.
Bob Black 333
Black then rehearses the post-left critique of organization, drawing on his knowledge of
anarchist history in an attempt to rebut Bookchin's accusation that anti-organizationalism is
based in ignorance. He claims among other things that direct democracy is impossible in
urban settings, that it degenerates into bureaucracy, and that organizationalist anarchists
such as the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo sold out to state power. He argues that
Bookchin is not an anarchist at all, but rather, a "municipal statist" or "city-statist"
committed to local government by a local state - smattering his discussion with further
point-by-point objections (for instance, over whether New York is an "organic community"
given the alleged high crime-rate and whether confederated municipalities are compatible
with direct democracy). He also takes up Bookchin's opposition to relativism, arguing that
this is confirmed by science, especially anthropology - proceeding to produce evidence that
Bookchin's work has received hostile reviews in social-science journals, thus attacking his
scientific credentials, and to denounce dialectics as unscientific. He then argues
point-by-point with Bookchin's criticisms of → primitivism, debating issues such as
life-expectancy statistics and alleged ecological destruction by hunter-gatherers. And he
concludes with a clarion-call for an anarchist paradigm-shift based on post-left themes,
celebrating this as the "anarchy after leftism" of the title.
Bookchin never replied to Black's critiques, which he continued in such essays as "Withered
Anarchism," "An American in Paris," and "Murray Bookchin and the Witch-Doctors."
Bookchin later repudiated anarchism in favor of a form of direct democracy he called
"communalism".
Controversy concerning the Church of the SubGenius

According to two accounts by Black, he received a bomb in the mail at his street address on
November 22, 1989.[2] Black claimed it was a member of the Church of the SubGenius, John
Hagen-Brenner, who sent him an "improvised explosive device consisting of an audio
cassette holder wired with four cadium-type batteries, four flashbulbs, and five
firecrackers",[3] as described in the charging document filed in Federal District Court.
According to Black, he thought the package looked suspicious, then on impulse "threw it
against the wall. There was a flash (the flashcubes) and a puff of smoke, but the
firecrackers did not go off."[3] Black turned the device in to the police. Black believes that
the device was sent to him because of criticism he had made of the Church, and he has
repeatedly brought up the incident in his writings concerning the Church.[2] Ivan Stang and
other members of the Church have denied any involvement in this incident, and no one else
was charged. One of Black's texts was reposted and dismissed on the SubGenius
mailing-list.[2]
Bob Black 334
Hogshire Controversy
After a visit to the house of drugs writer Jim Hogshire during which Black claimed to have
been threatened by Mr Hogshire, Black sent a letter to the Seattle police [4] which resulted
in Hogshire's arrest, and the rejection of Mr Black's work by his former publisher,
Loompanics.
Other notable controversy

In Ward Churchill's "A Little Matter Of Genocide", Bob Black downplays the genocide and
massacre of the indigenous natives; Black countered with negative articles about Churchill
on the web.
External links
[5]
• Bob Black at the Spunk Library
• The entire text of Bob Black’s 1986 collection The Abolition of Work and Other Essays at
Inspiracy [6]
• The Abolition of Work [7]
• Gerry Reith archive at Inspiracy [8]
• Future Nexus [9]
• Listen Anarchist! [10] a critique by Chaz Bufe
References
[1] Thomas, Kenn (1999). Cyberculture Counterconspiracy. Book Tree. ISBN 1585091251.
[2] Black, Bob (1989). "Bomb 'Em If They Can't Take a Joke" (http:/ / www. inspiracy. com/ black/ bomb. html),
1989 (post-November 22), reprinted at www.inspiracy.com/black
[3] Black, Bob. " They Don't Call it SubGenius for Nothing (http:/ / www. spunk. org/ library/ writers/ black/
sp001674. html)". Spunk Library. . Retrieved on 2008-10-28.
[4] http:/ / www. seesharppress. com/ black. html
[5] http:/ / www. spunk. org/ library/ writers/ black
[6] http:/ / inspiracy. com/ black/
[7] http:/ / www. zpub. com/ notes/ black. html
[8] http:/ / www. inspiracy. com/ minitrue/ index. html
[9] http:/ / futurenexus. blogspot. com
[10] http:/ / www. seesharppress. com/ listen. html
Edward Abbey 335
Edward Abbey
Edward Paul Abbey (January 29, 1927 – March 14, 1989) was an American author and
essayist noted for his advocacy of environmental issues and criticism of public land policies.
His best-known works include the novel The Monkey Wrench Gang, which has been cited as
an inspiration by radical environmental groups, and the non-fiction work Desert Solitaire.
Writer Larry McMurtry referred to Abbey as the "Thoreau of the American West".
Biography
Abbey was born in Indiana, Pennsylvania, and grew up in nearby Home, Pennsylvania,
where there is a Pennsylvania state historical marker in his honor.[1] This Appalachian
upbringing remained an influence on him throughout his life, and he addressed it at various
points in his writing, most extensively in The Fool's Progress and Appalachian Wilderness.
In the summer of 1944 he headed west, and fell in love with the desert country of the Four
Corners region. He wrote, "For the first time, I felt I was getting close to the West of my
deepest imaginings, the place where the tangible and the mythical became the same." He
received a Master's Degree in philosophy from the University of New Mexico and also
studied at the University of Edinburgh. In the late 1950s Abbey worked as a seasonal
ranger for the United States National Park Service at Arches National Monument (now a
national park), near the town of Moab, Utah, which was not then known for extreme sports
but for its desolation and uranium mines. It was there that he penned the journals that
would become one of his most famous works, 1968's Desert Solitaire, which Abbey
described "...not [as] a travel guide, but an elegy."
Desert Solitaire is regarded as one of the finest nature narratives in American literature,
and has been compared to Aldo Leopold's A Sand County Almanac and Thoreau's Walden.
In it, Abbey vividly describes the physical landscapes of Southern Utah and delights in his
isolation as a backcountry park ranger, recounting adventures in the nearby canyon
country and mountains. He also attacks what he terms the "industrial tourism" and
resulting development in the national parks ("national parking lots"), rails against the Glen
Canyon Dam, and comments on various other subjects.
Abbey died in 1989 at the age of 62 at his home in Tucson, Arizona. He is survived by two
daughters, Susannah and Becky; and three sons, Joshua, Aaron and Benjamin.
Controversy
Abbey's abrasiveness, opposition to anthropocentrism, and outspoken writings made him
the object of much controversy. Conventional environmentalists from mainstream groups
disliked his more radical "Keep America Beautiful...Burn a Billboard" style. Based on his
writings and statements—and in a few cases, his actions—many believe that Abbey did
advocate ecotage or sabotage on behalf of ecology. The controversy intensified with the
publication of Abbey's most famous work of fiction, The Monkey Wrench Gang. The novel
centers on a small group of eco-warriors who travel the American West attempting to put
the brakes on uncontrolled human expansion by committing acts of sabotage against
industrial development projects. Abbey claimed the novel was written merely to "entertain
and amuse," and was intended as symbolic satire. Others saw it as a how-to guide to
non-violent ecotage, as the main characters attack things, such as road-building equipment,
Edward Abbey 336
and not people. The novel inspired environmentalists frustrated with mainstream
environmentalist groups and what they saw as unacceptable compromises. Earth First! was
formed as a result in 1980, advocating eco-sabotage or "→ monkeywrenching." Although
Abbey never officially joined the group, he became associated with many of its members,
and occasionally wrote for the organization.
Sometimes called the "desert anarchist," Abbey was known to anger people of all political
stripes, including environmentalists. In his essays the narrator describes throwing beer
cans out of his car, claiming the highway had already littered the landscape. Abbey even
had an FBI file opened on him in 1947,[2] after he posted a letter while in college urging
people to rid themselves of their draft cards. He differed from the stereotype of
environmentalist as politically-correct leftist by disclaiming the counterculture and the
"trendy campus people", saying he didn't want them as his primary fans, and by supporting
some conservative causes such as immigration reduction and the National Rifle Association.
He devoted one chapter in his book Hayduke Lives to poking fun at left-green leader
Murray Bookchin. However, he reserved his harshest criticism for the military-industrial
complex, "welfare ranchers," energy companies, land developers and "Chambers of
Commerce," all of which he believed were destroying the West's great landscapes.
Death and burial

Edward Abbey died on March 14, 1989 due to complications from surgery; he suffered four
days of esophageal hemorrhaging, due to esophageal varices, a recurrent problem with one
group of veins. Showing his sense of humor, he left a message for anyone who asked about
his final words: "No comment." Abbey also left instructions on what to do with his remains.
These instructions were described in an Outside magazine article written by David
Quammen in June 1989:
He wanted his body transported in the bed of a pickup truck. He wanted to be
buried as soon as possible. He wanted no undertakers. No embalming, for
Godsake! No coffin. Just an old sleeping bag... Disregard all state laws concerning
burial. "I want my body to help fertilize the growth of a cactus or cliff rose or
sagebrush or tree." said the message.
As for his funeral: He wanted gunfire, and a little music. "No formal speeches
desired, though the deceased will not interfere if someone feels the urge. But
keep it all simple and brief." And then a big happy raucous wake. He wanted more
music, gay and lively music. He wanted bagpipes. "And a flood of beer and booze!
Lots of singing, dancing, talking, hollering, laughing, and lovemaking." said the
message. And meat! Beans and chilis! And corn on the cob. Only a man deeply in
love with life and hopelessly soft on humanity would specify, from beyond the
grave, that his mourners receive corn on the cob.
A 2003 Outside article described how his friends honored his request:
"The last time Ed smiled was when I told him where he was going to be buried,"
says Doug Peacock, an environmental crusader in Edward Abbey's inner circle.
On March 14, 1989, the day Abbey died from esophageal bleeding at 62, Peacock,
along with his friend Jack Loeffler, his father-in-law Tom Cartwright, and his
brother-in-law Steve Prescott, wrapped Abbey's body in his blue sleeping bag,
packed it with dry ice, and loaded Cactus Ed into Loeffler's Chevy pickup. After
stopping at a liquor store in Tucson for five cases of beer, and some whiskey to
Edward Abbey 337
pour on the grave, they drove off into the desert. The men searched for the right
spot the entire next day and finally turned down a long rutted road, drove to the
end, and began digging. That night they buried Ed and toasted the life of
America's prickliest and most outspoken environmentalist.
Abbey's body was buried in the Cabeza Prieta Desert in Pima County, Arizona, where "you'll
never find it". The friends carved a marker on a nearby stone, reading:
EDWARD PAUL ABBEY
1927—1989
No Comment
In late March, about 200 friends of Abbey gathered near the Saguaro National Monument
near Tucson and held the wake he requested. A second, much larger wake was held in May,
just outside his beloved Arches National Park, with such notables as Terry Tempest
Williams and Wendell Berry speaking.
In the late summer of 1988, an interview with Abbey appeared in "Western Winds
Magazine" a newsletter for an outdoor company called Western Mountaineering. The
interview, written by Paul Bousquet with some help from editor Fred Lifton, contained two
quotes that were especially poignant coming so soon before his death:
ww: According to my calculations you turned 60 this year. How did this effect
you?
Abbey: Haven't given it much thought. It's one of those things that happen when
you keep hanging around. I expect my life to become an easy downhill slide from
here on. My father is 86 and still working—alone—out in the Appalachian woods
every day, cutting down trees and hauling them down to the sawmill. Barring
accidents internal or external, I'll probably end up doing something like that.
Longevity, like intelligence or good looks, is largely a matter of heredity: choose
your parents with care. Also, it helps to have a mean, rancorous, rotten
disposition; us mean and ugly types are hard to kill.
ww: Have you ever come close to death? Tell us about it.
Abbey: In my youth I did fool things on rock, on snow, on mountainsides and deep
down in slickrock canyons, but never suffered more than the usual thrill of utter
terror. Rode motorcycles for a few years. Got on a few horses I didn't understand.
And again never lost anything but some skin. About five years ago some medical
doctors gave me six months to live, saying I had pancreatic cancer. But they were
wrong, their machines had deceived them: the dark blob on the X-ray screens and
CAT-scans turned out to be some kind of portal vein thrombosis, which means
that I may die at any moment of a massive internal hemorrhage. But in the
meantime I feel fine and carry on as usual, having no particularly appealing
alternative, and am ready for whatever happens so long as it's quick, violent and
economical. And if it's not, I'll do my best to make it so. Like everyone, I've lived
close to death all of my life.
Edward Abbey 338
Quotations
• On abortion: "Abolition of a woman's right to abortion, when and if she wants it,
amounts to compulsory maternity: a form of rape by the State."[3]
• On absurdities: "As for the "solitary confinement of the mind," my theory is that
solipsism, like other absurdities of the professional philosopher, is a product of too much
time wasted in library stacks between the covers of a book, in smoke-filled coffeehouses
(bad for brains) and conversation-clogged seminars. To refute the solipsist or the
metaphysical idealist all that you have to do is take him out and throw a rock at his head:
if he ducks he's a liar. His logic may be airtight but his argument, far from revealing the
delusions of living experience, only exposes the limitations of logic." (Desert Solitaire, pp.
121–122).
• On industry: "In the Soviet Union, government controls industry. In the United States,
industry controls government. That is the principal structural difference between the two
great oligarchies of our time."[3]
• On Anarchism: "Anarchism is not a romantic fable but the hardheaded realization,
based on five thousand years of experience, that we cannot entrust the management of
our lives to kings, priests, politicians, generals, and county commissioners."[3]
• On terrorism: "The most common form of terrorism in the U.S.A. is that carried on by
bulldozers and chain saws."[3]
• On off-road vehicles: "The fat pink slobs who go roaring over the landscape in these
over-sized over-priced over-advertised mechanical mastodons are people too lazy to walk,
too ignorant to saddle a horse, too cheap and clumsy to paddle a canoe. Like cattle or
sheep, they travel in herds, scared to death of going anywhere alone, and they leave their
sign and spoor all over the back country: Coors beer cans, Styrofoam cups, plastic
spoons, balls of Kleenex, wads of toilet paper, spent cartridge shells, crushed gopher
snakes, smashed sagebrush, broken trees, dead chipmunks, wounded deer, eroded trails,
bullet-riddled petroglyphs, spray-painted signatures, vandalized Indian ruins, fouled-up
waterholes, polluted springs and smoldering campfires piled with incombustible tinfoil,
filter tips, broken bottles. Etc." (Postcards from Ed, pp. 66–67).
• On sport hunting: "Whenever I see a photograph of some sportsman grinning over his
kill, I am always impressed by the striking moral and aesthetic superiority of the dead
animal to the live one."[3]
• On firearms: "The tank, the B-52, the fighter-bomber, the state-controlled police and
military are the weapons of dictatorship. The rifle is the weapon of democracy. Not for
nothing was the revolver called an "equalizer." Egalite implies liberte. And always will.
Let us hope our weapons are never needed—but do not forget what the common people
of this nation knew when they demanded the Bill of Rights: An armed citizenry is the first
defense, the best defense, and the final defense against tyranny." (Abbey's Road)
• On reason: "Reason has seldom failed us because it has seldom been tried."[3]
• On truth: "Better a cruel truth than a comfortable delusion."[3]
• On the Bible: "A knowledge of the true age of the earth and of the fossil record makes it
impossible for any balanced intellect to believe in the literal truth of every part of the
Bible in the way that fundamentalists do. And if some of the Bible is manifestly wrong,
why should any of the rest of it be accepted automatically?"
Edward Abbey 339
• On the wisdom of crowds: One man alone can be pretty dumb sometimes, but for real
bona fide stupidity, there ain't nothin' can beat teamwork." (Seldom Seen Smith, in The
Monkey Wrench Gang)
• On war: "The tragedy of modern war is that the young men die fighting each
other—instead of their real enemies back home in the capitals."[4]
• On patriotism: "A patriot must always be ready to defend his country against his
government."[5]
• On highways: "Of course I litter the public highway. Every chance I get. After all, it's not
the beer cans that are ugly; it's the highway that is ugly." ("The Second Rape of the
West," The Journey Home, 1977)
• On growth: "Growth for the sake of growth is the ideology of the cancer cell." (The
Journey Home, 1977)
• On government: "Society is like a stew. If you don't stir it up every once in a while then
a layer of scum floats to the top."[6]
• On immigration "It might be wise for us, as American citizens, to consider calling a halt
to the mass influx of even more millions of hungry, ignorant, unskilled, and
culturally-morally-genetically, impoverished people...Why not [support immigration]?
Because we prefer democratic government, for one thing; because we still hope for an
open, spacious, uncrowded, and beautiful--yes beautiful!--society, for another. The
alternative, in the squalor, cruelty and corruption of Latin America, is plain for all to
see."[7]
Critical comments
• About The Monkey Wrench Gang, the National Observer wrote, "A sad, hilarious,
exuberant, vulgar fairy tale... It'll make you want to go out and blow up a dam."
• The New York Times wrote, "Since the publication of The Monkey Wrench Gang, Mr.
Abbey has become an underground cult hero."
Bibliography
Fiction
• Jonathan Troy (1954) (ISBN 1-131-40684-2)
• The Brave Cowboy (1956) (ISBN 0-8263-0448-6)
• Fire on the Mountain (1962) (ISBN 0-8263-0457-5)
• Black Sun (1971) (ISBN 0-88496-167-2)
• The Monkey Wrench Gang (1975) (ISBN 0-397-01084-2)
• Good News (1980) (ISBN 0-525-11583-8)
• The Fool's Progress (1988) (ISBN 0-8050-0921-3)
• Hayduke Lives (1989) (ISBN 0-316-00411-1)
• Earth Apples: The Poetry of Edward Abbey (1994) (ISBN 0-312-11265-3)
Edward Abbey 340
Non-fiction
• Desert Solitaire: A Season in the Wilderness (1968) (ISBN 0-8165-1057-1)
• Appalachian Wilderness (1970)
• Slickrock (1971) (ISBN 0-87156-051-8)
• Cactus Country (1973)
• The Journey Home (1977) (ISBN 0-525-13753-X)
• The Hidden Canyon (1977)
• Abbey's Road (1979) (ISBN 0-525-05006-X)
• Desert Images (1979)
• Down the River (with Henry Thoreau & Other Friends) (1982) (ISBN 0-525-09524-1)
• In Praise of Mountain Lions (1984)
• Beyond the Wall (1984) (ISBN 0-03-069299-7)
• One Life at a Time, Please (1988) (ISBN 0-8050-0602-8)
• A Voice Crying in the Wilderness: Notes from a Secret Journal (1989)
• Confessions of a Barbarian: Selections from the Journals of Edward Abbey, 1951–1989
(1994) (ISBN 0-316-00415-4)
Letters
[8]
• Cactus Chronicles published by Orion Magazine, Jul–Aug 2006 (no longer active,)
• Postcards from Ed: Dispatches and Salvos from an American Iconoclast (2006) (ISBN
1-57131-284-6)
Anthologies
• Slumgullion Stew: An Edward Abbey Reader (1984)
• The Best of Edward Abbey (1984)
• The Serpents of Paradise: A Reader (1995)
See also
• Ecodefense: A Field Guide To Monkeywrenching [book]
External links
• AbbeyWeb - lots of information about Edward Abbey and his books [9]
• Works by or about Edward Abbey [10] in libraries (WorldCat catalog)
• Edward Abbey [11] at the Internet Book List
• Edward Abbey [12] at the Internet Book Database of Fiction
• Edward Abbey [13] at the Internet Speculative Fiction Database
Edward Abbey 341
References
[1] Historical state marker (http:/ / www. abbeyweb. net/ marker. html)
[2] FBI response to Freedom of Information Act request for its file on Abbey (http:/ / foia. fbi. gov/ foiaindex/
abbey. htm)
[3] http:/ / www. abbeyweb. net/ quotes. htx
[4] http:/ / thinkexist. com/ quotes/ edward_abbey/
[5] http:/ / www. americanswhotellthetruth. org/ pgs/ portraits/ Edward_Abbey. html
[6] http:/ / quotationsbook. com/ quote/ add_to_site/ 36694/
[7] http:/ / alterdestiny. blogspot. com/ 2008/ 03/ edward-abbey-racist-quotes. html
[8] http:/ / www. orionmagazine. org/ index. php/ articles/ article/ 173/
[9] http:/ / www. abbeyweb. net/
[10] http:/ / worldcat. org/ identities/ lccn-n78-93802
[11] http:/ / www. iblist. com/ author541. htm
[12] http:/ / www. ibdof. com/ IBDOF-author-booklist. php?author=495
[13] http:/ / www. isfdb. org/ cgi-bin/ ea. cgi?Edward_Abbey
Jacques Camatte
Jacques Camatte is a French writer who once was a Marxist theoretician and member of
the Internationalist Communist Party, a primarily Italian left communist organisation under
the influence of Amadeo Bordiga, which denounced the USSR as capitalist and aimed to
rebuild a "true" Leninism. Following the theses of the early Italian Communist Party (under
Bordiga's leadership), it refused all participation in the electoral system and generally
considered democracy a perversion of class struggle and a means of oppression. Camatte
left the ICP in 1966 to protest against its "activist" turn, and to defend the purity of
revolutionary theory in his journal Invariance.
After collecting and publishing a great amount of historical documents from left communist
currents, and analysing the most recently discovered writings of Marx, in the early 70's
Camatte abandoned the Marxist perspective. He decided instead that capitalism had
succeeded in shaping humanity to its profit, and that every kind of "revolution" was thus
impossible; that the working class was nothing more than an aspect of capital, unable to
supersede its situation; that any future revolutionary movement would basically consist of a
struggle between humanity and capital itself, rather than between classes; and that capital
has become totalitarian in structure, leaving nowhere and no-one outside its domesticating
influence. This pessimism about revolutionary perspective is accompanied by the idea that
we can "leave the world" and live closer to nature, and stop harming children and distorting
their naturally sane spirit.
Camatte's writings are hard to find, in French and English, and may be equally hard to
understand. For these reasons, many aspects of his thinking can be considered obscure. His
writings, however, are increasingly being read by those interested in → anarcho-primitivist
ideas and other critiques of the totality.
Jacques Camatte 342
References
• This World We Must Leave and Other Essays, ed. Alex Trotter (Brooklyn: Autonomedia,
1995)
External links
• Jacques Camatte's web site [1]
• Jacques Camatte archive [2]
• Jacques Camatte and the New Politics of Liberation, Dave Antagonism (Green Anarchy
nos. 18, 19, 20, and archived at http:/ / www. greenanarchy. org/ index.
php?action=viewwritingdetail& returnto=viewjournal& printIssueId=3& writingId=258
• Works by or about Jacques Camatte [3] in libraries (WorldCat catalog)
References
[1] http:/ / perso. wanadoo. fr/ revueinvariance/
[2] http:/ / www. marxists. org/ archive/ camatte/ index. htm
[3] http:/ / worldcat. org/ identities/ lccn-n85-6460
Raoul Vaneigem
Raoul Vaneigem (born 1934) is a Belgian writer and philosopher. He was born in Lessines
(Hainaut, Belgium). After studying romance philology at the Free University of Brussels
(now split into the Université Libre de Bruxelles and the Vrije Universiteit Brussel) from
1952 to 1956, he participated in the Situationist International from 1961 to 1970. He
currently resides in Belgium and is the father of four children.
Vaneigem and → Guy Debord were the two principal theoreticians of the Situationist
movement. Although Debord was the more disciplined thinker, Vaneigem's slogans
frequently made it onto the walls of Paris during the May 1968 uprisings. His most famous
book, and the one that contains the famous slogans, is The Revolution of Everyday Life (in
French the title was more elaborate: Traité de savoir-vivre à l'usage des jeunes générations
[1]
).
After leaving the Situationist movement Vaneigem wrote a series of polemical books
defending the idea of a free and self-regulating social order. He frequently made use of
pseudonyms, including "Julienne de Cherisy," "Robert Desessarts," "Jules-François Dupuis,"
"Tristan Hannaniel," "Anne de Launay," "Ratgeb," and "Michel Thorgal." Recently he has
been an advocate of a new type of strike, in which service and transportation workers
provide services for free and refuse to collect payment or fares.
From www.nothingness.org: "Along with Guy Debord, the voice of Raoul Vaneigem was one
of the strongest of the Situationists. Counterpoised to Debord's political and polemic style,
Vaneigem offered a more poetic and spirited prose. The Revolution of Everyday Life (Traité
de savoir-vivre à l'usage des jeunes générations), published in the same year as The Society
of the Spectacle, helped broaden and balance the presentation of the SI's theories and
practices. One of the longest SI members, and frequent editor of the journal Internationale
Situationniste, Vaneigem finally left the SI in November of 1970, citing their failures as well
as his own in his letter of resignation. Soon after, Debord issued a typically scathing
response denouncing both Vaneigem and his critique of the Situationist International."
Raoul Vaneigem 343
[2]
Further biographical information can be found at www.nothingness.org and
www.notbored.org [3].
A significant text on Vaneigem and Debord's place in Post Dada art can be read at leading
Situationist critic Stewart Home's website http:/ / www. stewarthomesociety. org/ sp/
assault. htm
Partial bibliography
• The Revolution of Everyday Life [4], (Traité de savoir-vivre à l'usage des jeunes
générations)
• () Traité de savoir-vivre à l'usage des jeunes générations [1]
• Le livre des plaisirs [5], (The Book of Pleasures), 1979, reprinted 1993.
• L'Ile aux delices, (The Island of Delights), an erotic novel, 1979.
• Le mouvement du libre-esprit (The Movement of the Free Spirit), 1986.
[6]
• Adresse aux vivants sur la mort qui les gouverne et l'opportunité de s'en défaire , 1990
• Lettre de Staline à ses enfants enfin réconciliés de l'Est et de l'Ouest, 1992
• La résistance au christianisme. Les hérésies des origines au XVIIIe siècle, 1993
• Les hérésies, 1994
• Avertissement aux écoliers et lycéens [7], 1995
• Nous qui désirons sans fin, 1996
• La Paresse, 1996
• Notes sans portée, 1997
• Dictionnaire de citations pour servir au divertissement et à l'intelligence du temps, 1998
• Déclaration des droits de l'être humain. De la souveraineté de la vie comme dépassement
des droits de le l'homme, 2001
• Pour une internationale du genre humain, 2001
• Salut à Rabelais ! Une lecture au présent, 2003
• Rien n'est sacré, tout peut se dire, 2003
• Le Chevalier, la Dame, le Diable et la Mort, 2003
• Modestes propositions aux grévistes, 2004
• Journal imaginaire, 2005
Further reading (in french)

• CHARLES (Pol), Vaneigem l'insatiable, L'Age d'Homme, Lausanne, Suisse, 2002, ISBN
2-8251-1647-5
• LAMBRETTE (Grégory), Raoul Vaneigem, St-Georges d'Oléron-Bruxelles, Editions
Libertaires/Editions d'Alternative Libertaire, coll. Graine d'ananar, 2002
• SIX (Laurent), Raoul Vaneigem. L'éloge de la vie affinée, Avin, Luce Wilquin, coll.
L'Oeuvre en Lumière, 2004
Raoul Vaneigem 344
External links
• English and French texts [8] on nothingness.org library [9]
• Raoul Vaneigem archive [10] at Libcom.org

• The Decline and Fall of Work [11] free mp3 recording of Vaneigem's essay of the same
name, from the Audio Anarchy project
• Stewart Home on Veneigem and Debord's place in Post Dada Art [12]
References
[1] http:/ / arikel. free. fr/ aides/ vaneigem/
[2] http:/ / www. nothingness. org/ SI/ vaneigem. html
[3] http:/ / www. notbored. org/ vaneigem. html
[4] http:/ / library. nothingness. org/ articles/ all/ all/ pub_contents/ 5
[5] http:/ / www. scenewash. org/ lobbies/ chainthinker/ situationist/ vaneigem/ bop/ bop. html
[6] http:/ / library. nothingness. org/ articles/ SI/ fr/ pub_contents/ 6
[7] http:/ / library. nothingness. org/ articles/ SI/ fr/ pub_contents/ 10
[8] http:/ / library. nothingness. org/ authors. php3?id=4
[9] http:/ / library. nothingness. org
[10] http:/ / libcom. org/ library/ raoul-vaneigem
[11] http:/ / audioanarchy. org/ antiwork/ 03-The_Decline_And_Fall_Of_Work. mp3
[12] http:/ / www. stewarthomesociety. org/ sp/ assault. htm
Guy Debord
Western Philosophy
20th century philosophy
Full name Guy Ernest Debord
Birth December 28, 1931

Paris, France
Death November 30, 1994 (aged 62)

Bellevue-la-Montagne, Haute-Loire, France
School/tradition Marxism, Situationist
Main interests Social theory · Reification

Commodity fetishism
Notable ideas Spectacle

Detournement
Psychogeography
Dérive
Recuperation
Guy Debord 345
Guy Ernest Debord (December 28, 1931 - November 30, 1994) was a French Marxist
theorist, writer, filmmaker, hypergraphist and founding member of the groups Lettrist
International and Situationist International (SI). He was also briefly a member of Socialisme
ou Barbarie.
Life
Guy Debord was born in Paris. His father died early, and he was raised by his grandmother
in a series of Mediterranean towns. He was a headstrong youth, and after graduating high
school he dropped out of the University of Paris where he had been studying law. He
became a revolutionary poet, writer and film-maker founding the Lettrist International
schism with Gil J. Wolman. In the 1960s he led the Situationist International group, which
influenced the Paris Uprising of 1968. His book Society of the Spectacle (1967) is
considered a major catalyst for the uprising.[1] In the 1970s Debord disbanded the
Situationist International, and resumed filmmaking with financial backing from the movie
mogul and publisher Gerard Lebovici. His two best films date from this period: a film
version of → Society of the Spectacle (1973) and the autobiographical "In Girum Imus Nocte
Et Consumimur Igni" (1978). After the dissolution of the Situationist International, Debord
spent his time reading, and occasionally writing, in relative isolation, although he continued
to correspond on political and other issues, notably with Lebovici and the Italian situationist
Gianfranco Sanguinetti.[2] and designed a war game [3] . He was married twice, to Michele
Bernstein and Alice Becker-Ho.
His lifelong steady alcohol consumption began to take a toll on his health. Apparently to
end the suffering from a form of polyneuritis brought on by his excessive drinking, he
committed suicide,[4] shooting himself in the heart at his property (called Champot) in
Bellevue-la-Montagne, Haute-Loire, on November 30, 1994.
In order to prevent the selling of Debord's archive to Yale University [5] the French Ministry
of Culture officially declared it to be 'a national treasury', justifying this act by stating that
"he has been one of the most important contemporary thinkers, with a capital place in
history of ideas from the second half of the 20th century"[6]
Works
Left communism
Communism portal
Guy Debord's best known works are his theoretical books, Society of the Spectacle and
Comments on the Society of the Spectacle. In addition to these he wrote a number of
autobiographical books including "Mémoires", "Panégyrique", "Cette Mauvaise
Réputation..." and "Considérations sur l'assassinat de Gérard Lebovici". He was also the
author of numerous short pieces, sometimes anonymous, for the journals "Potlatch", "Les
Lèvres Nues," "Les Chats Sont Verts," and "Internationale Situationniste".
In broad terms, Debord's theories attempted to account for the spiritually debilitating
modernisation of both the private and public spheres of everyday life by economic forces
Guy Debord 346
during the post-WW2 modernisation of Europe. He rejected as the twin faces of the same
problem both capitalism of the West and the statism of the Eastern bloc. → Alienation,
Debord postulated, could be accounted for by the invasive forces of the 'spectacle' - "a
social relation between people that is mediated by images". Debord's analysis developed
the notions of "reification" and "fetishism of the commodity" pioneered by Karl Marx and
Georg Lukács. This analysis probed the historical, economic and psychological roots of 'the
media'. Central to this school of thought was the claim that alienation is more than an
emotive description or an aspect of individual psychology: rather, it is a consequence of the
mercantile form of social organization which has reached its climax in capitalism.
The Situationist International, a political/artistic movement organized by Debord and his
colleagues and represented by a journal of the same name, attempted to create a series of
strategies for engaging in class struggle by reclaiming individual autonomy from the
spectacle. These strategies, including "dérive" and "détournement", drew on the traditions
of Lettrism.
The SI was the fusion of several extremely small avant-garde artistic tendencies: the
Lettrist International, the International Movement for an Imaginist Bauhaus (an off-shoot of
COBRA), and the London Psychogeographical Association in 1957. After an intense period
of theoretical analysis, publication and the expulsion of most of its few members, leading to
the Second Situationist International, the Situationist Antinational and the Situationist
Bauhaus, Debord dissolved the SI in 1972.
Debord's first book, Mémoires, was bound with a sandpaper cover so that it would destroy
other books placed next to it.
Debord has been the subject of numerous biographies, works of fiction, artworks and songs,
many of which are catalogued in the bibliography by Shigenobu Gonzalves, "Guy Debord ou
la Beaute du Negatif".
On January 29th 2009, 15 years after his death, the archive of his works have been
classified as "National treasure" by the Minister of Culture, Christine Albanel, in response
to a sale request by Yale University.[7]
Films
• Hurlements en faveur de Sade (Howls for Sade) 1952
• Sur le passage de quelques personnes à travers une assez courte unité de temps (On the
Passage of a Few Persons Through a Rather Brief Unity of Time) 1959 (short film,
Dansk-Fransk Experimentalfilmskompagni)
• Critique de la séparation (Critique of Separation) 1961 (short film, Dansk-Fransk
Experimentalfilmskompagni)
• La Société du spectacle (→ Society of the Spectacle) 1973 (Simar Films)
• Réfutation de tous les judgements, tant élogieux qu’hostiles, qui ont été jusqu’ici portés
sur le film « La Société du spectacle » (Refutation of All the Judgements, Pro or Con,
Thus Far Rendered on the Film "The Society of the Spectacle") 1975 (short film, Simar
Films)
• In girum imus nocte et consumimur igni (We Turn in the Night, Consumed by Fire)
(Simar Films) 1978 This film was meant to be Debord's last one and is largely
autobiographical. The film script was reprinted in 2007 in No: a journal of the arts.[8]
• Guy Debord, son art, son temps (Guy Debord - His Art and His Time) 1994 (a 'sabotage
television film' by Guy Debord and Brigitte Cornand, Canal Plus)
Guy Debord 347
Complete Cinematic Works (AK Press, 2003, translated and edited by Ken Knabb) includes
the scripts for all six of Debord's films, along with related documents and extensive
annotations.
Popular culture
Debord was the inspiration for the character in the film Waking Life (2001) named "Mr.
Debord", who quotes Robert Louis Stevenson: "Suicide carried off many. Drink and the
devil took care of the rest."
Bibliography
Works by Debord
• Debord, Guy (1957). Report on the Construction of Situations.
• Memoires, 1959 (co-authored by Asger Jorn), reprinted by Allia (2004), ISBN
2-84485-143-6.
• La société du spectacle, 1967, numerous editions; in English: The Society of the
Spectacle, Zone Books 1995, ISBN 0-942299-79-5. Society of the Spectacle, Rebel Press
2004, ISBN 0-946061-12-2.
• La Véritable Scission dans L'Internationale, 1972 (co-authored by Gianfranco
Sanguinetti); in English: The Real Split in the International, Pluto Press 2003, ISBN
0-7453-2128-3.
• Œuvres cinématographiques complètes, 1978, new edition in 1994; in English: Complete
Cinematic Works: Scripts, Stills, and Documents, AK Press 2003, ISBN 1-902593-73-1.
• Considérations sur l'assassinat de Gérard Lebovici, 1985; in English: Considerations on
the Assassination of Gérard Lebovici, TamTam 2001, ISBN 2-85184-156-4.
• Le Jeu de la Guerre, 1987; in English A Game of War, Atlas Press 2008, ISBN
978-1-900565-38-7
• Commentaires sur la société du spectacle, 1988; in English: Comments on the Society of
the Spectacle, Verso 1990, ISBN 0-86091-302-3.
• Panégyrique volume 1, 1989; in English: Panegyric, Verso 2004, reprinted 2009, ISBN
1-85984-665-3; in Portuguese: "Panegírico" [2002], ISBN 85-87193-77-5.
• "The Proletariat as Subject and as Representation" [9]
Further reading
• Internationale situationniste, Paris, 1958-1969. Réédition intégrale chez Van Gennep,
Amsterdam 1972, chez Champ Libre 1975, et chez Fayard 1997, ISBN 2-213-59912-2;
complete translations are available in German: Situationistische Internationale,
Gesammelte Ausgabe des Organs der Situationistischen Internationale, Hamburg: MaD
Verlag 1976-1977, ISBN 3-921523-10-9; and in Spanish: Internacional situacionista:
textos completos en castellano de la revista Internationale situationniste (1958-1969),
Madrid: Literatura Gris [1999-2001], ISBN 84-605-9961-2.
• Situationist International Anthology, translated and edited by Ken Knabb, Bureau of
Public Secrets 1981; Revised and Expanded Edition 2006, ISBN 978-0-939682-04-1.
• Guy Debord, Anselm Jappe, University of California Press 1999, ISBN 0-520-21204-5.
• Guy Debord - Revolutionary, Len Bracken, Feral House 1997, ISBN 0-922915-44-X.
• I situazionisti, Mario Perniola, Roma, Castelvecchi 2005, ISBN 88-7615-068-4.
Guy Debord 348
• The Game of War: The Life and Death of Guy Debord., Andrew Hussey, Cape 2001, ISBN
0-224-04348-X.
• Guy Debord and the Situationist International, edited by Tom McDonough, MIT Press
2002, ISBN 0-262-13404-7.
• "The Beautiful Language of my Century": Reinventing the Language of Contestation in
Postwar France, 1945-1968, Tom McDonough, MIT Press 2007, ISBN 0-262-13477-2.
• Guy Debord, Andy Merrifield, Reaktion 2005, ISBN 1-86189-261-6.
• Lipstick Traces: A Secret History of the Twentieth Century, Greil Marcus, Harvard
University Press, 1990, ISBN 0-674-53581-2.
• 50 Years of Recuperation of the Situationist International, McKenzie Wark, Princeton
Architectural Press, New York, 2008 ISBN 1568987897
• Los Situacionistas y la Anarquía, Miguel Amoros, Bilbao, Muturreko burutazioak, 2008,
ISBN 978-84-88455-98-7.
See also
• Anti-art
• Situationist International
• Psychogeography
• → Raoul Vaneigem
• Gerard Lebovici
External links
• Situationist international online [10]
• Libcom.org/library: Guy Debord archive [11]
[12]
• A brief biography and several texts, including Society of the Spectacle.
• Comments on the society of the spectacle (1988) [13]
• Guy Debord and the Situationists [14]
• Audio recordings [15] / Films [16] by Guy Debord
• Michael Löwy on Guy Debord [17], in Radical Philosophy
• French wikipedia article which has fuller list of works [18]
• The Strange Life of Guy Debord [19](French)
• Films [20] / Writings [21] and Literature on Guy Debord [22]
• "Punk Saint of All Things, Useless, Beautiful, and Free" [23]
• On Guy Debord’s Films [24]
• Observations on the English translation of Guy Debord's Oeuvres Cinématographiques
Completes [25]
Guy Debord 349
References
[1] Andreotti, L. "Review: Leaving the twentieth century: The Situationist International." Journal of Architectural
Education, 49(3), p. 197.
[2] Guy Debord (http:/ / www. notbored. org/ debord. html)
[3] Le Jeu de la Guerre : Relevé des positions successives de toutes les forces au cours d'une partie (http:/ / www.
amazon. fr/ Jeu-Guerre-RelevÃ©-positions-successives/ dp/ 2070776514) accessed 14th January 2008
[4] Hussey, Andrew (28 July 2001). " Situation Abnormal (http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ books/ 2001/ jul/ 28/
biography. artsandhumanities)". The Guardian. . Retrieved on July 8, 2009.
[5] (http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ books/ booksblog/ 2009/ mar/ 18/ guy-debord-situationist-international)
[6] Journal Officiel de la Republique Francaise du 12 fevrier 2009 (texte 120)
[7] (http:/ / juralibertaire. over-blog. com/ article-28060152. html)
[8] (http:/ / www. nojournal. com)
[9] http:/ / prole. info/ articles/ sos_chapter4. html
[10] http:/ / www. cddc. vt. edu/ sionline/ index. html
[11] http:/ / libcom. org/ tags/ guy-debord
[12] http:/ / www. nothingness. org/ SI/ debord. html
[13] http:/ / www. notbored. org/ commentaires. html
[14] http:/ / catless. ncl. ac. uk/ Obituary/ debord. html
[15] http:/ / www. ubu. com/ sound/ debord. html
[16] http:/ / www. ubu. com/ film/ index. html
[17] http:/ / www. radicalphilosophy. com/ default. asp?channel_id=2188& editorial_id=10310
[18] http:/ / fr. wikipedia. org/ wiki/ Guy_Debord
[19] http:/ / www. philippesollers. net/ Debord. html
[20] http:/ / members. chello. nl/ j. seegers1/ situationist/ films_debord. html
[21] http:/ / members. chello. nl/ j. seegers1/ situationist/ writings_debord. html
[22] http:/ / members. chello. nl/ j. seegers1/ situationist/ bib_debord. html
[23] http:/ / www. judithfitzgerald. ca/ spectatoes. html
[24] http:/ / www. bopsecrets. org/ SI/ debord. films/ index. htm
[25] http:/ / www. monoculartimes. co. uk/ avantgardening/ observations-oeuvres_1. shtml
Theodore Roszak (scholar) 350
Theodore Roszak (scholar)

Theodore Roszak
Occupation Professor (retired)
Nationality United States
Subjects History
Counterculture of the 1960s
Notable work(s) The Making of a Counter Culture
Spouse(s) Betty Roszak
Theodore Roszak is professor emeritus of history at California State University, East

Bay.[1] He is best known for his 1968 text, The Making of a Counter Culture.
Background
Roszak received his B.A. from UCLA and Ph.D. in History from Princeton University. He
taught at Stanford University, the University of British Columbia, and San Francisco State
University before joining CalState East Bay (formerly CalState Hayward).[2]
Scholarship
Roszak "first came to public prominence in 1968, with the publication of his The Making of
a Counter Culture[3] which chronicled and gave explanation to the European and North
American counterculture of the 1960s.
Other books include include Longevity Revolution: As Boomers Become Elders, The Voice of
the Earth (Touchstone Books), The Cult of Information, The Gendered Atom: Reflections on
the Sexual Psychology of Science, The Voice of the Earth, and Ecopsychology: Healing the
Mind, Restoring the Earth. With his wife Betty, he is co-editor of the anthology
Masculine/Feminine: Essays on Sexual Mythology and the Liberation of Women.
His fiction includes Flicker (Simon and Schuster and Bantam Books) and the award-winning
Memoirs of Elizabeth Frankenstein (Random House and Bantam Books). His most recent
novel, published in 2003, is The Devil and Daniel Silverman.
Awards and honors

• New York Open Center in 1999 for his "Prescient and Influential Analysis of American
Culture"
• Guggenheim Fellow and was twice nominated for the National Book Award. [2]
Scholarship
Non-fiction
• The Dissenting Academy (1968)
• The Making of a Counter Culture (1968)
• Masculine/Feminine: Readings in Sexual Mythology and the Liberation of Women (1969)
• Where the Wasteland Ends (1972)
• Sources (1972)
• Unfinished Animal: The Aquarian Frontier and the Evolution of Consciousness (1975)
• Person/Planet: The Creative Disintegration of Industrial Society (1979)
• From Satori to Silicon Valley' [4]' (1986)
• The Cult of Information (1986)
• Fool's Cycle/Full Cycle (1988). ISBN 0-931191-07-6.
• The Voice of the Earth (1992)
• The Gendered Atom
• Kanner, Roszak, & Gomes. Ecopsychology: Restoring the Earth, Healing the Mind. (1995,
ISBN 0-87156-406-8)
• World Beware! American Triumphalism in an Age of Terror (2006, ISBN 1-897071-02-7)
Essays
• "Birth of an Old Generation [5]"
[6]
• "When the Counterculture Counted
• "Raging Against the Machine: In its '1984' Commercial, Apple Suggested that its
Computers Would Smash Big Brother. But Technology Gave Him More Control. [7]" Los
Angeles Times, January 28, 2004.
Fiction
• Pontifex (1974)
• Dreamwatcher
• Bugs (1981)
• Flicker (1991)
• The Devil and Daniel Silverman (2003)
• The Memoirs of Elizabeth Frankenstein
External links
• "Social critic and professor Theodore Roszak wrote The Making of a Counter Culture in
1968 [8]" - PBS
• "Flashing back to Woodstock [9]" - CNN
• Interview [10] - KQED-FM
• Interview [11]
References
[1] " Princeton Alumni Weekly (http:/ / www. princeton. edu/ ~paw/ web_exclusives/ books/ books0506. html)".
Princeton University. . Retrieved on 2008-05-11.
[2] " Stanford Humanities Lab (http:/ / shl. stanford. edu/ about/ events/ fuller_conversations_2003. html)".
Stanford University. . Retrieved on 2008-05-11.
[3] " Computing and Counterculture (http:/ / library. stanford. edu/ mac/ counter. html)". Stanford University. .
[4] http:/ / library. stanford. edu/ mac/ primary/ docs/ satori/ index. html
[5] http:/ / usinfo. state. gov/ journals/ itsv/ 0699/ ijse/ roszak. htm
[6] http:/ / www. sfgate. com/ cgi-bin/ article. cgi?f=/ c/ a/ 2001/ 12/ 23/ RV150757. DTL& type=printable
[7] http:/ / articles. latimes. com/ 2004/ jan/ 28/ opinion/ oe-roszak28
[8] http:/ / www. pbs. org/ wgbh/ amex/ love/ sfeature/ back_03. html
[9] http:/ / edition. cnn. com/ 2004/ US/ 08/ 13/ twih. woodstock/ index. html
[10] http:/ / www. kqed. org/ epArchive/ R602231000
[11] http:/ / www. williamjames. com/ transcripts/ roszak. htm
Jacques Ellul
Western Philosophy
20th century philosophy
Full name Jacques Ellul
Birth 6 January 1912, Bordeaux, France
Death 19 May 1994, age 82, Pessac, France
School/tradition non-conformist
Jacques Ellul (January 6, 1912 – May 19, 1994) was a French philosopher, law professor,
sociologist, theologian, and Christian anarchist. He wrote several books about the
"technological society" and the intersection between Christianity and politics, such as
Anarchy and Christianity (1991)—arguing that anarchism and Christianity are socially
following the same goal.
A philosopher who approached technology from a deterministic viewpoint, Ellul, professor
at the University of Bordeaux, authored some 40 books and hundreds of articles over his
lifetime, the dominant theme of which has been the threat to human freedom and Christian
faith created by modern technology. His constant concern has been the emergence of a
"technological tyranny" over humanity. As a philosopher and theologian, he further
explored the religiosity of the technological society.
Life
Ellul was born in Bordeaux, France, and was educated at the universities of Bordeaux and
Paris. In World War II, he was a leader in the French resistance. For his efforts to save Jews
he was awarded the title Righteous among the Nations by Yad Vashem in 1981.[1] He was
also prominent in the worldwide Ecumenical movement, although he later became sharply
critical of the movement for what he felt were indiscriminate endorsements of political
establishments, primarily of the Left. However, he was no friendlier in his assessment of
those of the Right, either; he fashioned an explicitly anti-political stance as an alternative to
both (see below).
Ellul studied Karl Marx and became a prolific exegete of his theories. Ellul converted to
Christianity at age 22. The influence of these ideologies has alternately earned him devoted
followers and vicious enemies. In large measure and especially in those of his books
concerned with theological matters, Ellul restates the viewpoints held by the great
Protestant theologian Karl Barth, who was a leader of the resistance against the German
state church in World War II. Barth's polar dialectic of the Word of God, in which the
Gospel both judges and renews the world, helped to shape Ellul's theological perspective.
Ellul went beyond Barth in one particular observation: "That which desacralizes a given
reality, itself in turn becomes the new sacred reality".
The sacred is then, as classically defined, the object of both hope and fear, both fascination
and dread. Once nature was the all-encompassing environment and power upon which
human beings were dependent in life and death, and so was experienced as sacred. The
Jacques Ellul 353
Reformation desacralized the church in the name of the Bible, and the Bible became the
sacred book.
Science (through Charles Darwin's theory of evolution) and reason (higher criticism and
liberal theology) desacralized the scriptures; subsequent decades have seen science,
particularly those in the applied categories amenable to the aims of collective economic
production (whether capitalist, socialist, or communist), elevated to the position of sacred
in Western culture. Today, argued Ellul, it is the technological society that modern-day
humans generally hold sacred. Ellul defined technique as "the totality of methods rationally
arrived at, and having absolute efficiency (for a given stage of development) in every field
of human activity." Thus, it is not the society of machines as such, but the society of
"efficient techniques" which is the focus of Ellul's sociological analysis:
“ Modern technology has become a total phenomenon for civilization, the defining force of a ”
new social order in which efficiency is no longer an option but a necessity imposed on all
human activity.
It is useless to think that a distinction can be made between technique and its use,
according to Ellul, for techniques have specific social and psychological consequences
independent of human desires. There can be no room for moral considerations in their use:
“ Not even the moral conversion of the technicians could make a difference. At best, they ”
would cease to be good technicians." In the end, technique has only one principle, efficient
ordering.
Philosophy
What many consider to be Ellul's most important work, The Technological Society (1964)
was originally titled: La Technique: L'enjeu du siècle, "The Stake of the Century." In it, Ellul
set forth seven characteristics of modern technology.
The characteristics of technique which serve to make efficiency a necessity are rationality,
artificiality, automatism of technical choice, self-augmentation, monism, universalism, and
autonomy. The rationality of technique enforces logical and mechanical organization
through division of labor, the setting of production standard, etc. And it creates an artificial
system which "eliminates or subordinates the natural world."
Regarding technology, instead of it being subservient to humanity, "human beings have to
adapt to it, and accept total change." As an example, Ellul offered the diminished value of
the humanities to a technological society. As people begin to question the value of learning
ancient languages and history, they question those things which, on the surface, do little to
advance their financial and technical state. According to Ellul, this misplaced emphasis is
one of the problems with modern education.
This, according to Ellul, produces a situation where an incredible stress is placed on
information in our schools. The focus in those schools is to prepare young people to enter
the world of information, able to handle computers, but knowing only the reasoning, the
language, the combinations, and the connections between computers. This movement is
invading the whole intellectual domain and also that of conscience.
Ellul's commitment to scrutinize technological development is expressed as such:
Jacques Ellul 354
“ [W]hat is at issue here is evaluating the danger of what might happen to our humanity in the ”
present half-century, and distinguishing between what we want to keep and what we are
ready to lose, between what we can welcome as legitimate human development and what we
should reject with our last ounce of strength as dehumanization. I cannot think that choices of
this kind are unimportant.
Theology
Although a son of the minority French Reformed tradition and thus a spiritual heir of
thinkers like John Calvin and Ulrich Zwingli, Ellul departed substantially from Reformed
doctrinal traditions, but unlike other European Protestant thinkers, utterly rejected the
influence of philosophical idealism or romanticism upon his beliefs about God and human
faith. In articulating his theological ideas, he mainly drew upon the corpus of works by the
Swiss-German professor Karl Barth and the critiques of European state Christianity made
by Dane Søren Kierkegaard. This made him one of the more ardent expositors of
neo-orthodoxy, which was in decline elsewhere in the Western theological scene during
Ellul's heyday. Much like Barth, Ellul had no use for either liberal theology (to him
dominated by Enlightenment notions about the goodness of humanity and thus rendered
puerile by its naïveté or orthodox Protestantism (e.g., fundamentalism or scholastic
Calvinism, both of which to him refuse to acknowledge the radical freedom of God and
humanity) and maintained a roughly anti-Catholic view of the Bible, theology, and the
churches. The latter was a standpoint shaped, again, by his membership in a tradition
historically persecuted by Catholic clergy and state officials.
One particular theological movement that aroused his ire was that of secular theology,
based on notions that traditional Christian conceptions of God and humanity are based
upon a primitive consciousness, one that most civilized people have quite overcome. This
line of thought affirmed the ethical teachings of Jesus but rejected the idea that he
represented anything more than a highly accomplished human being. Ellul attacked this
school, and practitioners of it such as Harvey Cox, as out of accord not with Christian
doctrinal traditions, but reality itself, namely what he perceived as the irreducible
religiosity of the human race, a devotion that has worshiped idols such as rulers, nations,
and, in more recent times, technology and economics. To Ellul, people use such fallen
images, or powers, as a substitute for God, and are, in turn, used by them, with no possible
appeal to innocence or neutrality, which, although possible theoretically, does not in fact
exist. Ellul thus renovates in a non-legalistic manner the traditional Christian
understanding of original sin and espouses a thoroughgoing pessimism about human
capabilities, a view most sharply evidenced in his Meaning of the City (see bibliography
below).
Ellul espouses views on salvation, the sovereignty of God, and ethical action that appear to
take a deliberately contrarian stance toward established, "mainstream" opinion. For
instance, in the book What I Believe, he declared himself to be a Christian Universalist,
writing "that all people from the beginning of time are saved by God in Jesus Christ, that
they have all been recipients of His grace no matter what they have done."[2] Ellul
formulated this stance not from any liberal or humanistic sympathies, but in the main from
an extremely high view of God's transcendence, that God is totally free to do what God
pleases. Any attempts to modify that freedom from merely human standards of
righteousness and justice amount to sin, to putting oneself in God's place, which is precisely
Jacques Ellul 355
what Adam and Eve sought to do in the creation stories in Genesis. This highly unusual
juxtaposition of original sin and universal salvation has repelled liberal and conservative
critics and commentators alike, who charge that such views amount to antinomianism,
denying that God's laws are binding upon human beings. In most of his
theologically-oriented writings, Ellul effectively dismisses those charges as stemming from
a radical confusion between religions as human phenomena and the unique claims of the
Christian faith, which are not predicated upon human achievement or moral integrity
whatsoever.
Political philosophy
Ellul identified himself as a "Christian Anarchist." For him, this meant that nation-states
should neither be praised nor feared, but merely ignored. To him, human government is
irrelevant in that the law contained in Scripture is sufficient and exclusive. That is, being a
Christian means pledging absolute allegiance to Christ, which makes other laws redundant
at best or counter to the Law of God. Despite the initial attraction of some evangelicals to
his thinking because of his high view of Biblical texts (i.e., generally eschewing the
historical-critical method), this position eventually alienated the few followers he had
among conservative Protestants (this despite the fact that a U.S. evangelical school,
Wheaton College, houses numerous manuscripts of his). Later, he would attract a following
among adherents of more ethically-compatible traditions such as the Anabaptists and the
house church movement. Similar political ideas to Ellul's appear in the writings of a
corresponding friend of his, the American William Stringfellow.
On media and propaganda

Ellul saw the power of the media as another example of technology exerting control over
human destiny. As a mechanism of change, the media are almost invariably manipulated by
special interests, whether of the market or the state. Using the term "propaganda" to
address both political and commercial communication, Ellul wrote:
“ It is the emergence of mass media which makes possible the use of propaganda techniques ”
on a societal scale. The orchestration of press, radio and television to create a continuous,
lasting and total environment renders the influence of propaganda virtually unnoticed
precisely because it creates a constant environment. Mass media provides the essential link
between the individual and the demands of the technological society.
In all of this, Ellul continued to place his understanding of technology and its proper role in
this present society in a context that recognizes a faith in the eternal. This allowed Ellul to
propose a more explicit alternative to the technology of the technician than those provided
by some of his contemporaries, such as Martin Heidegger.
To throw this wager or secular faith into the boldest possible relief, Ellul places it in
dialectical contrast with Biblical faith. As a dialectical contrast to "La Technique," for
instance, Ellul writes Sans feu ni lieu (published in 1975, although written much earlier.)
Whereas technology is the attempt of human beings to create their home in this world, the
Bible denies that people, the children of a Creator God, can ever be truly at home here.
Ellul adhered to the maxim "Think globally, act locally" throughout his life. He often said
that he was born in Bordeaux by chance, but that it was by choice that he spent almost all
his academic career there. After a long illness, he died in his house in Pessac, just a mile or
Jacques Ellul 356
two from the University of Bordeaux campus, surrounded by those closest to him. Not long
before his death, the treatment for this illness illustrated to him once again one of his
favourite themes - the ambivalence of technological progress.
Books
• Étude sur l'évolution et la nature juridique du Mancipium. Bordeaux: Delmas, 1936.
• Le fondement théologique du droit. Neuchâtel: Delachaux & Niestlé, 1946.
• The Theological Foundation of Law. Trans. Marguerite Wieser. Garden City NY:
Doubleday, 1960. London: SCM, 1961. New York: Seabury, 1969.
• Présence au monde moderne: Problèmes de la civilisation post-chrétienne. Geneva:
Roulet, 1948. Lausanne: Presses Bibliques Universitaires, 1988.
• The Presence of the Kingdom. Trans. Olive Wyon. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1951.
London: SCM, 1951. New York: Seabury, 1967. Colorado Springs: Helmers and
Howard, 1989.
• Le livre de Jonas. Paris: Cahiers Bibliques de Foi et Vie, 1952.
• The Judgment of Jonah. Trans. Geoffrey W. Bromiley. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1971.
• L'homme et l'argent (Nova et vetera). Neuchâtel: Delachaux & Niestlé, 1954. Lausanne:
Presses Bibliques Universitaires, 1979.
• Money and Power. Trans. LaVonne Neff. Downers Grove IL: InterVarsity Press, 1984.
Basingstoke, England: Marshall Pickering, 1986.
• La technique ou l'enjeu du siècle. Paris: Armand Colin, 1954. Paris: Économica, 1990.
• The Technological Society. Trans. John Wilkinson. New York: Knopf, 1964. London:
Jonathan Cape, 1965. Rev. ed.: New York: Knopf/Vintage, 1967. with introduction by
Robert K. Merton (professor of sociology, Columbia University). This may be his
best-known work; Aldous Huxley brought the French edition to the attention of an
English publisher, and thus brought it to English readers. → Theodore Kaczynski had a
copy in his cabin and said he read it five times—his "manifesto" addresses similar
themes.
• Histoire des institutions. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France; volumes 1 & 2,
• L'Antiquité (1955); vol. 3, Le Moyen Age (1956); vol. 4, Les XVIe-XVIIIe siècle (1956); vol.
5, Le XIXe siècle (1789–1914) (1956).
• Propagandes. Paris: A. Colin, 1962. Paris: Économica, 1990
• Propaganda: The Formation of Men's Attitudes. Trans. Konrad Kellen & Jean Lerner.
New York: Knopf, 1965. New York: Random House/ Vintage 1973
• Fausse présence au monde moderne. Paris: Les Bergers et Les Mages, 1963.
• False Presence of the Kingdom. Trans. C. Edward Hopkin. New York: Seabury, 1972.
• Le vouloir et le faire: Recherches éthiques pour les chrétiens: Introduction (première
partie). Geneva: Labor et Fides, 1964.
• To Will and to Do: An Ethical Research for Christians. Trans. C. Edward Hopkin.
Philadelphia: Pilgrim, 1969.
• L'illusion politique. Paris: Robert Laffont, 1965. Rev. ed.: Paris: Librairie Générale
Française, 1977.
• The Political Illusion. Trans. Konrad Kellen. New York: Knopf, 1967. New York:
Random House/Vintage, 1972.
Jacques Ellul 357
• Exégèse des nouveaux lieux communs. Paris: Calmann-Lévy, 1966. Paris: La Table
Ronde, 1994.
• A Critique of the New Commonplaces. Trans. Helen Weaver. New York: Knopf, 1968.
• Politique de Dieu, politiques de l'homme. Paris: Éditions Universitaires, 1966.
• The Politics of God and the Politics of Man. Trans./ed. Geoffrey W. Bromiley. Grand
Rapids: Eerdmans, 1972.
• Histoire de la propagande. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1967, 1976.
• Métamorphose du bourgeois. Paris: Calmann-Lévy, 1967. Paris: La Table Ronde, 1998.
• Autopsie de la révolution. Paris: Calmann-Lévy, 1969.
• Autopsy of Revolution. Trans. Patricia Wolf. New York: Knopf, 1971.
• Contre les violents. Paris: Centurion, 1972.
• Violence: Reflections from a Christian Perspective. Trans. Cecelia Gaul Kings. New
York: Seabury, 1969. London: SCM Press, 1970. London: Mowbrays, 1978.
• Sans feu ni lieu: Signification biblique de la Grande Ville. Paris: Gallimard, 1975.
• The Meaning of the City. Trans. Dennis Pardee. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1970.
Carlisle, Cumbria, England: Paternoster, 1997.
• L'impossible prière. Paris: Centurion, 1971, 1977.
• Prayer and Modern Man. Trans. C. Edward Hopkin. New York: Seabury, 1970, 1973
• Jeunesse délinquante: Une expérience en province. Avec Yves Charrier. Paris: Mercure
de France, 1971. 2nd ed.: Jeunesse délinquante: Des blousons noirs aux hippies. Nantes:
Éditions de l'AREFPPI, 1985.
• De la révolution aux révoltes. Paris: Calmann-Lévy, 1972.
• L'espérance oubliée. Paris: Gallimard, 1972.
• Hope in Time of Abandonment. Trans. C. Edward Hopkin. New York: Seabury, 1973.
• Éthique de la liberté, 2 vols. Geneva: Labor et Fides, I:1973, II:1974.
• The Ethics of Freedom. Trans. and ed. Geoffrey W. Bromiley. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans,
1976. London: Mowbrays, 1976.
• Les nouveaux possédés. Paris: Arthème Fayard, 1973.
• The New Demons. Trans. C. Edward Hopkin. New York: Seabury, 1975. London:
Mowbrays, 1975.
• L'Apocalypse: Architecture en mouvement. Paris: Desclée, 1975.
• Apocalypse: The Book of Revelation. Trans. George W. Schreiner. New York: Seabury,
1977.
• Trahison de l'Occident. Paris: Calmann-Lévy, 1975.
• The Betrayal of the West. Trans. Matthew J. O'Connell. New York: Seabury,1978.
• Le système technicien. Paris: Calmann-Lévy, 1977.
• The Technological System. Trans. Joachim Neugroschel. New York: Continuum, 1980.
• L'idéologie marxiste chrétienne. Paris: Centurion, 1979.
• Jesus and Marx: From Gospel to Ideology. Trans. Joyce Main Hanks. Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans, 1988.
• L'empire du non-sens: L'art et la société technicienne. Paris: Press Universitaires de
France, 1980.
• La foi au prix du doute: "Encore quarante jours . . ." Paris: Hachette, 1980.
Jacques Ellul 358
• Living Faith: Belief and Doubt in a Perilous World. Trans. Peter Heinegg. San
Francisco: Harper and Row, 1983.
• La Parole humiliée. Paris: Seuil, 1981.
• The Humiliation of the Word. Trans. Joyce Main Hanks. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans,
1985.
• Changer de révolution: L'inéluctable prolétariat. Paris: Seuil, 1982.
• Les combats de la liberté. (Tome 3, L'Ethique de la Liberté) Geneva: Labor et Fides,
1984. Paris: Centurion, 1984.
• La subversion du christianisme. Paris: Seuil, 1984, 1994. réédition en 2001, La Table
Ronde;
• The Subversion of Christianity. Trans. Geoffrey W. Bromiley. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans,
1986.
• Conférence sur l'Apocalypse de Jean. Nantes: AREFPPI, 1985.
• Un chrétien pour Israël. Monaco: Éditions du Rocher, 1986.
• Ce que je crois. Paris: Grasset and Fasquelle, 1987.
• What I Believe. Trans. Geoffrey W. Bromiley. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1989.
• La Genèse aujourd'hui. Avec François Tosquelles. Ligné: AREFPPI, 1987.
• La raison d'être: Méditation sur l'Ecclésiaste. Paris: Seuil, 1987
• Reason for Being: A Meditation on Ecclesiastes. Trans. Joyce Main Hanks. Grand
Rapids: Eerdmans, 1990.
• Anarchie et christianisme. Lyon: Atelier de Création Libertaire, 1988. Paris: La Table
Ronde, 1998
• Anarchy and Christianity. Trans. Geoffrey W. Bromiley. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans,
1991.
• Le bluff technologique. Paris: Hachette, 1988.
• The Technological Bluff. Trans. Geoffrey W. Bromiley. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1990.
• Ce Dieu injuste . . .?: Théologie chrétienne pour le peuple d'Israël. Paris: Arléa, 1991,
1999.
• Si tu es le Fils de Dieu: Souffrances et tentations de Jésus. Paris: Centurion, 1991.
• Déviances et déviants dans notre société intolérante. Toulouse: Érés, 1992.
• Silences: Poèmes. Bordeaux: Opales, 1995.
• Oratorio: Les quatre cavaliers de l'Apocalypse. Bordeaux: Opales, 1997.
• Sources and Trajectories: Eight Early Articles by Jacques Ellul that Set the Stage.
Trans./ed. Marva J. Dawn. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1997.
Jacques Ellul 359
Interviews
• "A temps et à contretemps: Entretiens avec Madeleine Garrigou-Lagrange". Paris:
Centurion, 1981.
• "In Season, Out of Season: An Introduction to the Thought of Jacques Ellul: Interviews by
Madeleine Garrigou-Lagrange." Trans. Lani K. Niles. San Francisco: Harper and Row,
1982.
• "Perspectives on Our Age: Jacques Ellul Speaks on His Life and Work". Ed. Willem H.
Vanderburg. Trans. Joachim Neugroschel. Toronto: CBC, 1981. New York: Seabury,
1981. Concord, Ontario: House of Anansi, 1997.
• "L'homme à lui-même: Correspondance". Avec Didier Nordon. Paris: Félin, 1992.
• "Entretiens avec Jacques Ellul". Patrick Chastenet. Paris: Table Ronde, 1994.
• "Jacques Ellul on Religion, Technology, and Politics: Conversations with Patrick
Troude-Chastenet". Trans. Joan Mendès France. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1998.
• "Jacques Ellul on Politics, Technology, and Christianity: Conversations with Patrick
Troude-Chastenet". Eugene, Oregon: Wipf and Stock, 2005.
See also
• Christian anarchism
• Indoctrination
• Koyaanisqatsi
• Propaganda
• Randal Marlin
• Non-conformists of the 1930s
External links
• Jacques Ellul works on Jesus Radicals [3]
• International Jacques Ellul Society [4]
• Association Internationale Jacques Ellul [5]
• Wheaton College Library's Jacques Ellul page [6] (with biographical information and
listings of their holdings of rare Ellul manuscripts)
• Jacques Ellul at Anarchist Archive [7]
• Transcript of Ellul's Politics of God and Politics of Man [8]
• On the film The Betrayal by Technology, a 1993 portrait by ReRun Productions, on
Jacques Ellul (broadcasted twice in the Netherlands on national TV [9]
Jacques Ellul 360
References
[1] " Righteous Among the Nations Recognized by Yad Vashem as of 1 January 2008 - France (http:/ / www1.
yadvashem. org/ righteous_new/ PDF Virtual_Wall_Of_Honor/ FRANCE. pdf)" (PDF). Yad Vashem. 2008-01-01. .
[2] "Did God Create Hell? (http:/ / www. tentmaker. org/ articles/ did-god-create-hell. htm)
[3] http:/ / www. jesusradicals. com/ theology/ jacques-ellul/
[4] http:/ / www. ellul. org/ ijes. htm
[5] http:/ / www. jacques-ellul. org/
[6] http:/ / www. wheaton. edu/ learnres/ ARCSC/ collects/ sc16/
[7] http:/ / flag. blackened. net/ daver/ anarchism/ ellul/ index. html
[8] http:/ / www. religion-online. org/ showbook. asp?title=1506
[9] http:/ / www. rerunproducties. nl
Lewis Mumford 361
Lewis Mumford
Lewis Mumford
Born 19 September 1895
Died 26 January 1990 (aged 94)
Occupation Historian,
Writer
Genres History
Notable work(s) The City in History, Technics and Civilization, The Myth of the
Machine
Lewis Mumford (October 19, 1895 – January 26, 1990) was an American historian of
technology and science. Particularly noted for his study of cities and urban architecture, he
had a tremendously broad career as a writer that also included a period as an influential
literary critic. Mumford was influenced by the work of Scottish theorist Sir Patrick Geddes.
Mumford was also a contemporary and friend of Frank Lloyd Wright, Frederic J. Osborn,
Edmund N. Bacon, and Vannevar Bush.
Life
Mumford was born in Flushing, New York, and graduated from Stuyvesant High School in
1912.[1] He studied at the City College of New York and the New School for Social
Research, but became ill with tuberculosis and never finished his degree. In 1919 he
became associate editor of The Dial, an influential modernist literary journal. He later
worked for The New Yorker where he wrote architectural criticism and commentary on
urban issues.
Mumford's earliest books in the field of literary criticism have had a lasting impact on
contemporary American literary criticism. The Golden Day contributed to a resurgence in
scholarly research on the work of 1850's American transcendentalist authors and Herman
Melville: A study of His Life and Vision effectively launched a revival in the study of the
work of Herman Melville. Soon after, with the book The Brown Decades, he began to
establish himself as an authority in US architecture and urban life, which he interpreted in
a social context.
In his early writings on urban life, Mumford was optimistic about human abilities and wrote
that the human race would use electricity and mass communication to build a better world
Lewis Mumford 362
for all humankind. He would later take a more pessimistic stance. His early architectural
criticism also helped to bring wider public recognition to the work of Henry Hobson
Richardson, Louis Sullivan and Frank Lloyd Wright.
Mumford was involved in numerous research positions and received the Presidential Medal
of Freedom in 1964. In 1943 Mumford was made an honorary Knight Commander of the
Order of the British Empire. In 1976, he was awarded the Prix mondial Cino Del Duca.
He served as the architectural critic for The New Yorker magazine for over 30 years, and
his 1961 book, The City in History, received the National Book Award.
Lewis Mumford died at his home in Amenia, New York.
Ideas
Mumford believed that what defined humanity, what set human beings apart from other
animals, was not primarily our use of tools (technology) but our use of language (symbols).
He was convinced that the sharing of information and ideas amongst participants of
primitive societies was completely natural to early humanity, and had obviously been the
foundation of society as it became more sophisticated and complex. He had hopes for a
continuation of this process of information “pooling” in the world as humanity moved into
the future.[2]
Mumford's choice of the word "technics" throughout his work was deliberate. For Mumford,
technology is one part of technics. Using the broader definition of the Greek tekne, which
means not only technology but also art, skill and dexterity, technics refers to the interplay
of a social milieu and technological innovation - the "wishes, habits, ideas, goals" as well as
"industrial processes" of a society. As Mumford writes at the beginning of Technics and
Civilization, "other civilizations reached a high degree of technical proficiency without,
apparently, being profoundly influenced by the methods and aims of technics."
Megatechnics
In The Myth of the Machine Vol II: The Pentagon of Power (Chapter 12) (1970), Mumford
criticizes the modern trend of technology, which emphasizes constant, unrestricted
expansion, production, and replacement. He explains that these goals work against
technical perfection, durability, social efficiency, and overall human satisfaction. Modern
technology—which he calls 'megatechnics'—evades producing lasting, quality products by
using devices such as consumer credit, installment buying, non-functioning and defective
designs, built-in fragility, and frequent superficial "fashion" changes. "Without constant
enticement by advertising", he explains, "production would slow down and level off to
normal replacement demand. Otherwise many products could reach a plateau of efficient
design which would call for only minimal changes from year to year."
He uses his own refrigerator as an example, explaining that it "has been in service for
nineteen years, with only a single minor repair: an admirable job. Both automatic
refrigerators for daily use and deepfreeze preservation are inventions of permanent value
... if biotechnic criteria were heeded, rather than those of market analysts and fashion
experts, an equally good product might come forth from Detroit, with an equally long
prospect of continued use."
Lewis Mumford 363
Biotechnics
Mumford describes an organic model of technology, or biotechnics, as a contrast to
megatechnics. Organic systems direct themselves to "qualitative richness, amplitude,
spaciousness, and freedom from quantitative pressures and crowding. Self-regulation,
self-correction, and self-propulsion are as much an integral property of organisms as
nutrition, reproduction, growth, and repair." Biotechnics models life in seeking balance,
wholeness, and completeness.
Polytechnics versus monotechnics

A key idea, introduced in Technics and Civilization (1934) was that technology was twofold:
• Polytechnic, which enlists many different modes of technology, providing a complex
framework to solve human problems.
• Monotechnic which is technology only for its own sake, which oppresses humanity as it
moves along its own trajectory.
Mumford commonly criticized modern America's transportation networks as being
'monotechnic' in their reliance on cars. Automobiles become obstacles for other modes of
transportation, such as walking, bicycle and public transit, because the roads they use
consume so much space and are such a danger to people. Mumford explains that the
thousands of maimed and dead each year as a result of automobile accidents are a "ritual
sacrifice" the American society makes because of its extreme reliance on highway
transport.
Megamachines
Mumford also refers to large hierarchical organizations as megamachines—a machine using
humans as its components. These organizations comprise Mumford's stage theory of
civilization. The most recent Megamachine manifests itself, according to Mumford, in
modern technocratic nuclear powers—Mumford used the examples of the Soviet and US
power complexes represented by the Kremlin and the Pentagon, respectively. The builders
of the Pyramids, the Roman Empire and the armies of the World Wars are prior examples.
Features
He explains that meticulous attention to accounting and standardization, and elevation of
military leaders to divine status are spontaneous features of megamachines throughout
history. He cites such examples as the repetitive nature of Egyptian paintings which feature
enlarged Pharaohs and public display of enlarged portraits of dictators such as Mao Zedong
and Joseph Stalin. He also cites the overwhelming prevalence of quantitative accounting
records among surviving historical fragments, from ancient Egypt to Nazi Germany.
Necessary to the construction of these megamachines is an enormous bureaucracy of
humans which act as "servo-units", working without ethical involvement. According to
Mumford, Technological improvements such as remote control by satellite or radio, instant
global communication, and assembly line organizations dampen psychological barriers
against the end result of their actions. An example which he uses is that of Adolf Eichmann,
the Nazi official who conducted logistics behind the Holocaust. Mumford collectively refers
to people willing to carry out placidly the extreme goals of these megamachines as
"Eichmanns".
Lewis Mumford 364
The clock as herald of the Industrial Revolution

One of the better-known studies of Mumford is of the way the mechanical clock was
developed by monks in the Middle Ages and subsequently adopted by the rest of society. He
viewed this device as the key invention of the whole Industrial Revolution, contrary to the
common view of the steam engine holding the prime position, writing: "The clock is a piece
of machinery whose 'product' is seconds and minutes."
Urban civilization
In his influential book The City in History, which won the National Book Award, Mumford
explores the development of urban civilizations. Harshly critical of urban sprawl, Mumford
argues that the structure of modern cities is partially responsible for many social problems
seen in western society. While pessimistic in tone, Mumford argues that urban planning
should emphasize an organic relationship between people and their living spaces.
Mumford uses the example of the medieval city as the basis for the "ideal city", and claims
that the modern city is too close to the Roman city (the sprawling megalopolis) which ended
in collapse; if the modern city carries on in the same vein, Mumford argues, then it will
meet the same fate as the Roman city.
Mumford wrote critically of urban culture believing the city is “a product of earth … a fact
of nature … man's method of expression”.[3] Further Mumford recognized the crises facing
urban culture, distrusting of the growing finance industry, political structures, fearful that a
local community culture was not being fostered by these institutions. Mumford feared
'metropolitan finance’, urbanisation, politics and alienation.
"The physical design of cities and their economic functions are secondary to their
relationship to the national environment and to the spiritual values of human community."
Writing style
While Mumford's writing exhibits much original research and a uniquely "Mumfordian"
approach to history and technology, his style often incorporates powerful rhetorical
subtleties and psychoanalytical interpretations of philosophical figures. A Mumford essay
also tends to be multidisciplinary, combining references and images from an often
startlingly wide range of studies.
Rhetoric
In cataloguing the "obsession" of classic thinkers with space travel, Mumford turns his
attention to an obscure work by Johannes Kepler entitled Somnium where Kepler
speculates about the possibilities of lunar travel (supposedly attainable as early as 1609).
Mumford cites this work as an example of a science-driven transition from Heaven to space
travel as the salvation and ultimate goal of the human race—a recurring theme of
Mumford's writings loosely summarized as sun worship which, according to Mumford, is a
psychotic emanation from the "collective psyche" of mankind.
After illustrating Kepler's "keen grasp of the embarrassing details" and inferring interior
compulsions were to blame, Mumford charges Kepler with being "steeped in sun-worship".
While these inflections lie below the level of outright attack they are dismissive of Kepler's
reasoning and even speculate as to his subconscious motivations.
Lewis Mumford 365
Influence
Mumford's interest in the history of technology and his explanation of "polytechnics", along
with his general philosophical bent, has been an important influence on a number of more
recent thinkers concerned that technology serve human beings as broadly and well as
possible. Some of these authors — such as → Jacques Ellul, Witold Rybczynski, Amory
Lovins, J. Baldwin, E. F. Schumacher, Herbert Marcuse, Murray Bookchin, Marshall
McLuhan — have been both intellectuals and persons directly involved with technological
development and decisions about the use of technology.
Mumford also had an influence on the American environmentalist movement, with thinkers
like Barry Commoner and Bookchin being influenced by his ideas on cities, ecology and
technology.[4] Ramachandra Guha noted his work contains 'some of the earliest and finest
thinking on bioregionalism, anti-nuclearism, biodiversity, alternate energy paths, ecological
urban planning and appropriate technology."[5]
It is also evident in the work of some artists. This includes Berenice Abbott's photographs of
New York City in the late 1930s.[6]
Bibliography
Incomplete - to be updated
• The Story of Utopias [7] (1922)
• Sticks and Stones (1924)
• The Golden Day (1926)
• Herman Melville: A Study of His Life and Vision (1929)
• The Brown Decades: A Study of the Arts in America, 1865-1895 (1931)
• The City (1939, a film)
• "Renewal of Life" series
• Technics and Civilization (1934)
• The Culture of Cities (1938)
• The Condition of Man (1944)
• The Conduct of Life (1951)
• Art and Technics (1952)
• Values for Survival (1946)
• The Transformations of Man (1956 New York: Harper and Row)
• The City in History (1961) often considered his most important work (Awarded the
National Book Award)
• The Highway and the City (1963, essay collection)
• The Myth of the Machine (2 volumes)
• Technics and Human Development (1967)
• The Pentagon of Power (1970)
• The Urban Prospect (1968, essay collection)
• My Work and Days: A Personal Chronicle (1979)
• Sketches from Life: The Autobiography of Lewis Mumford (1982 New York: Dial Press)
• The Lewis Mumford Reader. Donald L. Miller, ed. (1986 New York: Pantheon Books)
Lewis Mumford 366
Articles
• Mumford, Lewis (8 Januuary 1949). "The Sky Line: The Quick and the Dead". The New
Yorker 24 (46): 60–65.
Reviews the Esso Building, Rockefeller Center
• Mumford, Lewis (4 February 1950). "The Sky Line: Civic Virtue". The New Yorker 25
(50): 58–63.
Reviews Parke-Bernet Galleries, Madison Avenue
Further reading
• Miller, Donald L. (1989). Lewis Mumford: A Life. New York: Weidenfeld & Nicolson.
External links
[8]
• Lewis Mumford: A Brief Biography
• Lewis Mumford Center for Comparative Urban and Regional Research [9] at the
University at Albany, The State University of New York
• Virtual Lewis Mumford Library [10]- Mumford Archive at Monmouth University
References
[1] Wojtowicz, Robert (January 2001). " City As Community: The Life And Vision Of Lewis Mumford (http:/ / www.
odu. edu/ ao/ instadv/ quest/ cityascommunity. html)". Quest (Old Dominion University) 4 (1). . Retrieved on
2007-10-31.
[2] Mumford, Lewis (1974). "Enough Energy for Life & The Next Transformation of Man [MIT lecture transcript]".
CoEvolution Quarterly (Sausalito, CA: POINT Foundation) 1 (4): 19–23.
[3] Mumford The Culture of Cities 1938
[4] Wall, Derek. Green History, Routledge, 1994, pg. 91.
[5] Quoted in Guha, Ramachandra & Martinez-Alier, J (1997) Varieties of Environmentalism: Essays North and
South. London: Earthscan (1997). For other works on Mumford’s ecological and environmental thought, see:
David Pepper Modern Environmentalism, Routledge, 1996, Max Nicolson, The New Environmental Age,
Cambridge University Press, 1989, and BA Minteer, The Landscape of Reform: Civic Pragmatism and
Environmental Thought in America MIT Press, 2006.
[6] See Peter Barr's PhD dissertation on Abbott's photographs, "Becoming Documentary: Berenice Abbott's
Photographs, 1925-1939" (Boston University, 1997).
[7] http:/ / www. sacred-texts. com/ utopia/ sou/ index. htm
[8] http:/ / www. nd. edu/ ~ehalton/ mumfordbio. html
[9] http:/ / www. albany. edu/ mumford/
[10] http:/ / library. monmouth. edu/ spcol/ mumford/ mumford. html
Brian M. Fagan 367
Brian M.Fagan
Brian Murray Fagan is an author of popular archaeology books as well as being emeritus
professor of Anthropology at the University of California, Santa Barbara, U.S..
Biography
Professor Brian M. Fagan was born in England. He received his childhood education at
Rugby School[1]. He attended Pembroke College, Cambridge, where he studied
archaeology and anthropology (BA 1959, MA 1962, PhD 1965). He spent six years as
Keeper of Prehistory at the Livingstone Museum in Zambia, Central Africa, and moved to
the U.S.A. in 1966. He was Visiting Associate Professor of Anthropology at the University of
Illinois, Champaign-Urbana, in 1966/67, and was appointed Professor of Anthropology at
the University of California, Santa Barbara, in 1967.
Prof. Fagan is an archaeological generalist, with expertise in the broad issues of human
prehistory. He is the author or editor of 46 books, including seven widely used
undergraduate college texts. Prof. Fagan has contributed over 100 specialist papers to
many national and international journals. He is a Contributing Editor to American
Archaeology and Discover Archaeology magazines, and formerly wrote a regular column for
Archaeology Magazine. He serves on the Editorial Boards of six academic and general
periodicals and has many popular magazine credits, including Scientific American and
Gentleman's Quarterly.
Prof. Fagan has been an archaeological consultant for many organizations, including
National Geographic Society, Time/Life, Encyclopædia Britannica, and Microsoft Encarta.
He has lectured extensively about archaeology and other subjects throughout the world at
many venues, including the Cleveland Museum of Natural History, the National Geographic
Society, the San Francisco City Lecture Program, the Smithsonian Institution, and the Getty
Conservation Institute.
In addition to extensive experience with the development of Public Television programs,
Prof. Fagan was the developer/writer of Where in time is Carmen San Diego, an NPR series
in 1984-86. He has worked as a consultant for the BBC, RKO, and many Hollywood
production companies on documentaries. In 1995 he was Senior Series Consultant for
Time/Life Television's "Lost Civilizations" series.
Prof. Fagan was awarded the 1996 Society of Professional Archaeologists' Distinguished
Service Award for his "untiring efforts to bring archaeology in front of the public." He also
received a Presidential Citation Award from the Society for American Archaeology in 1996
for his work in textbook, general writing and media activities. He received the Society's
first Public Education Award in 1997.
Fagan appeared on The Daily Show on March 17th, 2008 to discuss 'climate change and its
impact on human history.'
Fagan has written many critiques of contemporary archaeology and has advocated
non-traditional approaches, as well as writing extensively on the role of archaeology in
contemporary society. His approach is a melding of different theoretical approaches, which
focuses on the broad issues of human prehistory and the past. He is a strong advocate of
multidisciplinary approaches to such issues as climate change in the past. Over the years,
he has written a series of well-known textbooks that provide accurate summaries of the
Brian M. Fagan 368
latest advances in archaeological method and theory and world prehistory These are
designed for beginners and avoid both confusing jargon and major theoretical discussion,
which is inappropriate at this basic level. His approach melds traditional culture history
with more recent approaches, with a major emphasis on writing historical narrative using
archaeological data and sources from other disciplines. Fagan is also well known for his
public lectures on a wide variety of archaeological and historical topics, delivered to a
broad range of archaeological and non-archaeological audiences.
Selected Bibliography
• The Rape of the Nile: Tomb Robbers, Tourists, and Archaeologists in Egypt. New York:
Charles Scribner's Sons, 1975 (hardcover, ISBN 0-684-14235-X); Boulder, CO: Westview
Press, 2004 (revised and updated ed., paperback, ISBN 0-8133-4061-6).
• Quest for the Past: Great Discoveries in Archaeology. Boston: Addison Wesley, 1978
(paperback, ISBN 0-201-03111-6).
• Clash of Cultures. New York: W.H. Freeman & Company, 1984 (paperback, ISBN
0-7167-1622-4); Lanham, MD: AltaMira Press, 1997 (hardcover, ISBN 0-7619-9146-8;
paperback, ISBN 0-7619-9145-X).
• The Adventure of Archaeology. Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 1985
(hardcover, ISBN 0-87044-603-7)
• The Great Journey: The Peopling of Ancient America. London: Thames & Hudson, 1987
(hardcover, ISBN 0-500-05045-7); 1989 (paperback, ISBN 0-500-27515-7); Gainesville,
FL: University Press of Florida, 2004 (updated ed., paperback, ISBN 0-8130-2756-X).
• Journey from Eden: The Peopling of Our World. London: Thames & Hudson, 1991
(hardcover, ISBN 0-500-05057-0).
• Kingdoms of Gold, Kingdoms of Jade: The Americas Before Columbus. London: Thames &
Hudson, 1991 (hardcover, ISBN 0-500-05062-7).
• Snapshots of the Past. Lanham, MD: AltaMira Press, 1995 (hardcover, ISBN
0-7619-9109-3; paperback, ISBN 0-7619-9108-5).
• Time Detectives: How Archaeologist Use Technology to Recapture the Past. New York:
Simon & Schuster, 1995 (hardcover, ISBN 0-671-79385-3; paperback, ISBN
0-684-81828-0).
• (editor) The Oxford Companion to Archaeology. New York: Oxford University Press
(USA), 1996 (hardcover, ISBN 0-19-507618-4).
• (editor) Eyewitness to Discovery: First-Person Accounts of More Than Fifty of the World's
Greatest Archaeological Discoveries. New York: Oxford University Press (USA), 1997
(hardcover, ISBN 0-19-508141-2); 1999 (paperback, ISBN 0-19-512651-3).
• Floods, Famines, and Emperors: El Niño and the Fate of Civilizations. New York: Basic
Books, 1999 (hardcover, ISBN 0-465-01120-9); 2000 (paperback, ISBN 0-465-01121-7);
London: Pimlico, 2001 (new ed., paperback, ISBN 0-7126-6478-5)
• (editor) The Seventy Great Mysteries of the Ancient World: Unlocking the Secrets of Past
Civilizations. London: Thames & Hudson, 2001 (paperback, ISBN 0-500-51050-4).
• The Little Ice Age: How Climate Made History, 1300–1850. New York: Basic Books, 2000
• Stonehenge. New York: Oxford University Press (USA), 2002 (ISBN 0-19-514314-0).
• Archaeologists: Explorers of the Human Past. New York: Oxford University Press (USA),
2003 (hardcover, ISBN 0-19-511946-0).
Brian M. Fagan 369
• Before California: An Archaeologist Looks at Our Earliest Inhabitants. Lanham, MD:

Rowman & Littlefield, 2003 (paperback, ISBN 0-7425-2794-8); AltaMira Press, 2004 (new
ed., paperback, ISBN 0-7591-0374-7).
• Grahame Clark: An Intellectual Biography of an Archaeologist. Boulder, CO: Westview
Press, 2001 (hardcover, ISBN 0-8133-3602-3); 2003 (paperback, ISBN 0-8133-4113-2).
• The Long Summer: How Climate Changed Civilization. New York: Basic Books, 2003
• A Brief History of Archaeology: Classical Times to the Twenty-First Century. Upper
Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 2004 (paperback, ISBN 0-13-177698-3).
• (editor) The Seventy Great Inventions of the Ancient World. London: Thames & Hudson,
2004 ((hardcover, ISBN 0-500-05130-5).
• Chaco Canyon: Archaeologists Explore the Lives of an Ancient Society. New York: Oxford
University Press (USA), 2005 (hardcover, ISBN 0-19-517043-1).
• Writing Archaeology: Telling Stories About the Past. Walnut Creek, CA: Left Coast Press,
2005 (hardcover, ISBN 1-59874-004-0; paperback ISBN 1-59874-005-9).
• From Stonehenge to Samarkand: An Anthology of Archaeological Travel Writing. New
York: Oxford University Press (USA), 2006 (hardcover, ISBN 0-19-516091-6).
• Fish on Friday: Feasting, Fasting, And Discovery of the New World. New York: Basic
Books, 2007 (hardcover, ISBN 0-465-02284-7; paperback, ISBN 0-465-02285-5).
Further reading
• Fagan, Brian. "Retrospect (But certainly not a necrology!)", Antiquity, Vol. 78, Issue 299.
(2004), pp. 173–183.
External links
• Brian Murray Fagan [2] at the EMuseum of the Minnesota State University, Mankato
• Course syllabus [3] for an Anthropology course taught by Brian Fagan.
• Interview [4] with Brian Fagan at the Society for California Archaeology.
• Audio interview with National Review Online [5]
[6]
• Brian Fagan books online .
References
[1] http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ wiki/ Brian_m. _fagan#endnote_SCA
[2] http:/ / www. mnsu. edu/ emuseum/ information/ biography/ fghij/ fagan_brian. html
[3] http:/ / id-archserve. ucsb. edu/ Anth3/ Syllabus/ Syllabus. html
[4] http:/ / www. scahome. org/ educational_resources/ 2002_Fagan. html
[5] http:/ / radio. nationalreview. com/ betweenthecovers/ post/
?q=YjZhODczNzE0MjA5ODIwZTk4NGEyMWJlYjA3MGVhZjQ=
[6] http:/ / www. brianfagan. com/ index. html
Gary Snyder 370
Gary Snyder
Gary Snyder
Born May 8, 1930 (age 79)

San Francisco, California
Occupation Poet, essayist, travel writer, translator, educator
Writing period 1950-present
Notable work(s) Turtle Island, 1975; The Real Work, 1980; A Place in Space, 1995;
Mountains and Rivers Without End, 1996
Notable award(s) Pulitzer Prize for poetry, 1974; Bollingen Prize for Poetry, 1997;
John Hay Award for Nature Writing, 1997; Ruth Lilly Poetry Prize,
[1]
2008
Gary Snyder (born May 8, 1930) is an American poet (often associated with the Beat
Generation and the San Francisco Renaissance), as well as an essayist, lecturer, and
environmental activist (frequently described as the "poet laureate of → Deep Ecology"[2] ).
Snyder is a winner of a Pulitzer Prize for Poetry. His work, in his various roles, reflects an
immersion in both Buddhist spirituality and nature. Snyder has also translated literature
into English from ancient Chinese and modern Japanese. For many years, Snyder served as
a faculty member at the University of California, Davis, and served for a time on the
California Arts Council.
Early life
Gary Sherman Snyder was born in San Francisco, California to Harold and Lois Hennessy
Snyder. Snyder is of German, Scots-Irish, and English ancestry. His family, impoverished by
the Great Depression,[3] moved to King County, Washington[4] , when he was two years old.
There they tended dairy cows, kept laying hens, had a small orchard, and made cedar-wood
shingles,[5] [6] until moving to Portland, Oregon ten years later.[7]
At the age of seven, Snyder was laid up for four months by an accident. "So my folks
brought me piles of books from the Seattle Public Library," he recalled in interview, "and it
was then I really learned to read and from that time on was voracious — I figure that
accident changed my life. At the end of four months, I had read more than most kids do by
the time they're eighteen. And I didn't stop."[3]
Also during his ten childhood years in Washington, Snyder became aware of the presence of
the Coast Salish people and developed an interest in the Native American peoples in
general and their traditional relationship with nature.[3]
In 1942, following his parents' divorce, Snyder moved to Portland, Oregon with his mother
and his younger sister, Anthea.[8] (As Thea Lowry, Anthea is the author of Empty Shells.)[9]
Their mother, Lois Snyder Hennessey (born Wilkey),[10] worked during this period as a
reporter for The Oregonian. One of Gary's boyhood jobs was as a newspaper copy boy, also
at the Oregonian.[8] Also, during his teen years, he attended Lincoln High School,[8] worked
as a camp counselor, and went mountain climbing with the Mazamas youth group.[11]
Climbing remained an interest of his,[3] especially during his twenties and thirties.
Gary Snyder 371
In 1947, he started attending Reed College on a scholarship.[3] Here he met, and for a time
roomed with Carl Proujan, Philip Whalen and Lew Welch. At Reed, Snyder published his
first poems in a student journal. He also spent the summer of 1948 working as a seaman.
He joined the now defunct Marine Cooks and Stewards union to get this job.[12] (He was to
work as a seaman again in the mid 1950s. As much to experience other cultures in port
cities as to earn money, this work served to put him more in touch with the oceans and
other aspects of the hydrosphere.) Snyder married Alison Gass in 1950; they separated
after seven months, and divorced in 1953.[13]
While attending Reed, Snyder did folklore research on the Warm Springs Indian
Reservation in central Oregon.[14] He graduated with a dual degree in anthropology and
literature in 1951.[15] He spent the following few summers working as a timber scaler at
Warm Springs, developing relationships with its people that were less rooted in
academia.[14] This experience formed the basis for some of his earliest published poems
(including "A Berry Feast"),[3] later collected in the book The Back Country.
He also encountered the basic ideas of Buddhism and, through its arts, some of the Far
East's traditional attitudes toward nature. Going on to Indiana University with a graduate
fellowship to study anthropology[3] (where Snyder also practiced self-taught Zen
meditation), he left after a single semester to return to San Francisco and to 'sink or swim
as a poet'.[16]
Snyder worked for two summers in the North Cascades in Washington as a fire lookout, on
Crater Mountain in 1952 and Sourdough Mountain (both locations on the upper Skagit
River) in 1953. His attempts to get another lookout stint in 1954 (at the peak of
McCarthyism), however, failed. He had been barred from working for the government, due
to his above-mentioned association with the Marine Cooks and Stewards.[17] Instead, he
went back to Warm Springs to work in logging as a chokersetter (fastening cables to logs).
This experience contributed to his Myths and Texts and the essay Ancient Forests of the
Far West.[18]
The Beats
Back in San Francisco, Snyder lived with Whalen, who shared his growing interest in Zen
Buddhism. Snyder's reading of the writings of D.T. Suzuki had in fact been a factor in his
decision not to continue as a graduate-student in anthropology, and in 1953 he enrolled at
the University of California, Berkeley to study Asian culture and languages. He studied ink
and wash painting under Chiura Obata and Tang Dynasty poetry under Ch'en
Shih-hsiang.[19] Snyder continued to spend summers working in the forests, including one
summer as a trail-builder in Yosemite. He spent some months in 1955 and 1956 living in a
cabin (which he dubbed "Marin-an") outside Mill Valley, California with Jack Kerouac. It
was also at this time that Snyder was an occasional student at the American Academy of
Asian Studies, where Saburō Hasegawa and Alan Watts, among others, were teaching.
Hasegawa introduced Snyder to the treatment of landscape painting as a meditative
practice. This inspired Snyder to attempt something equivalent in poetry, and with
Hasegawa's encouragement, he began work on Mountains and Rivers without End, which
would be completed and published forty years later.[20] During these years, Snyder was
writing and collecting his own work, as well as embarking on the translation of the "Cold
Mountain" poems by the 8th-century Chinese recluse Han Shan; this work appeared in
chapbook-form in 1969, under the title Riprap & Cold Mountain Poems.
Gary Snyder 372
Snyder met Allen Ginsberg when the latter sought Snyder out on the recommendation of
Kenneth Rexroth.[21] Then, through Ginsberg, Snyder and Kerouac came to know each
other. This period provided the materials for Kerouac's novel The Dharma Bums, and
Snyder was the inspiration for the novel's main character, Japhy Ryder, in the same way
Neal Cassady had inspired Dean Moriarty in On the Road. As the large majority of people in
the Beat movement had urban backgrounds, writers like Ginsberg and Kerouac found
Snyder, with his backcountry and manual-labor experience and interest in things rural, a
refreshing and almost exotic individual. Lawrence Ferlinghetti later referred to Snyder as
'the Thoreau of the Beat Generation'.
Snyder read his poem "A Berry Feast" at the famous poetry reading at the Six Gallery in
San Francisco (October 7, 1955) that heralded what was to become known as the San
Francisco Renaissance. This also marked Snyder's first involvement with the Beats,
although he was not a member of the original New York circle, but rather entered the scene
through his association with Kenneth Rexroth.
As recounted in Kerouac's Dharma Bums, even at age 25 Snyder felt he could have a role in
the fateful future meeting of West and East. Snyder's first book, Riprap, which drew on his
experiences as a forest lookout and on the trail-crew in Yosemite, was published in 1959.
Japan and India

Independently, some of the Beats, including Philip Whalen, had become interested in Zen,
but Snyder was one of the more serious scholars of the subject among them. He, in fact,
became a practitioner, independent at first, preparing in every way he could think of for
eventual study in Japan.
In 1955, the First Zen Institute of America offered him a scholarship for a year of Zen
training in Japan, but the State Department refused to issue him a passport, informing him
that "it has been alleged you are a Communist." Fortunately, a subsequent District of
Columbia Court of Appeals ruling forced a change in policy, and Snyder got his passport.[22]
In the end, his expenses were paid by Ruth Fuller Sasaki, for whom he was supposed to
work; but initially he served as personal attendant and English tutor[23] to Zen abbot Miura
Isshu, at Rinko-in, a temple in Shokuku-ji in Kyoto, where Dwight Goddard and R. H. Blyth
had preceded him.[24] Mornings, after zazen, sutra chanting, and chores for Miura, he took
Japanese classes, bringing his spoken Japanese up to a level sufficient for koan study. He
developed a friendship with Philip Yampolsky, who took him around Kyoto.[23] In early July
1955, he took refuge and requested to become Miura's disciple, thus formally becoming a
Buddhist.[25]
He returned to California via the Persian Gulf, Turkey, Sri Lanka and various Pacific
Islands, in 1958, voyaging as a crewman in the engine room on the oil freighter Sappa
Creek,[26] [27] and took up residence at Marin-an again.[28] He turned one room into a
zendo, with about six regular participants. In early June, he met the poet Joanne Kyger. She
became his girlfriend, and eventually his wife.[29] In 1959, he shipped for Japan again,
where he rented a cottage outside Kyoto.[30] He became the first foreign disciple of Oda
Sesso Roshi, the new abbot of Daitoku-ji.[31] He married Kyger on February 28, 1960,
immediately after her arrival, which Sasaki insisted they do, if they were to live together
and be associated with the First Zen Institute of America.[32]
During the period between 1956 and 1969, he went back and forth between California and
Japan,[33] studying Zen, working on translations with Ruth Fuller Sasaki, and finally living
Gary Snyder 373
for a while with a group of other people on the small, volcanic island of Suwanosejima. His
previous study of written Chinese assisted his immersion in the Zen tradition (with its roots
in Tang Dynasty China) and enabled him to take on certain professional projects while he
was living in Japan.
Snyder received the Zen precepts and a dharma name (Chofu, "Listen to the Wind"), and
lived sometimes as a de facto monk, but never registered to become a priest[33] and
planned eventually to return to the United States to 'turn the wheel of the dharma'. He was
married from 1960 to 1965 to Joanne Kyger, who lived with him in Japan.[13]
During this time, he published a collection of his poems from the early to mid '50s, Myths &
Texts (1960), and Six Sections from Mountains and Rivers Without End (1965). (This last
was the beginning of a project that he was to continue working on until the late 1990s.)
Much of Snyder's poetry expresses experiences, environments, and insights involved with
the work he has done for a living: logger, fire-lookout, steam-freighter crew, translator,
carpenter, and itinerant poet, among other things.
Ever the participant observer, during his years in Japan Snyder not only immersed himself
in Zen practice in monasteries but also was initiated into Shugendo, a form of ancient
Japanese animism, (see also Yamabushi).[34] In the early 1960s he traveled for six months
through India with his wife Joanne, Allen Ginsberg, and Peter Orlovsky.[27]
Snyder and Joanne Kyger separated soon after their trip to India, and divorced in 1965.
Continuing on in the path of the naturalist while in Japan, Snyder educated himself on
subjects like geomorphology and forestry. These interests have probably surfaced as much
or more in his essays and interviews as in his poetry.
In 1966, Snyder joined Allen Ginsberg, Richard Baker, and Swami Kriyananda to buy
100 acres (0.40 km2) in the Sierra foothills, north of Nevada City, California. In 1970, this
would become his home, with the Snyder family's portion being named Kitkitdizze.[35]
Snyder spent the summers of 1967 and 1968 with a group of Japanese back-to-the-land
drop-outs known as "the Tribe" on Suwanosejima[36] (a small Japanese island in the East
China Sea), where they combed the beaches, gathered edible plants, and fished. [37] On
the island, on August 6,[35] 1967, he married Masa Uehara, whom he had met in Osaka a
year earlier.[33] In 1968, they moved to California with their infant son, Kai (born April
1968).[35] Their second son, Gen, was born a year later. In 1971, they moved to San Juan
Ridge (39°24′0″N 120°52′0″W) in the Sierra Nevada mountains of Northern California, near
the South Fork of the Yuba River, where they and friends built a house that drew on
rural-Japanese and Native-American architectural ideas.
In 1968 his book The Back Country appeared, again mainly a collection of poems stretching
back over about fifteen years. Snyder devoted a section at the end of the book to his
translations of eighteen poems by Kenji Miyazawa.
Later life and writings

Regarding Wave — a stylistic departure offering poems that were more emotional,
metaphoric, and lyrical — appeared in 1969. In the late 1960s and after, the content of
Snyder's poetry increasingly had to do with family, friends, and community. He continued
to publish poetry throughout the 1970s, much of it reflecting his re-immersion in life on the
American continent and his involvement in the back-to-the-land movement in the Sierra
foothills. His 1974 book Turtle Island, titled after the aboriginal name for the North
Gary Snyder 374
American continent, won a Pulitzer Prize. It also influenced numerous West Coast
Generation X writers, including Alex Steffen, Bruce Barcott and Mark Morford.
Snyder also wrote numerous essays setting forth his views on poetry, culture, social
experimentation, and the environment. Many of these were collected in Earth House Hold
(1969), The Old Ways (1977), The Real Work (1980), The Practice of the Wild (1990), A
Place in Space (1995), and The Gary Snyder Reader (1999). In 1979, Snyder published He
Who Hunted Birds in His Father's Village: The Dimensions of a Haida Myth, based on his
Reed thesis. Snyder's journals from his travel in India in the mid 1960s appeared in 1983
under the title Passage Through India.
In interviews and in articles about him, Snyder provided much food for thought, starting
back in the mid 1960s. In these, his wide-ranging interests in cultures, natural history,
religions, social critique, contemporary America, and hands-on aspects of rural life, as well
as his ideas on literature, were given full-blown articulation. In 1967, for instance (in a
taped round-table discussion in the San Francisco Oracle), Snyder's friend Alan Watts
brought up the world problem posed by the population-explosion. Snyder's comment was
the "change or bend of mind that seems to be taking place in the West, today especially, is
going to result — can result ultimately — in a vast leisure society in which people will
voluntarily reduce their number." It was a prediction that would prove partly true.
Snyder had readily accepted the far-reaching implications of the Hubbert "→ peak oil"
prediction emerging into public policy discussion in the 1970s. Snyder often spoke of the
"fossil-fuel subsidy", in the form of fairly cheap petroleum and coal, that had distorted many
aspects of human activity and relationships (e.g., farming, suburban life, wealth and
poverty).
As a social critic, Snyder has much in common with → Lewis Mumford, Aldous Huxley, Karl
Hess, Aldo Leopold, and Karl Polanyi.
In the 1980s and 1990s, Snyder expressed many of his insights and ideas in public lectures
and in essays, including ones published in major outdoor and environmental magazines
(and later collected in books).
In 1986, Snyder became a professor in the writing-program at the University of California,
Davis. Here he began to influence a new generation of authors interested in writing about
the Far East, including Robert Clark Young, whom he mentored. Snyder is now professor
emeritus of English.[38]
Snyder was married to Uehara for twenty-two years; the couple divorced in 1989. Snyder
married Carole Lynn Koda (October 3, 1947 - June 29, 2006),[39] who would write
Homegrown: Thirteen brothers and sisters, a century in America, in 1991,[40] [13] and
remained married to her until her death of cancer. She had been born in the third
generation of a successful Japanese-American farming family, noted for its excellent rice.
She shared Buddhism, extensive travels, and work with Snyder, and performed independent
work as a naturalist.[41]
As Snyder's involvement in environmental issues and his teaching grew, he seemed to move
away from poetry for much of the 1980s and early 1990s. However, in 1996 he published
the complete Mountains and Rivers Without End, which, in its mixture of the lyrical and
epic modes celebrating the act of inhabitation on a specific place on the planet, is both his
finest work and a summation of what a re-inhabitory poetics stands for. This work was
written over a 40-year period. It has been translated into Japanese and French. In 2004
Snyder published Danger on Peaks, his first collection of new poems in twenty years.
Gary Snyder 375
Along the way, Gary Snyder was awarded the Levinson Prize from the journal Poetry, the
American Poetry Society Shelley Memorial Award (1986), was inducted into the American
Academy of Arts and Letters (1987), and won the 1997 Bollingen Prize for Poetry and, that
same year, the John Hay Award for Nature Writing.[42] Snyder also has the distinction of
being the first American to receive the Buddhism Transmission Award (for 1998) from the
Japan-based Bukkyo Dendo Kyokai Foundation. For his ecological and social activism,
Snyder was named as one of the 100 visionaries selected in 1995 by Utne Reader.
Snyder's poetics
Gary Snyder uses mainly common speech-patterns as the basis for his lines, though his
style has been noted for its "flexibility" and the variety of different forms his poems have
taken. He does not typically use conventional meters nor intentional rhyme. "Love and
respect for the primitive tribe, honour accorded the Earth, the escape from city and
industry into both the past and the possible, contemplation, the communal" – such,
according to Glyn Maxwell, is the awareness and commitment behind the specific poems
(Maxwell in "The Online Companion to the Anthology of Modern American Poetry").
The author and editor Stewart Brand once wrote: "Gary Snyder's poetry addresses the
life-planet identification with unusual simplicity of style and complexity of effect."[43]
Snyder has always maintained that his personal sensibility arose from his interest in Native
Americans ("Indians") and their involvement with nature and knowledge of it; indeed, their
"ways" seemed to resonate with his own. And he has sought something akin to this through
Buddhist practices, Yamabushi initiation, and other experiences and involvements.
However, since his youth he has been quite literate, and he has written about his
appreciation of writers of similar sensibilities, like D. H. Lawrence, William Butler Yeats,
and some of the great ancient Chinese poets. William Carlos Williams was another
influence, especially on Snyder's earliest published work. Starting in high school, Snyder
read and loved the work of Robinson Jeffers, his predecessor in poetry of the landscape of
the American West; but, whereas Jeffers valued nature over humankind, Snyder saw
humankind as part of nature.[44]
In 2004, receiving the Masaoka Shiki International Haiku Grand Prize, Snyder highlighted
traditional ballads and folk songs, Native American songs and poems, William Blake, Walt
Whitman, Jeffers, Ezra Pound, Noh drama, Zen aphorisms, Federico García Lorca, and
Robert Duncan as significant influences on his poetry, but added, "the influence from haiku
and from the Chinese is, I think, the deepest."[45]
"I have some concerns that I'm continually investigating that tie together biology,
mysticism, prehistory, general systems theory", Snyder once said in interview (New York
Quarterly "Craft Interview", 1973). Besides 'non-human nature', sexuality is something
often expressed or contemplated in Gary Snyder's poetry. A self-admitted and somewhat
famed ladies' man through most of his life, Snyder has also been married four times.
Aside from content and style, Snyder's interests in anthropology and Native cultures, along
with his Buddhism and environmentalism, have formed his attitude to poetry. He has often
spoken of the poem as work-place, and, for him, the work to be done there is learning to be
in the world.
Snyder argues that poets, and humans in general, need to adjust to very long timescales,
especially when judging the consequences of their actions. His poetry examines the gap
between nature and culture so as to point to ways in which the two can be more closely
Gary Snyder 376
integrated.
Is Snyder "a Romantic"?

Snyder is among those writers who have sought to dis-entrench conventional thinking about
primitive peoples that has viewed them as simple-minded, ignorantly superstitious, brutish,
and prone to violent emotionalism. In the 1960s Snyder developed a "neo-tribalist" view[46]
akin to the "post-modernist" theory of French Sociologist Michel Maffesoli.
The "re-tribalization" of the modern, mass-society world envisioned by Marshall McLuhan,
with all of the ominous, dystopian possibilities that McLuhan warned of — subsequently
accepted by many modern intellectuals — is not the future that Snyder expects or works
toward. Snyder's is a positive interpretation of the tribe and of the possible future.[47] [48]
Be these things as they may, in Snyder's work what some of his critics may deem
romanticism is balanced by an evident devotion to facts, appreciation of human practicality
and capability, expressions of joy found in physical work, interest in science, and continual
rumination on responsibility.
Is Snyder "a Beat"?

Gary Snyder is widely regarded as a member of the Beat Generation circle of writers: he
was one of the poets that read at the famous Six Gallery event mentioned above, and was
written about in one of Kerouac's most popular novels, The Dharma Bums. Some critics
argue that Snyder's connection with the Beats is exaggerated and that he might better be
regarded as a member of the West-Coast group the San Francisco Renaissance, which
developed independently. Snyder himself has some reservations about the label "Beat", but
does not appear to have any strong objection to being included in the group. He often talks
about the Beats in the first person plural, referring to the group as "we" and "us".
A quotation from a 1974 interview at the University of North Dakota Writers Conference
(published in The Beat Vision):
“ ...I never did know exactly what was meant by the term "The Beats", but let's say that the ”
original meeting, association, comradeship of Allen [Ginsberg], myself, Michael [McClure],
Lawrence [Ferlinghetti], Philip Whalen, who's not here, Lew Welch, who's dead, Gregory
[Corso], for me, to a somewhat lesser extent (I never knew Gregory as well as the others) did
embody a criticism and a vision which we shared in various ways, and then went our own ways
for many years. ...
Where we began to come really close together again, in the late '60s, and gradually working
toward this point, it seems to me, was when Allen began to take a deep interest in Oriental
thought and then in Buddhism which added another dimension to our levels of agreement; and
later through Allen's influence, Lawrence began to draw toward that; and from another angle,
Michael and I after the lapse of some years of contact, found our heads very much in the same
place, and it's very curious and interesting now; and Lawrence went off in a very political
direction for awhile, which none of us had any objection with, except that wasn't my main
focus. It's very interesting that we find ourselves so much on the same ground again, after
having explored divergent paths; and find ourselves united on this position of powerful
environmental concern, critique of the future of the individual state, and an essentially shared
poetics, and only half-stated but in the background very powerfully there, a basic agreement on
[49]
some Buddhist type psychological views of human nature and human possibilities.
[50]
However, Gary Snyder has also been quoted as saying:
Gary Snyder 377
“ The term Beat is better used for a smaller group of writers ... the immediate group around Allen ”
Ginsberg and Jack Kerouac, plus Gregory Corso and a few others. Many of us ... belong together
in the category of the San Francisco Renaissance. ... Still, beat can also be defined as a
particular state of mind ... and I was in that mind for a while.
Bibliography
• Myths & Texts (1960)
• Six Sections from Mountains and Rivers Without End (1965)
• The Back Country (1967)
• Riprap and Cold Mountain Poems (1969)
• Regarding Wave (1969)
• Earth House Hold (1969)
• Turtle Island (1974)
• The Old Ways (1977)
• He Who Hunted Birds in His Father's Village: The Dimensions of a Haida Myth (1979)
• The Real Work (1980)
• Axe Handles (1983)
• Passage Through India (1983)
• Left Out in the Rain (1988)
• The Practice of the Wild (1990)
• No Nature: New and Selected Poems (1992)
• A Place in Space (1995)
• narrator of the audio book version of Kazuaki Tanahashi's Moon in a Dewdrop from
Dōgen's Shōbōgenzō
• Mountains and Rivers Without End (1996)
• The Gary Snyder Reader: Prose, Poetry, and Translations (1999)
• Danger on Peaks (2005)
• Back on the Fire: Essays (2007)
[51]
• The Politics of Ethnopoetics (1975) text on ubuweb: visual - concrete - sound poetry
References
[1] " Poetry Foundation: Gary Snyder Wins 2008 Ruth Lilly Poetry Prize (http:/ / www. poetryfoundation. org/
foundation/ release_042908. html)". 2008-04-29. . Retrieved on 2008-05-26.
[2] Petr Kopecký, "Nature Writing in American Literature: Inspirations, Interrelations, and Impacts of California
Authors on the Deep Ecology Movement" The Trumpeter, Volume 22, Number 2 (2006) ISSN: 0832-6193
"[George] Sessions' numerous references to Snyder have not passed unnoticed by other scholars. In his
influential study The Idea of Wilderness (1991), Max Oelschlaeger titled the section on Snyder 'Poet Laureate of
Deep Ecology.' What is even more striking is that in the footnote, Oelschlaeger confesses that 'Sessions in
particular has influenced me to see and read Snyder as the poet laureate of deep ecology.'"
[3] Chapter 14: The Dharma Bum (http:/ / www. everyday-beat. org/ everyday/ essay/ snyder/ )
[4] Seattle Times, 5/28/2009
[5] Snyder, Gary (1989) "Choosing Your Place-and Taking a Stand" interview with G.S., The Mother Earth News,
(89)
[6] Snyder 2007, pg. 61
[7] Snyder, Gary (2000) The Gary Snyder Reader. Washington, D.C.: Counterpoint. isbn 1-582430-79-9
[8] Suiter 2002, pg. 54
[9] Snyder 2007, pg. 7
[10] Snyder 2007, pg. 149
[11] Halper, Jon (1991). Gary Snyder: Dimensions of a Life. San Francisco: Sierra Club Books. isbn =
0-87156-616-8
Gary Snyder 378
[12] Suiter 2002, pg. 87

[13] Suiter 2002, pg. 325
[14] Moore, Robert E. (Winter 2008). "Listening to Indians/Snyder goes logging". Reed magazine: pp. p. 14.
[15] Smith 1999, pg. 10
[16] Suiter 2002, pg. 7
[17] Suiter 2002, pp. 83-94
[18] Suiter 2002, pg. 104
[19] Suiter 2002, pp. 82-83
[20] Suiter 2002, pp. 188-189
[21] Fields, Rick 1981 How the Swans Came to the Lake, pg. 212. Boulder, CO: Shamballa.
[22] Suiter 2002, pp. 124-125
[23] Stirling 2006, pg. 83
[24] Suiter 2002, pg. 192-193
[25] Suiter 2002, pg. 208
[26] Suiter 2002, pg. 235
[27] Smith 2000, pg. 12
[28] Suiter 2002, pg. 238
[29] Suiter 2002, pg. 241
[30] Suiter 2002, pg. 245
[31] Suiter 2002, pg. 246
[32] Stirling 2006, pg. 110
[33] Suiter 2002, pg. 250
[34] Kyger 2000, pg. 103
[35] Suiter 2002, pg. 251
[36] Halper 1991, pg. 94
[37] http:/ / audiofreemp3books. com/ authors/ snyder-gary. html#
[38] " Gary Snyder-Department of English (http:/ / english. ucdavis. edu/ people/ directory/ fzsnyder)". . Retrieved
on 2009-04-13.
[39] Snyder 2007, pg. 161
[40] Western Literature Association 1997, pg. 316
[41] " Sponsored Obituary: Carole Koda (http:/ / www. theunion. com/ article/ 20060707/ OBITUARIES/
60707001)". 2006-07-07. . Retrieved on 2008-05-26.
[42] A Brief Biography (http:/ / wwwenglish. ucdavis. edu/ faculty/ snyder/ a_brief_biography. htm)
[43] CoEvolution Quarterly, issue #4, 1974
[44] Suiter 2002, pp. 38-41
[45] Snyder 2007, pg. 59
[46] Snyder, Gary 1969 "Why Tribe?," in Earth House Hold. New York: New Directions.
[47] Snyder, Gary 1969 "Why Tribe?," in Earth House Hold. New York: New Directions.
[48] Charters, Samuel 1971 "Gary Snyder," pp 57-64, in Some Poems/Poets: studies in Underground American
Poetry Since 1945. Berkeley: Oyez.
[49] Knight 1987
[50] The Columbia History of American Poetry (1993) by Jay Parini and Brett Candlish Millier ISBN 0231078366
[51] http:/ / www. ubu. com/ ethno/ discourses/ snyder_politics. pdf
• Snyder, Gary. 1980. The Real Work: Interviews & Talks 1964-1979. New Directions, New
York. ISBN 0-8112-0761-7 (hbk); ISBN 0-8112-0760-9 (pbk)
• Autobiographical notes in Mountains and Rivers Without End, by Gary Snyder, 1996
• "Chronology" (c.v. for Gary Snyder) in The Gary Snyder Reader, 1999
• Snyder, Gary. Back on the Fire (2007) Shoemaker & Hoard. ISBN 1-59376-137-6
• Gary Snyder at Modern American Poetry (http:/ / www. english. uiuc. edu/ maps/ poets/
s_z/ snyder/ snyder. htm)
• Charters, Ann (ed.). The Portable Beat Reader. Penguin Books. New York. 1992. ISBN
0-670-83885-3 (hc); ISBN 0-14-015102-8 (pbk)
• Anthony Hunt, "Genesis, Structure, and Meaning in Gary Snyder's 'Mountains and Rivers
Without End'." Detailed, book length commentary on Gary Snyder's "Mountains & Rivers
Without End" (http:/ / www. nvbooks. nevada. edu/ books. asp?ID=2222)
Gary Snyder 379
• mp3 Audio Books, "Biography of Snyder, Gary". Accessed April 19, 2008. (http:/ /
audiofreemp3books. com/ authors/ snyder-gary. html#)
• Knight, Arthur Winfield. Ed. The Beat Vision (1987) Paragon House. ISBN 0-913729-40-X;
ISBN 0-913729-41-8 (pbk)
• Kyger, Joanne. Strange Big Moon: The Japan and India Journals: 1960-1964 (2000) North
Atlantic Books. ISBN 978-1556433375
• Suiter, John. Poets on the Peaks (2002) Counterpoint. ISBN 1582431485; ISBN
1-58243-294-5 (pbk)
• Western Literature Assocition. Updating the Literary West (1997) Texas Christian
University Press. ISBN 978-0875651750
• Smith, Eric Todd. Reading Gary Snyder's Mountains and Rivers Without End (1999) Boise
State University. ISBN 978-0884301417
• Stirling, Isabel. Zen Pioneer: The Life & Works of Ruth Fuller Sasaki (2006) Shoemaker
& Hoard. ISBN 978-1-59376-110-3
• A Brief Biography (http:/ / wwwenglish. ucdavis. edu/ faculty/ snyder/ a_brief_biography.
htm)
External links
• Works by or about Gary Snyder (http:/ / worldcat. org/ identities/ lccn-n79-150347) in
libraries (WorldCat catalog)
• Lannan Foundation, Wendell Berry and Gary Snyder 2001 (see Wendell Berry entry for
link)
• Gary Snyder - Books, Selected Poems, Prose and Biography - in Russian (http:/ / www.
garysnyderpoems. com)
• Gary Snyder - kerouac Alley multimedia directory (http:/ / www. kerouacalley. com/
snyder. html)
• Shambhala Sun Magazine article "The Wild Mind Of Gary Snyder" by Trevor Carolan
(http:/ / www. shambhalasun. com/ index. php?option=com_content& task=view&
id=2071& Itemid=244)
• "Writers and the War Against Nature" by Gary Snyder in Shambhala Sun Magazine
(http:/ / www. shambhalasun. com/ index. php?option=com_content& task=view&
id=3148& Itemid=247)
• 2007 Public Access TV interview (Nevada County TeleVision), 61 minutes (http:/ / video.
google. com/ videoplay?docid=-7493184569903349861& q="nctv11+ interviews"+
-thevideosense& total=48& start=0& num=10& so=1& type=search& plindex=7)
• "Gary Snyder" (http:/ / digital. boisestate. edu/ u?/ western,29) by Bert Almon from the
Western Writers Series Digital Editions (http:/ / library. boisestate. edu/ westernwriters/ )
at Boise State University
Richard Heinberg 380
Richard Heinberg
Richard Heinberg
Born 1950
Occupation journalist and author
Spouse(s) Janet Barocco
Richard Heinberg is an American journalist and educator who has written extensively on
ecological issues, including oil depletion. He is the author of eight books,[1] including The
Party's Over: Oil, War, and the Fate of Industrial Societies (2003), Powerdown: Options and
Actions for a Post-Carbon World,[2] The Oil Depletion Protocol: A Plan to Avert Oil Wars,
Terrorism and Economic Collapse (2006),[3] and Peak Everything: Waking Up to the
Century of Declines (2007).[4] His ninth book, Blackout: Coal, Climate, and the Last Energy
Crisis was published in June 2009.[5]
In February 2007 Heinberg addressed the Trade Committee of the European Parliament
and served as an advisor to the National Petroleum Council in its report to the U.S.
Secretary of Energy on Peak Oil. In October 2007 he addressed members of the New
Zealand Parliament. Currently he is a Mayor’s appointed member of the Oil Independent
Oakland 2020 [6] Task Force (Oakland, California), which has been convened to chart a path
for the city to dramatically reduce its petroleum dependence.
Heinberg is now a Senior Fellow of the Post Carbon Institute [7] in Sebastopol, California.
He has a Master of Arts degree in Leadership.[8] [9] He lives in Santa Rosa, California and
was a core faculty member of New College of California, until the college closed in March,
2008. He taught a course on Culture, Ecology and Sustainable Community. He is also an
accomplished violinist, illustrator and book designer. He is married to Janet Barocco.
Heinberg has proposed an international protocol to peak oil management with the aim of
reducing the impact of the arrival of the peak.[10] The adoption of the Protocol would mean
that oil-importing nations should deal to reduce their importations in an annual percentage,
while exporting countries should deal to reduce their exportations in the same percentage.
In a similar direction has been focused the Uppsala Protocol.[11]
Heinberg is the editor of Museletter [12], which has been included in Utne Magazine’s
annual list of Best Alternative Newsletters. He has appeared in the documentaries The End
of Suburbia, The 11th Hour, Crude Impact, Oil, Smoke & Mirrors [13], Chasing God [14], →
What a Way to Go: Life at the End of Empire, The Great Squeeze [15] and The Power of
Community: How Cuba Survived Peak Oil.
Richard Heinberg 381
See also
• Petrodollar warfare
External links
[16]
• Post Carbon Institute
• 2008 interview on Global Public Media [17] Heinberg on Post Carbon Institute's Green
New Deal
• OneWorldTV video interview with Richard Heinberg [18]
• Interview: (October 21, 2006) The Oil Depletion Protocol [19]
• Interview, July 2006 [20]
• Heinberg's personal website [21]
• Oil, Smoke & Mirrors [13] Contains interviews with Heinberg discussing peak oil.
• Critique of Civilization [22] Paper presented at the 24th annual meeting of the
International Society for the Comparative Study of Civilizations, June 15, 1995.
• Peak Everything lecture [23] at YouTube
References
[1] Purchase Richard Heinberg's Books | Richard Heinberg's website (http:/ / www. richardheinberg. com/ books)
[2] [http://www.newsociety.com/bookid/3862 New Society Publishers - Powerdown: Options and Actions for a
Post-Carbon World]]
[3] New Society Publishers - The Oil Depletion Protocol (http:/ / www. newsociety. com/ bookid/ 3931)
[4] New Society Publishers - Peak Everything: Waking Up to the Century of Declines (http:/ / www. newsociety.
com/ bookid/ 3964)
[5] New Society Publishers - Blackout: Coal, Climate, and the Last Energy Crisis (http:/ / www. newsociety. com/
bookid/ 4035)
[6] http:/ / www. oaklandnet. com/ Oil/ default. html
[7] http:/ / www. postcarbon. org/
[8] New College of California (http:/ / www. newcollege. edu/ profiles/ profiledetails. cfm?profileID=53)
[9] Ecoshow speaker Richard Heinberg Peak oil author Powerdown (http:/ / www. ecoshow. co. nz/ Eco+ Forum/
Eco+ forum+ Programme/ Speakers/ Richard+ Heinberg. html)
[10] Oil Depletion Protocol (http:/ / heinberg. wordpress. com/ 2007/ 06/ 01/
182-the-oil-depletion-protocol-an-update/ )
[11] Protocol of Uppsala (http:/ / www. oilcrisis. com/ Uppsala/ )
[12] http:/ / heinberg. wordpress. com/
[13] http:/ / video. google. com/ videoplay?docid=8677389869548020370
[14] http:/ / www. chasinggod. net/ index. php?option=content& task=view& id=11& Itemid=29
[15] http:/ / www. thegreatsqueeze. com/
[16] http:/ / www. postcarbon. org
[17] http:/ / www. globalpublicmedia. com/
reality_report_talking_with_richard_heinberg_about_the_green_new_deal
[18] http:/ / tv. oneworld. net/ article/ view/ 152547
[19] http:/ / www. financialsense. com/ Experts/ 2006/ Heinberg. html
[20] http:/ / www. thesunmagazine. org/ 367_Heinberg. pdf
[21] http:/ / www. richardheinberg. com/
[22] http:/ / www. awok. org/ critique_of_civilization/
[23] http:/ / www. youtube. com/ watch?v=ybRz91eimTg
David Abram 382
David Abram
David Abram (born June 24, 1957) is an American cultural ecologist, philosopher, and
performance artist, best known for his work bridging the philosophical tradition of
phenomenology with environmental and ecological issues. He is the founder and creative
director of the Alliance for Wild Ethics (AWE).
Biography
Born on Long Island, Abram grew up among the marshes and creeks that wind through
coastal suburbia. He began practicing sleight-of-hand magic in his late teens, which
sparked his ongoing fascination with perception. In 1976, he began working as "house
magician" at Alice's Restaurant in the Berkshires of Massachusetts, and soon was
performing at clubs throughout New England while studying at Wesleyan University. He
took a year off from college to journey as a street magician through Europe and the Middle
East; toward the end of that journey, in London, he began exploring the application of
sleight-of-hand magic to psychotherapy under the guidance of Dr. R. D. Laing. After
graduating summa cum laude from Wesleyan in 1980, Abram traveled throughout
Southeast Asia, living and studying with indigenous magic practitioners. When he returned
to North America he became a student of natural history and ecology while continuing to
perform in Canada and the United States. A much-reprinted essay written while studying at
the Yale School of Forestry in 1984 — entitled "The Perceptual Implications of Gaia" —
brought Abram into association with the scientists formulating the Gaia Hypothesis, and he
was soon lecturing in tandem with biologist Lynn Margulis and geochemist James Lovelock
in Britain and the United States. In the late nineteen-eighties, Abram turned his attention to
exploring and articulating the decisive influence of language upon the human senses and
upon our sensory experience of the land around us. Abram received a doctorate for this
work from the State University of New York at Stony Brook, in 1993.
Work
David Abram's writing is informed by his work with indigenous peoples, as well as by the
American nature-writing tradition that stems from Henry David Thoreau and Walt Whitman.
His philosophical work is informed by the European tradition of phenomenology — in
particular, by the work of the French phenomenologist, Maurice Merleau-Ponty. Abram's
work has also been influenced by his friendships with the archetypal psychologist James
Hillman and with the radical social critic, → Ivan Illich — as well as by his esteem for the
American poet → Gary Snyder and the agrarian poet and essayist Wendell Berry. In 1988,
while pursuing his doctorate, David was invited by the maverick ecologist → Paul Shepard
to temporarily fill Shepard's teaching position (while Shepard pursued a year's research
overseas), as visiting professor of ecology and natural philosophy at the Claremont Colleges
in California. Since that time, Abram has offered seminars at universities around the world,
while nonetheless maintaining his independence from the institutional world of academia.
His ideas have on several occasions been debated (sometimes heatedly) within the pages of
Environmental Ethics, an academic journal dedicated to matters of environmental
philosophy.[1] In 2001, the New England Aquarium and the Orion Society sponsored a large
public debate between David Abram and distinguished biologist E. O. Wilson, at Faneuil
Hall in Boston, on science and ethics. (An essay by Abram that grew out of that debate,
David Abram 383
entitled "Earth in Eclipse," has been published in several versions). In the summer of 2005,
Abram delivered a keynote address for the United Nations “World Environment Week” in
San Francisco, to 70 mayors from the largest cities around the world. Abram founded the
Alliance for Wild Ethics with several colleagues in 2006. He is profiled in the 2007 book,
[2]
Visionaries: The 20th Century’s 100 Most Inspirational Leaders The father of two small
children, David Abram lives in northern New Mexico.
Abram is the author of The Spell of the Sensuous: Perception and Language in a
More-than-Human World,[3] , for which he received the international Lannan Literary
Award for Nonfiction. A storyteller and sleight-of-hand magician who has lived and traded
magic with indigenous medicine people in Indonesia, Nepal, and the Americas, Abram's
essays on the cultural causes and consequences of ecological disarray have appeared in
such journals as Orion, Environmental Ethics, Parabola, Tikkun, Wild Earth, Resurgence,
and The Ecologist, as well as in edited anthologies. Named by the Utne Reader as one of a
hundred visionaries currently transforming the world,[4] Abram has been the recipient of
numerous honors, including fellowships from the Rockefeller and Watson Foundations.
External links
• Alliance for Wild Ethics (AWE) website [5]
[6]
• The Ecology of Magic: chapter excerpt from The Spell of the Sensuous
• The Acoustic Ecology Institute: Speaking with Animal Tongues [7]
• Interview with David Abram [8] on the spell of literacy
References
[1] See, for example, Ted Toadvine, "Limits of the Flesh: The Role of Reflection in David Abram's
Ecophenomenology" and David Abram, "Between the Body and the Breathing Earth: A Reply to Ted Toadvine"
in Environmental Ethics, summer 2005 issue. See also Meg Holden, "Phenomenology versus Pragmatism:
Seeking a Restoration Environmental Ethic." Spring 2001 issue (and Abram's reply in the Fall 2001 issue).
[2] Chelsea Green Press, 2007.
[3] David Abram, The Spell of the Sensuous: Perception and Language in a More-than-Human World, New York:
Vintage, 2007.
[4] See "100 Visionaries," Utne Reader, Jan/Feb 1995; and "The Loose Canon: 150 Great Works to Set Your
Imagination On Fire," Utne Reader, May/June 1998.
[5] http:/ / www. wildethics. org/
[6] http:/ / www. primitivism. com/ ecology-magic. htm
[7] http:/ / www. acousticecology. org/ writings/ animaltongues. html
[8] http:/ / www. childrenofthecode. org/ interviews/ abram. htm
Mircea Eliade 384
Mircea Eliade
Mircea Eliade
1939 portrait by Marcel Janco

Born March 13, 1907
Bucharest
Died April 22, 1986 (aged 79)
Chicago
Occupation historian, philosopher, short story writer, journalist, essayist,
novelist
Nationality Romanian
Writing period 1921–1986
Genres fantasy, autobiography, travel literature
Subjects history of religion, philosophy of religion, cultural history,

political history
Literary movement Modernism
Criterion
Trăirism
Mircea Eliade (Romanian pronunciation: [ˈmirt ͡ʃe̯a eliˈade]; March 13 [O.S. February 28] 1907 –
April 22, 1986) was a Romanian historian of religion, fiction writer, philosopher, and
professor at the University of Chicago. He was a leading interpreter of religious experience,
who established paradigms in religious studies that persist to this day. His theory that
hierophanies form the basis of religion, splitting the human experience of reality into
sacred and profane space and time, has proven influential.[1] One of his most influential
contributions to religious studies was his theory of Eternal Return, which holds that myths
and rituals do not simply commemorate hierophanies, but, at least to the minds of the
religious, actually participate in them. In academia, the Eternal Return has become one of
the most widely accepted ways of understanding the purpose of myth and ritual.[1]
His literary works belong to the fantasy and autobiographical genres. The best known are
the novels Maitreyi ("La Nuit Bengali" or "Bengal Nights"), Noaptea de Sânziene ("The
Forbidden Forest"), Isabel şi apele diavolului ("Isabel and the Devil's Waters") and the
Novel of the Nearsighted Adolescent, the novellas Domnişoara Christina ("Miss Christina")
and Tinereţe fără tinereţe ("Youth Without Youth"), and the short stories Secretul
doctorului Honigberger ("The Secret of Dr. Honigberger") and La Ţigănci ("With the Gypsy
Girls").
Mircea Eliade 385
Early in his life, Eliade was a noted journalist and essayist, a disciple of Romanian far right
philosopher and journalist Nae Ionescu, and member of the literary society Criterion. He
also served as cultural attaché to the United Kingdom and Portugal. Several times during
the late 1930s, Eliade publicly expressed his support for the Iron Guard, a fascist and
antisemitic political organization. His political involvement at the time, as well as his other
far right connections, were the frequent topic of criticism after World War II.
Remarkable for his vast erudition, Eliade had fluent command of five languages (Romanian,
French, German, Italian, and English) and a reading knowledge of three others (Hebrew,
Persian, and Sanskrit). He was elected a posthumous member of the Romanian Academy.
Biography
Childhood
Born in Bucharest, he was the son of Romanian Land Forces officer Gheorghe Eliade
(whose original surname was Ieremia)[2] [3] and Jeana née Vasilescu.[4] An Orthodox
believer, Gheorghe Eliade registered his son's birth four days before the actual date, to
coincide with the liturgical calendar feast of the Forty Martyrs of Sebaste.[3] Mircea Eliade
had a sister, Corina, the mother of semiologist Sorin Alexandrescu.[5] [6] His family moved
between Tecuci and Bucharest, ultimately settling in the capital in 1914,[2] and purchasing
a house on Melodiei Street, near Piaţa Rosetti, where Mircea Eliade resided until late in his
teens.[6]
Eliade kept a particularly fond memory of his childhood and, later in life, wrote about the
impact various unusual episodes and encounters had on his mind. In one instance during
the World War I Romanian Campaign, when Eliade was about ten years of age, he
witnessed the bombing of Bucharest by German zeppelins and the patriotic fervor in the
occupied capital at news that Romania was able to stop the Central Powers' advance into
Moldavia.[7] He notably described this stage in his life as marked by an unrepeatable
epiphany.[8] [9] Recalling his entrance into a drawing room that an "eerie iridescent light"
had turned into "a fairy-tale palace", he wrote,
"I practiced for many years [the] exercise of recapturing that epiphanic moment,
and I would always find again the same plenitude. I would slip into it as into a
fragment of time devoid of duration—without beginning, middle, or end. During
my last years of lycée, when I struggled with profound attacks of melancholy, I
still succeeded at times in returning to the golden green light of that afternoon.
[...] But even though the beatitude was the same, it was now impossible to bear
because it aggravated my sadness too much. By this time I knew the world to
which the drawing room belonged [...] was a world forever lost."[10]
Robert Ellwood, a professor of religion who did his graduate studies under Mircea
Eliade,[11] saw this type of nostalgia for the past as one of the most characteristic themes in
Eliade's life and academic writings.[9]
Mircea Eliade 386
Adolescence and literary debut

After completing his primary education at the school on Mântuleasa Street,[2] Eliade
attended the Spiru Haret National College in the same class as Arşavir Acterian, Haig
Acterian, and Petre Viforeanu (and several years the senior of Nicolae Steinhardt, who
eventually became a close friend of Eliade's).[12] Among his other colleagues was future
philosopher Constantin Noica[3] and Noica's friend, future art historian Barbu Brezianu.[13]
As a child, Eliade was fascinated with the natural world, which formed the setting of his
very first literary attempts,[3] as well as with Romanian folklore and the Christian faith as
expressed by peasants.[6] Growing up, he aimed to find and record what he believed was
the common source of all religious traditions.[6] The young Eliade's interest in physical
exercise and adventure led him to pursue mountaineering and sailing,[6] and he also joined
the Romanian Boy Scouts.[14] With a group of friends, he designed and sailed a boat on the
Danube, from Tulcea to the Black Sea.[15] In parallel, Eliade grew estranged from the
educational environment, becoming disenchanted with the discipline required and obsessed
with the idea that he was uglier and less virile than his colleagues.[3] In order to cultivate
his willpower, he would force himself to swallow insects[3] and only slept four to five hours
a night.[7] At one point, Eliade was flunking four subjects, among which was the study of
Romanian language.[3]
Instead, he became interested in natural science and chemistry, as well as the occult,[3] and
wrote short pieces on entomological subjects.[7] Despite his father's concern that he was in
danger of losing his already weak eyesight, Eliade read passionately.[3] One of his favorite
authors was Honoré de Balzac, whose work he studied carefully.[3] [7] Eliade also became
acquainted with the modernist short stories of Giovanni Papini and social anthropology
studies by James George Frazer.[7] His interest in the two writers led him to learn Italian
and English in private, and he also began studying Persian and Hebrew.[2] [7] At the time,
Eliade became acquainted with Saadi's poems and the ancient Mesopotamian Epic of
Gilgamesh.[7] He was also interested in philosophy—studying, among others, Socrates,
Vasile Conta, and the Stoics Marcus Aurelius and Epictetus—, and read works of
history—the two Romanian historians who influenced him from early on were Bogdan
[7]
Petriceicu Hasdeu and Nicolae Iorga. His first published work was the 1921 Inamicul
viermelui de mătase ("The Silkworm's Enemy"),[2] followed by Cum am găsit piatra
filosofală ("How I Found the Philosophers' Stone").[7] Four years later, Eliade completed
work on his debut volume, the autobiographical Novel of the Nearsighted Adolescent.[7]
University studies and Indian sojourn

Between 1925 and 1928, he attended the University of Bucharest's Faculty of Philosophy
and Letters in 1928, earning his diploma with a study on Early Modern Italian philosopher
Tommaso Campanella.[2] In 1927, Eliade traveled to Italy, where he met Papini[2] and
collaborated with the scholar Giuseppe Tucci.
It was during his student years that Eliade met Nae Ionescu, who lectured in Logic,
becoming one of his disciples and friends.[3] [6] [16] He was especially attracted to Ionescu's
radical ideas and his interest in religion, which signified a break with the rationalist
tradition represented by senior academics such as Constantin Rădulescu-Motru, Dimitrie
Gusti, and Tudor Vianu (all of whom owed inspiration to the defunct literary society
Junimea, albeit in varying degrees).[3]
Mircea Eliade 387
Eliade's scholarly works began after a long period of study in British India, at the University
of Calcutta. Finding that the Maharaja of Kassimbazar sponsored European scholars to
study in India, Eliade applied and was granted an allowance for four years, which was later
doubled by a Romanian scholarship.[17] In autumn 1928, he sailed for Calcutta to study
Sanskrit and philosophy under Surendranath Dasgupta, a Bengali Cambridge alumnus and
professor at Calcutta University, the author of a five volume History of Indian Philosophy.
Before reaching the Indian subcontinent, Eliade also made a brief visit to Egypt.[2] Once
there, he visited large areas of the region, and spent a short period at a Himalayan
ashram.[18]
He studied the basics of Indian philosophy, and, in parallel, learned Sanskrit, Pali and
Bengali under Dasgupta's direction.[19] At the time, he also became interested in the
actions of Mahatma Gandhi, whom he met personally,[20] and the Satyagraha as a
phenomenon; later, Eliade adapted Gandhist ideas in his discourse on spirituality and
Romania.[20] In 1930, while living with Dasgupta, Eliade fell in love with his daughter,
Maitreyi Devi, later writing a barely-disguised autobiographical novel Maitreyi (also known
as "La Nuit Bengali" or "Bengal Nights"), in which he claimed that he carried on a physical
relationship with her.[21]
Eliade received his PhD in 1933, with a thesis on Yoga practices.[3] [6] [22] [23] The book,
which was translated into French three years later,[24] had significant impact in academia,
both in Romania and abroad.[6] He later recalled that the book was an early step for
understanding not just Indian religious practices, but also Romanian spirituality.[25] During
the same period, Eliade began a correspondence with the Ceylonese-born philosopher
Ananda Coomaraswamy.[26] In 1936-1937, he functioned as honorary assistant for Ionescu's
course, lecturing in Metaphysics.[27]
In 1933, Mircea Eliade had a physical relationship with the actress Sorana Ţopa, while
falling in love with Nina Mareş, whom he ultimately married.[5] [6] [28] The latter, introduced
to him by his new friend Mihail Sebastian, already had a daughter, Giza, from a man who
had divorced her.[6] Eliade subsequently adopted Giza,[29] and the three of them moved to
an apartment at 141 Dacia Boulevard.[6] He left his residence in 1936, during a trip he
made to the United Kingdom and Nazi Germany, when he first visited London, Oxford and
Berlin.[2]
Criterion and Cuvântul

After contributing various and generally polemical pieces in university magazines, Eliade
came to the attention of journalist Pamfil Şeicaru, who invited him to collaborate on the
nationalist paper Cuvântul, which was noted for its harsh tones.[3] By then, Cuvântul was
also hosting articles by Ionescu.[3]
As one of the figures in the Criterion literary society (1933-1934), Eliade's initial encounter
with the traditional far right was polemical: the group's conferences were stormed by
members of A. C. Cuza's National-Christian Defense League, who objected to what they
viewed as pacifism and addressed antisemitic insults to several speakers, including
Sebastian;[30] in 1933, he was among the signers of a manifesto opposing Nazi Germany's
state-enforced racism.[31] In 1934, at a time when Sebastian was publicly insulted by Nae
Ionescu, who prefaced his book (De două mii de ani...) with thoughts on the "eternal
damnation" of Jews, Mircea Eliade spoke out against this perspective, and commented that
Ionescu's references to the verdict "Outside the Church there is no salvation" contradicted
Mircea Eliade 388
the notion of God's omnipotence.[32] [33]

However, he contended that Ionescu's text was not
evidence of antisemitism.[34]
In 1936, reflecting on the early history of the Romanian Kingdom and its Jewish community,
he deplored the expulsion of Jewish savants from Romanian soil, making specific references
to Moses Gaster, Heimann Hariton Tiktin and Lazăr Şăineanu.[35] Eliade's views at the time
focused on innovation—in the summer of 1933, he replied to an anti-modernist critique
written by George Călinescu:
"All I wish for is a deep change, a complete transformation. But, for God's sake, in any
direction other than spirituality".[36]
He and friends Emil Cioran and Constantin Noica were by then under the influence of
Trăirism, a school of thought that was formed around the ideals expressed by Ionescu. A
form of existentialism, Trăirism was also the synthesis of traditional and newer right-wing
beliefs.[37] Early on, a public polemic was sparked between Eliade and Camil Petrescu: the
two eventually reconciled and later became good friends.[29] Like Mihail Sebastian, who
was himself becoming influenced by Ionescu, he maintained contacts with intellectuals from
all sides of the political spectrum: their entourage included the right-wing Dan Botta and
Mircea Vulcănescu, the non-political Petrescu and Ionel Jianu, and Belu Zilber, who was a
member of the illegal Romanian Communist Party.[38] The group also included Haig
Acterian, Mihail Polihroniade, Petru Comarnescu, Marietta Sadova and Floria Capsali.[32]
He was also close to Marcel Avramescu, a former Surrealist writer whom he introduced to
the works of René Guénon.[39] A doctor in the Kabbalah and future Romanian Orthodox
cleric, Avramescu joined Eliade in editing the short-lived esoteric magazine Memra (the
only one of its kind in Romania).[40] Among the intellectuals who attended his lectures were
Mihail Şora (whom he deemed his favorite student), Eugen Schileru and Miron
Constantinescu—known later as, respectively, a philosopher, an art critic, and a sociologist
and political figure of the communist regime.[29] Mariana Klein, who became Şora's wife,
was one of Eliade's female students, and later authored works on his scholarship.[29]
Eliade later recounted that he had himself enlisted Zilber as a Cuvântul contributor, in
order for him to provide a Marxist perspective on the issues discussed by the journal.[38]
Their relation soured in 1935, when the latter publicly accused Eliade of serving as an
agent for the secret police, Siguranţa Statului (Sebastian answered to the statement by
alleging that Zilber was himself a secret agent, and the latter eventually retracted his
claim).[38]
1930s political transition

Eliade's articles before and after his adherence to the principles of the Iron Guard (or, as it
was usually known at the time, the Legionary Movement), beginning with his famous
Itinerar spiritual ("Spiritual Itinerary", serialized in Cuvântul in 1927), center on several
political ideals advocated by the far right. They displayed his rejection of liberalism and the
modernizing goals of the 1848 Wallachian revolution (perceived as "an abstract apology of
Mankind"[41] and "ape-like imitation of [Western] Europe"),[42] as well as for democracy
itself (accusing it of "managing to crush all attempts at national renaissance",[43] and later
praising Benito Mussolini's Fascist Italy on the grounds that, according to Eliade, "[in Italy,]
he who thinks for himself is promoted to the highest office in the shortest of times").[44] He
approved of an ethnic nationalist state centered on the Orthodox Church (in 1927, despite
his still-vivid interest in Theosophy, he recommended young intellectuals "the return to the
Mircea Eliade 389
Church"),[45] which he opposed to, among others, the secular nationalism of Constantin
Rădulescu-Motru;[46] referring to this particular ideal as "Romanianism", Eliade was, in
1934, still viewing it as "neither fascism, nor chauvinism".[47] Eliade was especially
dissatisfied with the incidence of unemployment among intellectuals, whose careers in
[48]
state-financed institutions had been rendered uncertain by the Great Depression.
In 1936, Eliade was the focus of a campaign in the far right press, being targeted for having
authored "pornography" in his Domnişoara Christina and Isabel şi apele diavolului (similar
accusations were aimed at other cultural figures, including Tudor Arghezi and Geo
Bogza).[49] Assessments of Eliade's work were in sharp contrast to one another: also in
1936, Eliade accepted an award from the Romanian Writers' Society, of which he had been
a member since 1934.[50] In summer 1937, through an official decision which came as a
result of the accusations, and despite student protests, he was stripped of his position at
the University.[51] Eliade decided to sue the Ministry of Education, asking for a symbolic
compensation of 1 leu.[52] He won the trial, and regained his position as Nae Ionescu's
assistant.[53]
Nevertheless, by 1937, he gave his intellectual support to the Iron Guard, in which he saw
"a Christian revolution aimed at creating a new Romania",[54] and a group able "to reconcile
Romania with God".[55] His articles of the time, published in Iron Guard papers such as
Sfarmă Piatră and Buna Vestire, contain ample praises of the movement's leaders (Corneliu
Zelea Codreanu, Ion Moţa, Vasile Marin, and Gheorghe Cantacuzino-Grănicerul).[56] [57] The
transition he went through was similar to that of his fellow generation members and close
collaborators—among the notable exceptions to this rule were Petru Comarnescu,
sociologist Henri H. Stahl and future dramatist Eugène Ionesco, as well as Sebastian.[58]
He eventually enrolled in the Totul pentru Ţară ("Everything for the Fatherland" Party), the
political expression of the Iron Guard,[3] [59] and contributed to its 1937 electoral campaign
in Prahova County—as indicated by his inclusion on a list of party members with
county-level responsibilities (published in Buna Vestire).[60]
Internment and diplomatic service

The stance taken by Eliade resulted in his arrest on July 14, 1938 after a crackdown on the
Iron Guard authorized by King Carol II. At the time of his arrest, he had just interrupted a
column on Provincia şi legionarismul ("The Province and Legionary Ideology") in Vremea,
having been singled out by Prime Minister Armand Călinescu as an author of Iron Guard
propaganda.[61]
Eliade was kept for three weeks in a cell at the Siguranţa Statului Headquarters, in an
attempt to have him sign a "declaration of dissociation" with the Iron Guard, but he refused
to do so.[62] In the first week of August he was transferred to a makeshift camp at
Miercurea-Ciuc. When Eliade began coughing blood in October 1938, he was taken to a
clinic in Moroeni.[63] Eliade was simply released on November 12, and subsequently spent
his time writing his play Iphigenia (also known as Ifigenia).[32] In April 1940, with the help
of Alexandru Rosetti, became the Cultural Attaché to the United Kingdom, a posting cut
short when Romanian-British foreign relations were broken.[64]
After leaving London he was assigned the office of Counsel and Press Officer (later Cultural
Attaché) to the Romanian Embassy in Portugal,[28] [65] [66] [67] where he was kept on as
diplomat by the National Legionary State (the Iron Guard government) and, ultimately, by
Ion Antonescu's regime. His office involved disseminating propaganda in favor of the
Mircea Eliade 390
Romanian state.[28] In February 1941, weeks after the bloody Legionary Rebellion was
crushed by Antonescu, Iphigenia was staged by the National Theater Bucharest—the play
soon raised doubts that it owed inspiration to the Iron Guard's ideology, and even that its
inclusion in the program was a Legionary attempt at subversion.[32]
In 1942, Eliade authored a volume in praise of the Estado Novo, established in Portugal by
António de Oliveira Salazar,[67] [68] [69] claiming that "The Salazarian state, a Christian and
totalitarian one, is first and foremost based on love".[68] On July 7 of the same year, he was
received by Salazar himself, who asked assigned Eliade the task of warning Antonescu to
withdraw the Romanian Army from the Eastern Front ("[In his place], I would not be
grinding it in Russia").[70] Eliade also claimed that such contacts with the leader of a
neutral country had made him the target for Gestapo surveillance, but that he had managed
to communicate Salazar's advice to Mihai Antonescu, Romania's Foreign Minister.[20] [70]
In autumn 1943, he traveled to occupied France, where he rejoined Emil Cioran, also
meeting with scholar Georges Dumézil and the collaborationist writer Paul Morand.[28] At
the same time, he applied for a position of lecturer at the University of Bucharest, but
withdrew from the race, leaving Constantin Noica and Ion Zamfirescu to dispute the
position, in front of a panel of academics comprising Lucian Blaga and Dimitrie Gusti
(Zamfirescu's eventual selection, going against Blaga's recommendation, was to be the
topic of a controversy).[71] In his private notes, Eliade wrote that he took no further interest
in the office, because his visits abroad had convinced him that he had "something great to
say", and that he could not function within the confines of "a minor culture".[28] Also during
the war, Eliade traveled to Berlin, where he met and conversed with controversial political
theorist Carl Schmitt,[6] [28] and frequently visited Francoist Spain, where he notably
attended the 1944 Lusitano-Spanish scientific congress in Córdoba.[28] [72] [73] It was during
his trips to Spain that Eliade met philosophers José Ortega y Gasset and Eugeni d'Ors. He
maintained a friendship with d'Ors, and met him again on several occasions after the
war.[72]
Nina Eliade fell ill with uterine cancer and died during their stay in Lisbon, in late 1944. As
the widower later wrote, the disease was probably caused by an abortion procedure she
[28]
had undergone at an early stage of their relationship. He came to suffer with clinical
depression, which increased as Romania and her Axis allies suffered major defeats on the
Eastern Front.[28] [73] Contemplating a return to Romania as a soldier or a monk,[28] he was
on a continuous search for effective antidepressants, medicating himself with passion
flower extract, and, eventually, with methamphetamine.[73] This was probably not his first
experience with drugs: vague mentions in his notebooks have been read as indication that
Mircea Eliade was taking opium during his travels to Calcutta.[73] Later, discussing the
works of Aldous Huxley, Eliade wrote that the British author's use of mescaline as a source
of inspiration had something in common with his own experience, indicating 1945 as a date
of reference and adding that it was "needless to explain why that is".[73]
Early exile
At signs that the Romanian communist regime was about to take hold, Eliade opted not to
return to the country. On September 16, 1945, he moved to France with his adoptive
daughter Giza.[2] [28] Once there, he resumed contacts with Dumézil, who helped him
recover his position in academia.[6] On Dumézil's recommendation, he taught at the École
Pratique des Hautes Études in Paris.[29] It was estimated that, at the time, it was not
Mircea Eliade 391
uncommon for him to work 15 hours a day.[23] Eliade married a second time, to the
Romanian exile Christinel Cotescu.[6] [74] His second wife, the descendant of boyars, was
the sister-in-law of prestigious conductor Ionel Perlea.[74]
Together with Emil Cioran and other Romanian expatriates, Eliade rallied with the former
diplomat Alexandru Busuioceanu, helping him publicize anti-communist opinion to the
Western European public.[75] He was also briefly involved in publishing a
Romanian-language magazine, titled Luceafărul ("The Morning Star"),[75] and was again in
contact with Mihail Şora, who had been granted a scholarship to study in France, and by
Şora's wife Mariana.[29] In 1947, he was facing material constraints, and Ananda
Coomaraswamy found him a job as a French-language teacher in the United States, at a
school in Arizona; the arrangement ended upon Coomaraswamy's death in September.[76]
Beginning in 1948, he was a collaborator for the journal Critique, edited by French thinker
Georges Bataille.[2] The following year, he went on a visit to Italy, where he wrote the first
300 pages of his novel Noaptea de Sânziene (he visited the country a third time in 1952).[2]
He collaborated with Carl Jung and the Eranos circle after Henry Corbin recommended him
in 1949,[77] and wrote for the Antaios magazine (edited by Ernst Jünger).[23] In 1950, Eliade
began attending Eranos conferences, meeting Jung, Olga Fröbe-Kapteyn, Gershom Scholem
and Paul Radin.[78] He described Eranos as "one of the most creative cultural experiences
of the modern Western world."[79]
In October 1956, he moved to the United States, settling in Chicago the following year.[2] [6]
He had been invited by Joachim Wach to give a series of lectures at Wach's home
institution, the University of Chicago.[80] Eliade and Wach are generally admitted to be the
founders of the "Chicago school" that basically defined the study of religions for the second
half of the 20th century.[81] Upon Wach's death before the lectures were delivered, Eliade
was appointed as his replacement, becoming, in 1964, the Sewell Avery Distinguished
Service Professor of the History of Religions.[2] Beginning in 1954, with the first edition of
his volume on Eternal Return, Eliade also enjoyed commercial success: the book went
through several editions under different titles, which sold over 100,000 copies.[82]
In 1966, Mircea Eliade became a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.[2]
He also worked as editor-in-chief of Macmillan Publishers' Encyclopedia of Religion, and, in
1968, lectured in religious history at the University of California, Santa Barbara.[83] It was
also during that period that Mircea Eliade completed his voluminous and influential History
of Religious Ideas, which grouped together the overviews of his main original
interpretations of religious history.[6] He occasionally traveled out of the United States,
notably attending the Congress for the History of Religions in Marburg (1960) and visiting
Sweden and Norway (1970).[2]
Final years and death

Initially, Eliade was attacked with virulence by the Romanian Communist Party press,
chiefly by România Liberă—which described him as "the Iron Guard's ideologue, enemy of
the working class, apologist of Salazar's dictatorship".[84] However, the regime also made
secretive attempts to enlist his and Cioran's support: Haig Acterian's widow, theater
director Marietta Sadova, was sent to Paris in order to re-establish contacts with the
two.[85] Although the move was planned by Romanian officials, her encounters were to be
used as evidence incriminating her at a February 1960 trial for treason (where Constantin
Noica and Dinu Pillat were the main defendants).[85] Romania's secret police, the
Mircea Eliade 392
Securitate, also portrayed Eliade as a spy for the British Secret Intelligence Service and a
former agent of the Gestapo.[86]
He was slowly rehabilitated at home beginning in the early 1960s, under the rule of
Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej.[87] In the 1970s, Eliade was approached by the Nicolae
Ceauşescu regime in several ways, in order to have him return.[6] The move was prompted
by the officially-sanctioned nationalism and Romania's claim to independence from the
Eastern Bloc, as both phenomena came to see Eliade's prestige as an asset. An
unprecedented event occurred with the interview that was granted by Mircea Eliade to poet
Adrian Păunescu, during the latter's 1970 visit to Chicago; Eliade complimented both
Păunescu's activism and his support for official tenets, expressing a belief that
"the youth of Eastern Europe is clearly superior to that of Western Europe. [...] I am
convinced that, within ten years, the young revolutionary generation shan't be
behaving as does today the noisy minority of Western contesters. [...] Eastern youth
have seen the abolition of traditional institutions, have accepted it [...] and are not yet
content with the structures enforced, but rather seek to improve them".[88]
Păunescu's visit to Chicago was followed by those of the nationalist official writer Eugen
Barbu and by Eliade's friend Constantin Noica (who had since been released from jail).[57]
At the time, Eliade contemplated returning to Romania, but was eventually persuaded by
fellow Romanian intellectuals in exile (including Radio Free Europe's Virgil Ierunca and
Monica Lovinescu) to reject Communist proposals.[57] In 1977, he joined other exiled
Romanian intellectuals in signing a telegram protesting the repressive measures newly
enforced by the Ceauşescu regime.[3] Writing in 2007, Romanian anthropologist Andrei
Oişteanu recounted how, around 1984, the Securitate unsuccessfully pressured to become
an agent of influence in Eliade's Chicagoan circle.[89]
During his later years, Eliade's fascist past was progressively exposed publicly, the stress of
which probably contributed to the decline of his health.[3] By then, his writing career was
hampered by severe arthritis.[29] The last academic honors bestowed upon him were the
French Academy's Bordin Prize (1977) and the title of Doctor Honoris Causa, granted by
the University of Washington (1985).[2]
Mircea Eliade died at the Bernard Mitchell Hospital in April 1986. Eight days previously, he
suffered a stroke while reading Emil Cioran's Exercises of Admiration, and had
subsequently lost his speech function.[8] Four months before, a fire had destroyed part of
his office at the Meadville Lombard Theological School (an event which he had interpreted
as an omen).[3] [8] Eliade's Romanian disciple Ioan Petru Culianu, who recalled the scientific
community's reaction to the news, described Eliade's death as "a mahaparanirvana", thus
comparing it to the passing of Gautama Buddha.[8] His body was cremated in Chicago, and
the funeral ceremony was held on University grounds, at the Rockefeller Chapel.[2] [8] It
was attended by 1,200 people, and included a public reading of Eliade's text in which he
recalled the epiphany of his childhood—the lecture was given by novelist Saul Bellow,
Eliade's colleague at the University.[8]
Mircea Eliade 393
The scholar
The general nature of religion

In his work on the history of religion, Eliade is most highly regarded for his writings on
Shamanism, Yoga and what he called the eternal return—the implicit belief, supposedly
present in religious thought in general, that religious behavior is not only an imitation of,
but also a participation in, sacred events, and thus restores the mythical time of origins.
Eliade's thinking was in part influenced by Rudolf Otto, Gerardus van der Leeuw, Nae
Ionescu and the writings of the Traditionalist School (René Guénon and Julius Evola).[39]
For instance, Eliade's The Sacred and the Profane partially builds on Otto's The Idea of the
Holy to show how religion emerges from the experience of the sacred, and myths of time
and nature.
Eliade is noted for his attempt to find broad, cross-cultural parallels and unities in religion,
particularly in myths. Wendy Doniger, Eliade's colleague from 1978 until his death, notes
that "Eliade argued boldly for universals where he might more safely have argued for
widely prevalent patterns".[90] His Treatise on the History of Religions was praised by
French philologist Georges Dumézil for its coherence and ability to synthesize diverse and
distinct mythologies.[91]
Robert Ellwood describes Eliade's approach to religion as follows. Eliade approaches
religion by imagining an ideally "religious" person, whom he calls homo religiosus in his
writings. Eliade's theories basically describe how this homo religiosus would view the
world.[92] This does not mean that all religious practitioners actually think and act like
homo religiosus. Instead, it means that religious behavior "says through its own language"
that the world is as homo religiosus would see it, whether or not the real-life participants in
religious behavior are aware of it.[93] However, Ellwood notes that Eliade "tends to slide
over that last qualification", implying that traditional societies actually thought like homo
religiosus.[94]
Mircea Eliade 394
Sacred and profane
Eliade argues that religious thought in

general rests on a sharp distinction
between the Sacred and the profane;[95]
whether it takes the form of God, gods, or
mythical Ancestors, the Sacred contains all
"reality", or value, and other things acquire
"reality" only to the extent that they
participate in the sacred.[96]
Eliade's understanding of religion centers

on his concept of hierophany (manifestation
of the Sacred) —a concept that includes,
but is not limited to, the older and more
restrictive concept of theophany
[97]
(manifestation of a god). From the
perspective of religious thought, Eliade
argues, hierophanies give structure and
orientation to the world, establishing a
Moses taking off his shoes in front of the burning bush
sacred order. The "profane" space of (illustration from a 16th century edition of the
nonreligious experience can only be divided Speculum Humanae Salvationis).
up geometrically: it has no "qualitative
differentiation and, hence, no orientation [is] given by virtue of its inherent structure".[98]
Thus, profane space gives man no pattern for his behavior. In contrast to profane space, the
site of a hierophany has a sacred structure to which religious man conforms himself. A
hierophany amounts to a "revelation of an absolute reality, opposed to the non-reality of the
vast surrounding expanse".[99] As an example of "sacred space" demanding a certain
response from man, Eliade gives the story of Moses halting before Yahweh's manifestation
as a burning bush (Exodus 3:5) and taking off his shoes.[100]
Origin myths and sacred time

Eliade notes that, in traditional societies, myth represents the absolute truth about
primordial time.[101] According to the myths, this was the time when the Sacred first
appeared, establishing the world's structure—myths claim to describe the primordial events
that made society and the natural world be that which they are. Eliade argues that all
myths are, in that sense, origin myths: "myth, then, is always an account of a creation".[102]
Many traditional societies believe that the power of a thing lies in its origin.[103] If origin is
equivalent to power, then "it is the first manifestation of a thing that is significant and
valid"[104] (a thing's reality and value therefore lies only in its first appearance).
According to Eliade's theory, only the Sacred has value, only a thing's first appearance has
value and, therefore, only the Sacred's first appearance has value. Myth describes the
Sacred's first appearance; therefore, the mythical age is sacred time,[105] the only time of
value: "primitive man was interested only in the beginnings [...] to him it mattered little
what had happened to himself, or to others like him, in more or less distant times".[106]
Eliade postulated this as the reason for the "nostalgia for origins" that appears in many
religions, the desire to return to a primordial Paradise.[107]
Mircea Eliade 395
Eternal return and "Terror of history"

Eliade argues that traditional man attributes no value to the linear march of historical
events: only the events of the mythical age have value. To give his own life value, traditional
man performs myths and rituals. Because the Sacred's essence lies only in the mythical
age, only in the Sacred's first appearance, any later appearance is actually the first
appearance; by recounting or re-enacting mythical events, myths and rituals "re-actualize"
those events.[108]
Thus, argues Eliade, religious behavior does not only commemorate, but also participates
in, sacred events:
"In imitating the exemplary acts of a god or of a mythical hero, or simply by
recounting their adventures, the man of an archaic society detaches himself from
profane time and magically re-enters the Great Time, the sacred time."[109]
Eliade called this concept the "eternal return" (distinguished from the philosophical
concept of "eternal return"). Wendy Doniger noted that Eliade's theory of the eternal return
"has become a truism in the study of religions".[1]
Eliade attributes the well-known "cyclic" vision of time in ancient thought to belief in the
eternal return. For instance, the New Year ceremonies among the Mesopotamians, the
Egyptians, and other Near Eastern peoples re-enacted their cosmogonic myths. Therefore,
by the logic of the eternal return, each New Year ceremony was the beginning of the world
for these peoples. According to Eliade, these peoples felt a need to return to the Beginning
at regular intervals, turning time into a circle.[110]
Eliade argues that yearning to remain in the mythical age causes a "terror of history":
traditional man desires to escape the linear succession of events (which, Eliade indicated,
he viewed as empty of any inherent value or sacrality). Eliade suggests that the
abandonment of mythical thought and the full acceptance of linear, historical time, with its
"terror", is one of the reasons for modern man's anxieties.[111] Traditional societies escape
this anxiety to an extent, as they refuse to completely acknowledge historical time.
Coincidentia oppositorum
Eliade claims that many myths, rituals, and mystical experiences involve a "coincidence of
opposites", or coincidentia oppositorum. In fact, he calls the coincidentia oppositorum "the
mythical pattern".[112] Many myths, Eliade notes, "present us with a twofold revelation":
"they express on the one hand the diametrical opposition of two divine figures
sprung from one and the same principle and destined, in many versions, to be
reconciled at some illud tempus of eschatology, and on the other, the coincidentia
oppositorum in the very nature of the divinity, which shows itself, by turns or
even simultaneously, benevolent and terrible, creative and destructive, solar and
serpentine, and so on (in other words, actual and potential)."[113]
Eliade argues that "Yahweh is both kind and wrathful; the God of the Christian mystics and
theologians is terrible and gentle at once".[114] He also thought that the Indian and Chinese
mystic tried to attain "a state of perfect indifference and neutrality" that resulted in a
coincidence of opposites in which "pleasure and pain, desire and repulsion, cold and heat
[...] are expunged from his awareness".[114]
According to Eliade, the coincidentia oppositorum’s appeal lies in "man's deep
dissatisfaction with his actual situation, with what is called the human condition".[115] In
Mircea Eliade 396
many mythologies, the end of the mythical age involves a "fall", a fundamental "ontological
change in the structure of the World".[116] Because the coincidentia oppositorum is a
contradiction, it represents a denial of the world's current logical structure, a reversal of
the "fall".
Also, traditional man's dissatisfaction with the post-mythical age expresses itself as a
feeling of being "torn and separate".[115] In many mythologies, the lost mythical age was a
Paradise, "a paradoxical state in which the contraries exist side by side without conflict,
and the multiplications form aspects of a mysterious Unity".[116] The coincidentia
oppositorum expresses a wish to recover the lost unity of the mythical Paradise, for it
presents a reconciliation of opposites and the unification of diversity:
"On the level of pre-systematic thought, the mystery of totality embodies man's
endeavor to reach a perspective in which the contraries are abolished, the Spirit
of Evil reveals itself as a stimulant of Good, and Demons appear as the night
aspect of the Gods."[116]
Exceptions to the general nature

Eliade acknowledges that not all
religious behavior has all the attributes
described in his theory of sacred time
and the eternal return. The Zoroastrian,
Jewish, Christian, and Muslim traditions
embrace linear, historical time as
sacred or capable of sanctification,
while some Eastern traditions largely
reject the notion of sacred time, seeking
escape from the cycles of time.
Because they contain rituals, Judaism

and Christianity necessarily—Eliade
argues—retain a sense of cyclic time:
"by the very fact that it is a
religion, Christianity had to
keep at least one mythical
aspect — liturgical Time, that
is, the periodic rediscovery of
The Last Judgment (detail) in the 12th century Byzantine
the illud tempus of the
mosaic at Torcello.
beginnings [and] an imitation
of the Christ as exemplary
pattern".[117]
However, Judaism and Christianity do not see time as a circle endlessly turning on itself;
nor do they see such a cycle as desirable, as a way to participate in the Sacred. Instead,
these religions embrace the concept of linear history progressing toward the Messianic Age
or the Last Judgment, thus initiating the idea of "progress" (humans are to work for a
Paradise in the future).[118] However, Eliade's understanding of Judaeo-Christian
eschatology can also be understood as cyclical in that the "end of time" is a return to God:
"The final catastrophe will put an end to history, hence will restore man to eternity and
Mircea Eliade 397
beatitude".[119]
The pre-Islamic Persian religion of Zoroastrianism, which made a notable "contribution to
the religious formation of the West",[120] also has a linear sense of time. According to
Eliade, the Hebrews had a linear sense of time before being influenced by
Zoroastrianism.[120] In fact, Eliade identifies the Hebrews, not the Zoroastrians, as the first
culture to truly "valorize" historical time, the first to see all major historical events as
episodes in a continuous divine revelation.[121] However, Eliade argues, Judaism elaborated
its mythology of linear time by adding elements borrowed from Zoroastrianism—including
ethical dualism, a savior figure, the future resurrection of the body, and the idea of cosmic
progress toward "the final triumph of Good".[120]
The Dharmic religions of the East generally retain a cyclic view of time—for instance, the
Hindu doctrine of kalpas. According to Eliade, most religions that accept the cyclic view of
time also embrace it: they see it as a way to return to the sacred time. However, in
Buddhism, Jainism, and some forms of Hinduism, the Sacred lies outside the flux of the
material world (called maya, or "illusion"), and one can only reach it by escaping from the
cycles of time.[122] Because the Sacred lies outside cyclic time, which conditions humans,
people can only reach the Sacred by escaping the human condition. According to Eliade,
Yoga techniques aim at escaping the limitations of the body, allowing the soul (atman) to
rise above maya and reach the Sacred (nirvana, moksha). Imagery of "freedom", and of
death to one's old body and rebirth with a new body, occur frequently in Yogic texts,
representing escape from the bondage of the temporal human condition.[123] Eliade
discusses these themes in detail in Yoga: Immortality and Freedom.
Mircea Eliade 398
Symbolism of the Center

A recurrent theme in Eliade's myth analysis is the axis mundi, the
Center of the World. According to Eliade, the Cosmic Center is a
necessary corollary to the division of reality into the Sacred and
the profane. The Sacred contains all value, and the world gains
purpose and meaning only through hierophanies:
"In the homogeneous and infinite expanse, in which no
point of reference is possible and hence no orientation is
established, the hierophany reveals an absolute fixed
point, a center."[124]
Because profane space gives man no orientation for his life, the
Sacred must manifest itself in a hierophany, thereby establishing a
sacred site around which man can orient himself. The site of a
hierophany establishes a "fixed point, a center".[125] This Center
abolishes the "homogeneity and relativity of profane space",[126]
for it becomes "the central axis for all future orientation".[127]
A manifestation of the Sacred in profane space is, by definition, an

example of something breaking through from one plane of
existence to another. Therefore, the initial hierophany that
establishes the Center must be a point at which there is contact
between different planes—this, Eliade argues, explains the
frequent mythical imagery of a Cosmic Tree or Pillar joining
Heaven, Earth, and the underworld.[128]
The Cosmic Tree
Eliade noted that, when traditional societies found a new territory, Yggdrasill, as depicted in
a 17th century Icelandic
they often perform consecrating rituals that reenact the
miniature.
hierophany that established the Center and founded the world.[129]
In addition, the designs of traditional buildings, especially
temples, usually imitate the mythical image of the axis mundi joining the different cosmic
levels. For instance, the Babylonian ziggurats were built to resemble cosmic mountains
passing through the heavenly spheres, and the rock of the Temple in Jerusalem was
supposed to reach deep into the tehom, or primordial waters.[130]
According to the logic of the eternal return, the site of each such symbolic Center will
actually be the Center of the World:
"It may be said, in general, that the majority of the sacred and ritual trees that we
meet with in the history of religions are only replicas, imperfect copies of this
exemplary archetype, the Cosmic Tree. Thus, all these sacred trees are thought of
as situated at the Centre of the World, and all the ritual trees or posts [...] are, as
it were, magically projected into the Centre of the World."[131]
According to Eliade's interpretation, religious man apparently feels the need to live not only
near, but at, the mythical Center as much as possible, given that the Center is the point of
communication with the Sacred.[132]
Thus, Eliade argues, many traditional societies share common outlines in their mythical
geographies. In the middle of the known world is the sacred Center, "a place that is sacred
above all";[133] this Center anchors the established order.[134] Around the sacred Center lies
Mircea Eliade 399
the known world, the realm of established order; and beyond the known world is a chaotic
and dangerous realm, "peopled by ghosts, demons, [and] 'foreigners' (who are [identified
with] demons and the souls of the dead)".[135] According to Eliade, traditional societies
place their known world at the Center because (from their perspective) their known world
is the realm that obeys a recognizable order, and it therefore must be the realm in which
the Sacred manifests itself; the regions beyond the known world, which seem strange and
foreign, must lie far from the Center, outside the order established by the Sacred.[136]
The High God

According to some "evolutionistic" theories of religion, especially that of Edward Burnett
Tylor, cultures naturally progress from animism and polytheism to monotheism.[137]
According to this view, more advanced cultures should be more monotheistic, and more
primitive cultures should be more polytheistic. However, many of the most "primitive",
pre-agricultural societies believe in a supreme sky-god.[138] Thus, according to Eliade,
post-19th-century scholars have rejected Tylor's theory of evolution from animism.[139]
Based on the discovery of supreme sky-gods among "primitives", Eliade suspects that the
earliest humans worshiped a heavenly Supreme Being.[140] In Patterns in Comparative
Religion, he writes, "The most popular prayer in the world is addressed to 'Our Father who
art in heaven.' It is possible that man's earliest prayers were addressed to the same
heavenly father."[141]
However, Eliade disagrees with Wilhelm Schmidt, who thought the earliest form of religion
was a strict monotheism. Eliade dismisses this theory of "primordial monotheism"
(Urmonotheismus) as "rigid" and unworkable.[142] "At most," he writes, "this schema
[Schmidt's theory] renders an account of human [religious] evolution since the Paleolithic
era".[143] If an Urmonotheismus did exist, Eliade adds, it probably differed in many ways
from the conceptions of God in many modern monotheistic faiths: for instance, the
primordial High God could manifest himself as an animal without losing his status as a
celestial Supreme Being.[144]
According to Eliade, heavenly Supreme Beings are actually less common in more advanced
cultures.[145] Eliade speculates that the discovery of agriculture brought a host of fertility
gods and goddesses into the forefront, causing the celestial Supreme Being to fade away
and eventually vanish from many ancient religions.[146] Even in primitive hunter-gatherer
societies, the High God is a vague, distant figure, dwelling high above the world.[147] Often
he has no cult and receives prayer only as a last resort, when all else has failed.[148] Eliade
calls the distant High God a deus otiosus ("idle god").[149]
In belief systems that involve a deus otiosus, the distant High God is believed to have been
closer to humans during the mythical age. After finishing his works of creation, the High
God "forsook the earth and withdrew into the highest heaven".[150] This is an example of
the Sacred's distance from "profane" life, life lived after the mythical age: by escaping from
the profane condition through religious behavior, figures such as the shaman return to the
conditions of the mythical age, which include nearness to the High God ("by his flight or
ascension, the shaman [...] meets the God of Heaven face to face and speaks directly to him,
as man sometimes did in illo tempore").[151] The shamanistic behaviors surrounding the
High God are a particularly clear example of the eternal return.
Mircea Eliade 400
Shamanism
Overview
Eliade's scholarly work includes a

well-known study of shamanism,
Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of
Ecstasy, a survey of shamanistic practices
in different areas. His Myths, Dreams and
Mysteries also addresses shamanism in
some detail.
In Shamanism, Eliade argues for a

restrictive use of the word shaman: it
should not apply to just any magician or
medicine man, as that would make the
term redundant; at the same time, he
argues against restricting the term to the A shaman performing a ceremonial in Tuva.
practitioners of the sacred of Siberia and

Central Asia (it is from one of the titles for this function, namely, šamán, considered by
Eliade to be of Tungusic origin, that the term itself was introduced into Western
languages).[152] Eliade defines a shaman as follows:
"he is believed to cure, like all doctors, and to perform miracles of the fakir type,
like all magicians [...] But beyond this, he is a psychopomp, and he may also be a
priest, mystic, and poet".[153]
If we define shamanism this way, Eliade claims, we find that the term covers a collection of
phenomena that share a common and unique "structure" and "history".[154] (When thus
defined, shamanism tends to occur in its purest forms in → hunting and pastoral societies
like those of Siberia and Central Asia, which revere a celestial High God "on the way to
becoming a deus otiosus".[155] Eliade takes the shamanism of those regions as his most
representative example.)
In his examinations of shamanism, Eliade emphasizes the shaman's attribute of regaining
man's condition before the "Fall" out of sacred time: "The most representative mystical
experience of the archaic societies, that of shamanism, betrays the Nostalgia for Paradise,
the desire to recover the state of freedom and beatitude before 'the Fall'."[156] This
concern—which, by itself, is the concern of almost all religious behavior, according to
Eliade—manifests itself in specific ways in shamanism.
Death, resurrection and secondary functions

According to Eliade, one of the most common shamanistic themes is the shaman's supposed
death and resurrection. This occurs in particular during his initiation.[157] Often, the
procedure is supposed to be performed by spirits who dismember the shaman and strip the
flesh from his bones, then put him back together and revive him. In more than one way, this
death and resurrection represents the shaman's elevation above human nature.
First, the shaman dies so that he can rise above human nature on a quite literal level. After
he has been dismembered by the initiatory spirits, they often replace his old organs with
new, magical ones (the shaman dies to his profane self so that he can rise again as a new,
sanctified, being).[158] Second, by being reduced to his bones, the shaman experiences
Mircea Eliade 401
rebirth on a more symbolic level: in many hunting and herding societies, the bone
represents the source of life, so reduction to a skeleton "is equivalent to re-entering the
womb of this primordial life, that is, to a complete renewal, a mystical rebirth".[159] Eliade
considers this return to the source of life essentially equivalent to the eternal return.[160]
Third, the shamanistic phenomenon of repeated death and resurrection also represents a
transfiguration in other ways. The shaman dies not once but many times: having died
during initiation and risen again with new powers, the shaman can send his spirit out of his
body on errands; thus, his whole career consists of repeated deaths and resurrections. The
shaman's new ability to die and return to life shows that he is no longer bound by the laws
of profane time, particularly the law of death: "the ability to 'die' and come to life again [...]
denotes that [the shaman] has surpassed the human condition".[161]
Having risen above the human condition, the shaman is not bound by the flow of history.
Therefore, he enjoys the conditions of the mythical age. In many myths, humans can speak
with animals; and, after their initiations, many shamans claim to be able to communicate
with animals. According to Eliade, this is one manifestation of the shaman's return to "the
illud tempus described to us by the paradisiac myths".[162]
The shaman can descend to the underworld or ascend to heaven, often by climbing the
World Tree, the cosmic pillar, the sacred ladder, or some other form of the axis mundi.[163]
Often, the shaman will ascend to heaven to speak with the High God. Because the gods
(particularly the High God, according to Eliade's deus otiosus concept) were closer to
humans during the mythical age, the shaman's easy communication with the High God
represents an abolition of history and a return to the mythical age.[164]
Because of his ability to communicate with the gods and descend to the land of the dead,
the shaman frequently functions as a psychopomp and a medicine man.[165]
Eliade's philosophy
Early contributions
In addition to his political essays, the young Mircea Eliade authored ones philosophical in
content. Connected with the ideology of Trăirism, they were often prophetic in tone, and
saw Eliade being hailed as a herald by various representatives of his generation.[7] When
Eliade was 21 years old and publishing his Itinerar spiritual, literary critic Şerban
Cioculescu described him as "the column leader of the spiritually mystical and Orthodox
youth."[7] Cioculescu discussed his "impressive erudition", but argued that it was
"occasionally plethoric, poetically inebriating itself through abuse".[7] Cioculescu's
colleague Perpessicius saw the young author and his generation as marked by "the specter
of war", a notion he connected to various essays of the 1920s and 30s in which Eliade
threatened the world with the verdict that a new conflict was looming (while asking that
young people be allowed to manifest their will and fully experience freedom before
perishing).[7]
One of Eliade's noted contributions in this respect was the 1932 Soliloquii ("Soliloquies"),
which explored existential philosophy. George Călinescu who saw in it "an echo of Nae
Ionescu's lectures",[166] traced a parallel with the essays of another of Ionescu's disciples,
Emil Cioran, while noting that Cioran's were "of a more exulted tone and written in the
aphoristic form of Kierkegaard".[167] Călinescu recorded Eliade's rejection of objectivity,
citing the author's stated indifference towards any "naivite" or "contradictions" that the
Mircea Eliade 402
reader could possibly reproach him, as well as his dismissive thoughts of "theoretical data"
and mainstream philosophy in general (Eliade saw the latter as "inert, infertile and
pathogenic").[166] Eliade thus argued, "a sincere brain is unassailable, for it denies itself to
any relationship with outside truths."[168]
The young writer was however careful to clarify that the existence he took into
consideration was not the life of "instincts and personal idiosyncrasies", which he believed
determined the lives of many humans, but that of a distinct set comprising
"personalities".[168] He described "personalities" as characterized by both "purpose" and "a
much more complicated and dangerous alchemy".[168] This differentiation, George
Călinescu believed, echoed Ionescu's metaphor of man, seen as "the only animal who can
fail at living", and the duck, who "shall remain a duck no matter what it does".[169]
According to Eliade, the purpose of personalities is infinity: "consciously and gloriously
bringing [existence] to waste, into as many skies as possible, continuously fulfilling and
polishing oneself, seeking ascent and not circumference."[168]
In Eliade's view, two roads await man in this process. One is glory, determined by either
work or procreation, and the other the asceticism of religion or magic—both, Călinescu
believed, where aimed at reaching the absolute, even in those cases where Eliade described
the latter as an "abyssal experience" into which man may take the plunge.[166] The critic
pointed out that the addition of "a magical solution" to the options taken into consideration
seemed to be Eliade's own original contributions to his mentor's philosophy, and proposed
that it may have owed inspiration to Julius Evola and his disciples.[166] He also recorded
that Eliade applied this concept to human creation, and specifically to artistic creation,
citing him describing the latter as "a magical joy, the victorious break of the iron circle" (a
reflection of imitatio dei, having salvation for its ultimate goal).[166]
Philosopher of religion
Anti-reductionism and the "transconscious"

By profession, Eliade was a historian of religion. However, his scholarly works draw heavily
on philosophical and psychological terminology. In addition, they contain a number of
philosophical arguments about religion. In particular, Eliade often implies the existence of a
universal psychological or spiritual "essence" behind all religious phenomena.[170] Because
of these arguments, some have accused Eliade of over-generalization and "essentialism", or
even of promoting a theological agenda under the guise of historical scholarship. However,
others argue that Eliade is better understood as a scholar who is willing to openly discuss
sacred experience and its consequences.[171]
In studying religion, Eliade rejects certain "reductionist" approaches.[172] Eliade thinks a
religious phenomenon cannot be reduced to a product of culture and history. He insists
that, although religion involves "the social man, the economic man, and so forth",
nonetheless "all these conditioning factors together do not, of themselves, add up to the life
of the spirit".[173]
Using this anti-reductionist position, Eliade argues against those who accuse him of
overgeneralizing, of looking for universals at the expense of particulars. Eliade admits that
every religious phenomenon is shaped by the particular culture and history that produced
it:
Mircea Eliade 403
"When the Son of God incarnated and became the Christ, he had to speak
Aramaic; he could only conduct himself as a Hebrew of his times [...] His religious
message, however universal it might be, was conditioned by the past and present
history of the Hebrew people. If the Son of God had been born in India, his spoken
language would have had to conform itself to the structure of the Indian
languages."[173]
However, Eliade argues against those he calls "historicist or existentialist philosophers"
who do not recognize "man in general" behind particular men produced by particular
situations[173] (Eliade cites Immanuel Kant as the likely forerunner of this kind of
"historicism").[174] He adds that human consciousness transcends (is not reducible to) its
historical and cultural conditioning,[175] and even suggests the possibility of a
"transconscious".[176] By this, Eliade does not necessarily mean anything supernatural or
mystical: within the "transconscious", he places religious motifs, symbols, images, and
nostalgias that are supposedly universal and whose causes therefore cannot be reduced to
historical and cultural conditioning.[177]
Platonism and "primitive ontology"

According to Eliade, traditional man feels that things "acquire their reality, their identity,
only to the extent of their participation in a transcendent reality".[178] To traditional man,
the profane world is "meaningless", and a thing rises out of the profane world only by
conforming to an ideal, mythical model.[179]
Eliade describes this view of reality as a fundamental part of "primitive ontology" (the study
of "existence" or "reality").[180] Here he sees a similarity with the philosophy of Plato, who
believed that physical phenomena are pale and transient imitations of eternal models or
"Forms" (see Theory of forms). He argued:
"Plato could be regarded as the outstanding philosopher of 'primitive mentality,'
that is, as the thinker who succeeded in giving philosophic currency and validity
to the modes of life and behavior of archaic humanity."[181]
Eliade thinks the Platonic Theory of forms is "primitive ontology" persisting in Greek
philosophy. He claims that Platonism is the "most fully elaborated" version of this primitive
ontology.[182]
In The Structure of Religious Knowing: Encountering the Sacred in Eliade and Lonergan,
John Daniel Dadosky argues that, by making this statement, Eliade was acknowledging
"indebtedness to Greek philosophy in general, and to Plato's theory of forms specifically, for
his own theory of archetypes and repetition".[183] However, Dadosky also states that "one
should be cautious when trying to assess Eliade's indebtedness to Plato".[184] Dadosky
quotes Robert Segal, a professor of religion, who draws a distinction between Platonism
and Eliade's "primitive ontology": for Eliade, the ideal models are patterns that a person or
object may or may not imitate; for Plato, there is a Form for everything, and everything
imitates a Form by the very fact that it exists.[185]
Mircea Eliade 404
Existentialism and secularism

Behind the diverse cultural forms of different religions, Eliade proposes a universal:
traditional man, he claims, "always believes that there is an absolute reality, the sacred,
which transcends this world but manifests itself in this world, thereby sanctifying it and
making it real".[186] Furthermore, traditional man's behavior gains purpose and meaning
through the Sacred: "By imitating divine behavior, man puts and keeps himself close to the
gods — that is, in the real and the significant."[187]
According to Eliade, "modern nonreligious man assumes a new existential situation".[188]
For traditional man, historical events gain significance by imitating sacred, transcendent
events. In contrast, nonreligious man lacks sacred models for how history or human
behavior should be, so he must decide on his own how history should proceed—he "regards
himself solely as the subject and agent of history, and refuses all appeal to
transcendence".[189] From the standpoint of religious thought, the world has an objective
purpose established by mythical events, to which man should conform himself: "Myth
teaches [religious man] the primordial 'stories' that have constituted him existentially."[190]
From the standpoint of secular thought, any purpose must be invented and imposed on the
world by man. Because of this new "existential situation", Eliade argues, the Sacred
becomes the primary obstacle to nonreligious man's "freedom". In viewing himself as the
proper maker of history, nonreligious man resists all notions of an externally (for instance,
divinely) imposed order or model he must obey: modern man "makes himself, and he only
makes himself completely in proportion as he desacralizes himself and the world. [...] He
will not truly be free until he has killed the last god".[191]
Religious survivals in the secular world

Ironically, Eliade says, secular man cannot escape his bondage to religious thought. By its
very nature, secularism depends on religion for its sense of identity: by resisting sacred
models, by insisting that man make history on his own, secular man identifies himself only
through opposition to religious thought: "He [secular man] recognizes himself in proportion
as he 'frees' and 'purifies' himself from the 'superstitions' of his ancestors."[192]
Furthermore, modern man "still retains a large stock of camouflaged myths and
degenerated rituals".[193] For example, modern social events still have similarities to
traditional initiation rituals, and modern novels feature mythical motifs and themes.[194]
Finally, secular man still participates in something like the eternal return: by reading
modern literature, "modern man succeeds in obtaining an 'escape from time' comparable to
the 'emergence from time' effected by myths".[195]
Eliade sees traces of religious thought even in secular academia. He thinks modern
scientists are motivated by the religious desire to return to the sacred time of origins:
"One could say that the anxious search for the origins of Life and Mind; the
fascination in the 'mysteries of Nature'; the urge to penetrate and decipher the
inner structure of Matter—all these longings and drives denote a sort of nostalgia
for the primordial, for the original universal matrix. Matter, Substance,
represents the absolute origin, the beginning of all things."[196]
Eliade believes the rise of materialism in the 19th century forced the religious nostalgia for
"origins" to express itself in science. He mentions his own field of History of Religions as
one of the fields that was obsessed with origins during the 19th century:
Mircea Eliade 405
"The new discipline of History of Religions developed rapidly in this cultural

context. And, of course, it followed a like pattern: the positivistic approach to the
facts and the search for origins, for the very beginning of religion.
"All Western historiography was during that time obsessed with the quest of
origins. [...] This search for the origins of human institutions and cultural
creations prolongs and completes the naturalist's quest for the origin of species,
the biologist's dream of grasping the origin of life, the geologist's and the
astronomer's endeavor to understand the origin of the Earth and the Universe.
From a psychological point of view, one can decipher here the same nostalgia for
the 'primordial' and the 'original'."[197]
In some of his writings, Eliade describes modern political ideologies as secularized
mythology. According to Eliade, Marxism "takes up and carries on one of the great
eschatological myths of the Middle Eastern and Mediterranean world, namely: the
redemptive part to be played by the Just (the 'elect', the 'anointed', the 'innocent', the
'missioners', in our own days the proletariat), whose sufferings are invoked to change the
ontological status of the world."[198] Eliade sees the widespread myth of the Golden Age,
"which, according to a number of traditions, lies at the beginning and the end of History",
as the "precedent" for Karl Marx's vision of a classless society.[199] Finally, he sees Marx's
belief in the final triumph of the good (the proletariat) over the evil (the bourgeoisie) as "a
truly messianic Judaeo-Christian ideology".[199] Despite Marx's hostility toward religion,
Eliade implies, his ideology works within a conceptual framework inherited from religious
mythology.
Likewise, Eliade notes that Nazism involved a pseudo-pagan mysticism based on ancient
Germanic religion. He suggests that the differences between the Nazis' psedo-Germanic
mythology and Marx's pseudo-Judeo-Christian mythology explain their differing success:
"In comparison with the vigorous optimism of the communist myth, the mythology
propagated by the national socialists seems particularly inept; and this is not only
because of the limitations of the racial myth (how could one imagine that the rest
of Europe would voluntarily accept submission to the master-race?), but above all
because of the fundamental pessimism of the Germanic mythology. [...] For the
eschaton prophesied and expected by the ancient Germans was the
ragnarok--that is, a catastrophic end of the world."[199]
Modern man and the "Terror of history"

According to Eliade, modern man displays "traces" of "mythological behavior" because he
intensely needs sacred time and the eternal return.[200] Despite modern man's claims to be
nonreligious, he ultimately cannot find value in the linear progression of historical events;
even modern man feels the "Terror of history": "Here too [...] there is always the struggle
against Time, the hope to be freed from the weight of 'dead Time,' of the Time that crushes
and kills."[201]
According to Eliade, this "terror of history" becomes especially acute when violent and
threatening historical events confront modern man—the mere fact that a terrible event has
happened, that it is part of history, is of little comfort to those who suffer from it. Eliade
asks rhetorically how modern man can "tolerate the catastrophes and horrors of
history—from collective deportations and massacres to atomic bombings—if beyond them
he can glimpse no sign, no transhistorical meaning".[202]
Mircea Eliade 406
Eliade indicates that, if repetitions of mythical events provided sacred value and meaning
for history in the eyes of ancient man, modern man has denied the Sacred and must
therefore invent value and purpose on his own. Without the Sacred to confer an absolute,
objective value upon historical events, modern man is left with "a relativistic or nihilistic
view of history" and a resulting "spiritual aridity".[203] In chapter 4 ("The Terror of History")
of The Myth of the Eternal Return and chapter 9 ("Religious Symbolism and the Modern
Man's Anxiety") of Myths, Dreams, and Mysteries, Eliade argues at length that the rejection
of religious thought is a primary cause of modern man's anxieties.
Inter-cultural dialogue and a "new humanism"

Eliade argues that modern man may escape the "Terror of history" by learning from
traditional cultures. For example, Eliade thinks Hinduism has advice for modern
Westerners. According to many branches of Hinduism, the world of historical time is
illusory, and the only absolute reality is the immortal soul or atman within man. According
to Eliade, Hindus thus escape the terror of history by refusing to see historical time as the
true reality.[204]
Eliade notes that a Western or Continental philosopher might feel suspicious toward this
Hindu view of history:
"One can easily guess what a European historical and existentialist philosopher
might reply [...] You ask me, he would say, to 'die to History'; but man is not, and
he cannot be anything else but History, for his very essence is temporality. You
are asking me, then, to give up my authentic existence and to take refuge in an
abstraction, in pure Being, in the atman: I am to sacrifice my dignity as a creator
of History in order to live an a-historic, inauthentic existence, empty of all human
content. Well, I prefer to put up with my anxiety: at least, it cannot deprive me of
a certain heroic grandeur, that of becoming conscious of, and accepting, the
human condition."[205]
However, Eliade argues that the Hindu approach to history does not necessarily lead to a
rejection of history. On the contrary, in Hinduism historical human existence is not the
"absurdity" that many Continental philosophers see it as.[206] According to Hinduism,
history is a divine creation, and one may live contentedly within it as long as one maintains
a certain degree of detachment from it: "One is devoured by Time, by History, not because
one lives in them, but because one thinks them real and, in consequence, one forgets or
undervalues eternity."[207]
Furthermore, Eliade argues that Westerners can learn from non-Western cultures to see
something besides absurdity in suffering and death. Traditional cultures see suffering and
death as a rite of passage. In fact, their initiation rituals often involve a symbolic death and
resurrection, or symbolic ordeals followed by relief. Thus, Eliade argues, modern man can
learn to see his historical ordeals, even death, as necessary initiations into the next stage of
one's existence.[208]
Eliade even suggests that traditional thought offers relief from the vague anxiety caused by
"our obscure presentiment of the end of the world, or more exactly of the end of our world,
our own civilization".[209] Many traditional cultures have myths about the end of their world
or civilization; however, these myths do not succeed "in paralysing either Life or
Culture".[210] These traditional cultures emphasize cyclic time and, therefore, the inevitable
rise of a new world or civilization on the ruins of the old. Thus, they feel comforted even in
Mircea Eliade 407
contemplating the end times.[211]

Eliade argues that a Western spiritual rebirth can happen within the framework of Western
spiritual traditions.[212] However, he says, to start this rebirth, Westerners may need to be
stimulated by ideas from non-Western cultures. In his Myths, Dreams, and Mysteries,
Eliade claims that a "genuine encounter" between cultures "might well constitute the point
of departure for a new humanism, upon a world scale".[213]
Christianity and the "salvation" of History
Mircea Eliade sees the Abrahamic religions as

a turning point between the ancient, cyclic
view of time and the modern, linear view of
time, noting that, in their case, sacred events
are not limited to a far-off primordial age, but
continue throughout history: "time is no longer
[only] the circular Time of the Eternal Return;
it has become linear and irreversible
Time".[214] He thus sees in Christianity the
ultimate example of a religion embracing
linear, historical time. When God is born as a
man, into the stream of history, "all history
becomes a theophany".[215] According to
Eliade, "Christianity strives to save
[216]
history". In Christianity, the Sacred enters
a human being (Christ) to save humans, but it
also enters history to "save" history and turn Tommaso Laureti, Triumph of The Cross, 1585
otherwise ordinary, historical events into fresco in the Vatican Palace.
something "capable of transmitting a
[216]
trans-historical message".
From Eliade's perspective, Christianity's "trans-historical message" may be the most

important help that modern man could have in confronting the terror of history. In his book
Mito ("Myth"), Italian researcher Furio Jesi argues that Eliade denies man the position of a
true protagonist in history: for Eliade, true human experience lies not in intellectually
"making history", but in man's experiences of joy and grief. Thus, from Eliade's perspective,
the Christ story becomes the perfect myth for modern man.[217] In Christianity, God
willingly entered historical time by being born as Christ, and accepted the suffering that
followed. By identifying with Christ, modern man can learn to confront painful historical
events.[218] Ultimately, according to Jesi, Eliade sees Christianity as the only religion that
can save man from the "Terror of history".[219]
In Eliade's view, traditional man sees time as an endless repetition of mythical archetypes.
In contrast, modern man has abandoned mythical archetypes and entered linear, historical
time—in this context, unlike many other religions, Christianity attributes value to historical
time. Thus, Eliade concludes, "Christianity incontestably proves to be the religion of 'fallen
man'", of modern man who has lost "the paradise of archetypes and repetition".[220]
Mircea Eliade 408
"Modern gnosticism", Romanticism and Eliade's nostalgia

In analyzing the similarities between the "mythologists" Eliade, Joseph Campbell and Carl
Jung, Robert Ellwood concluded that the three modern mythologists, all of whom believed
that myths reveal "timeless truth",[221] fulfilled the role "gnostics" had in antiquity. The
diverse religious movements covered by the term "gnosticism" share the basic doctrines
that the surrounding world is fundamentally evil or inhospitable, that we are trapped in the
world through no fault of our own, and that we can be saved from the world only through
secret knowledge (gnosis).[222] Ellwood claimed that the three mythologists were "modern
gnostics through and through",[223] remarking,
"Whether in Augustan Rome or modern Europe, democracy all too easily gave
way to totalitarianism, technology was as readily used for battle as for comfort,
and immense wealth lay alongside abysmal poverty. [...] Gnostics past and
present sought answers not in the course of outward human events, but in
knowledge of the world's beginning, of what lies above and beyond the world, and
of the secret places of the human soul. To all this the mythologists spoke, and
they acquired large and loyal followings."[224]
According to Ellwood, the mythologists believed in gnosticism's basic doctrines (even if in a
secularized form). Ellwood also believes that Romanticism, which stimulated the modern
study of mythology,[225] strongly influenced the mythologists. Because Romantics stress
that emotion and imagination have the same dignity as reason, Ellwood argues, they tend to
think political truth "is known less by rational considerations than by its capacity to fire the
passions" and, therefore, that political truth is "very apt to be found [...] in the distant
past".[226]
As modern gnostics, Ellwood argues, the three mythologists felt alienated from the
surrounding modern world. As scholars, they knew of primordial societies that had
operated differently than the modern world. And as people influenced by Romanticism, they
saw myths as a saving gnosis that offered "avenues of eternal return to simpler primordial
ages when the values that rule the world were forged".[227]
In addition, Ellwood identifies Eliade's personal sense of nostalgia as a source for his
interest in, or even his theories about, traditional societies.[228] He cites Eliade himself
claiming to desire an "eternal return" like that by which traditional man returns to the
mythical paradise: "My essential preoccupation is precisely the means of escaping History,
of saving myself through symbol, myth, rite, archetypes".[229]
In Ellwood's view, Eliade's nostalgia was only enhanced by his exile from Romania: "In later
years Eliade felt about his own Romanian past as did primal folk about mythic time. He was
drawn back to it, yet he knew he could not live there, and that all was not well with it."[230]
He suggests that this nostalgia, along with Eliade's sense that "exile is among the
profoundest metaphors for all human life",[231] influenced Eliade's theories. Ellwood sees
evidence of this in Eliade's concept of the "Terror of history" from which modern man is no
longer shielded.[232] In this concept, Ellwood sees an "element of nostalgia" for earlier
times "when the sacred was strong and the terror of history had barely raised its head".[233]
Mircea Eliade 409
Criticism of Eliade's scholarship
Overgeneralization
Eliade cites a wide variety of myths and rituals to support his theories. However, he has
been accused of making over-generalizations: many scholars think he lacks sufficient
evidence to put forth his ideas as universal, or even general, principles of religious thought.
According to one scholar, "Eliade may have been the most popular and influential
contemporary historian of religion", but "many, if not most, specialists in anthropology,
sociology, and even history of religions have either ignored or quickly dismissed" Eliade's
works.[234]
The classicist G. S. Kirk criticizes Eliade's insistence that Australian Aborigines and ancient
Mesopotamians had concepts of "being", "non-being", "real", and "becoming", although they
lacked words for them. Kirk also believes that Eliade overextends his theories: for example,
Eliade claims that the modern myth of the "noble savage" results from the religious
tendency to idealize the primordial, mythical age.[235] According to Kirk, "such
extravagances, together with a marked repetitiousness, have made Eliade unpopular with
many anthropologists and sociologists".[236] In Kirk's view, Eliade derived his theory of
eternal return from the functions of Australian Aboriginal mythology and then proceeded to
apply the theory to other mythologies to which it did not apply. For example, Kirk argues
that the eternal return does not accurately describe the functions of Native American or
Greek mythology.[237] Kirk concludes, "Eliade's idea is a valuable perception about certain
myths, not a guide to the proper understanding of all of them".[238]
Even Wendy Doniger, Eliade's successor at the University of Chicago, claims (in an
introduction to Eliade's own Shamanism) that the eternal return does not apply to all myths
and rituals, although it may apply to many of them.[1] However, although Doniger agrees
that Eliade made over-generalizations, she notes that his willingness to "argue boldly for
universals" allowed him to see patterns "that spanned the entire globe and the whole of
human history".[239] Whether they were true or not, she argues, Eliade's theories are still
useful "as starting points for the comparative study of religion". She also argues that
Eliade's theories have been able to accommodate "new data to which Eliade did not have
access".[240]
Lack of empirical support

Several researchers have criticized Eliade's work as having no empirical support. Thus, he
is said to have "failed to provide an adequate methodology for the history of religions and to
establish this discipline as an empirical science",[241] though the same critics admit that
"the history of religions should not aim at being an empirical science anyway".[241]
Specifically, his claim that the sacred is a structure of human consciousness is distrusted as
not being empirically provable: "no one has yet turned up the basic category sacred".[242]
Also, there has been mention of his tendency to ignore the social aspects of religion.[57]
Anthropologist Alice Kehoe is highly critical of Eliade's work on Shamanism, namely
because he was not an anthropologist but a historian. She contends that Eliade never did
any field work or contacted any indigenous groups that practiced Shamanism, and that his
work was synthesized from various sources without being supported by direct field
research.[243]
Mircea Eliade 410
In contrast, Professor Kees W. Bolle of the University of California, Los Angeles argues that
"Professor Eliade's approach, in all his works, is empirical":[244] Bolle sets Eliade apart for
what he sees as Eliade's particularly close "attention to the various particular motifs" of
different myths.[244] French researcher Daniel Dubuisson places doubt on Eliade's
scholarship and its scientific character, citing the Romanian academic's alleged refusal to
accept the treatment of religions in their historical and cultural context, and proposing that
Eliade's notion of hierophany refers to the actual existence of a supernatural level.[67]
Ronald Inden, a historian of India and University of Chicago professor, criticized Mircea
Eliade, alongside other intellectual figures (Carl Jung and Joseph Campbell among them),
for an encouraging a "romantic view" of Hinduism.[245] He argued that their approach to
the subject relied mainly on an Orientalist approach, and made Hinduism seem like "a
private realm of the imagination and the religious which modern, Western man lacks but
needs."[245]
Far right and nationalist influences

Although his scholarly work was never subordinated to his early political beliefs, the school
of thought he was associated with in interwar Romania, namely Trăirism, as well as the
works of Julius Evola he continued to draw inspiration from, have thematic links to
fascism.[39] [67] [246] Writer and academic Marcel Tolcea has argued that, through Evola's
particular interpretation of Guénon's works, Eliade kept a traceable connection with far
right ideologies in his academic contributions.[39] Daniel Dubuisson singled out Eliade's
concept of homo religiosus as a reflection of fascist elitism, and argued that the Romanian
scholar's views of Judaism and the Old Testament, which depicted Hebrews as the enemies
of an ancient cosmic religion, were ultimately the preservation of an antisemitic
discourse.[67]
A piece authored in 1930 saw Eliade defining Julius Evola as a great thinker and offering
praise to the controversial intellectuals Oswald Spengler, Arthur de Gobineau, Houston
Stewart Chamberlain and the Nazi ideologist Alfred Rosenberg.[67] Evola, who continued to
defend the core principles of mystical fascism, once protested to Eliade about the latter's
failure to cite him and Guénon. Eliade replied that his works were written for a
contemporary public, and not to initiates of esoteric circles.[247] After the 1960s, he,
together with Evola, Louis Rougier, and other intellectuals, offered support to Alain de
Benoist's controversial Groupement de recherche et d'études pour la civilisation
européenne, part of the Nouvelle Droite intellectual trend.[248]
Notably, Eliade was also preoccupied with the cult of Zalmoxis and its supposed
monotheism.[249] [250] This, like his conclusion that Romanization had been superficial
inside Roman Dacia, was a view celebrated by contemporary partisans of Protochronist
nationalism.[57] [249] According to historian Sorin Antohi, Eliade may have actually
encouraged Protochronists such as Edgar Papu to carry out research which resulted in the
claim that medieval Romanians had anticipated the Renaissance.[251]
In his study of Eliade, Jung, and Campbell, Ellwood also discusses the connection between
academic theories and controversial political involvements, noting that all three
mythologists have been accused of reactionary political positions. Ellwood notes the
obvious parallel between the → conservatism of myth, which speaks of a primordial golden
age, and the conservatism of far right politics.[252] However, Ellwood argues that the
explanation is more complex than that. Wherever their political sympathies may have
Mircea Eliade 411
sometimes been, he claims, the three mythologists were often "apolitical if not antipolitical,
scorning any this-worldly salvation".[253] Moreover, the connection between mythology and
politics differs for each of the mythologists in question: in Eliade's case, Ellwood believes, a
strong sense of nostalgia ("for childhood, for historical times past, for cosmic religion, for
[254]
paradise"), influenced not only the scholar's academic interests, but also his political
views.
Because Eliade stayed out of politics during his later life, Ellwood tries to extract an
implicit political philosophy from Eliade's scholarly works. Ellwood argues that the later
Eliade's nostalgia for ancient traditions did not make him a political reactionary, even a
quiet one. He concludes that the later Eliade was, in fact, a "radical modernist".[255]
According to Ellwood,
"Those who see Eliade's fascination with the primordial as merely reactionary in
the ordinary political or religious sense of the word do not understand the mature
Eliade in a sufficiently radical way. [...] Tradition was not for him exactly Burkean
'prescription' or sacred trust to be kept alive generation after generation, for
Eliade was fully aware that tradition, like men and nations, lives only by changing
and even occultation. The tack is not to try fruitlessly to keep it unchanging, but
to discover where it is hiding."[256]
According to Eliade, religious elements survive in secular culture, but in new,
"camouflaged" forms.[257] Thus, Ellwood believes that the later Eliade probably thought
modern man should preserve elements of the past, but should not try to restore their
original form through reactionary politics.[258] He suspects that Eliade would have favored
"a minimal rather than a maximalist state" that would allow personal spiritual
transformation without enforcing it.[259]
Many scholars have accused Eliade of "essentialism", a type of over-generalization in which
one incorrectly attributes a common "essence" to a whole group—in this case, all "religious"
or "traditional" societies. Furthermore, some see a connection between Eliade's
essentialism with regard to religion and fascist essentialism with regard to races and
nations.[260] To Ellwood, this connection "seems rather tortured, in the end amounting to
little more than an ad hominem argument which attempts to tar Eliade's entire [scholarly]
work with the ill-repute all decent people feel for storm troopers and the Iron Guard".[261]
However, Ellwood admits that common tendencies in "mythological thinking" may have
caused Eliade, as well as Jung and Campbell, to view certain groups in an "essentialist"
way, and that this may explain their purported antisemitism: "A tendency to think in
generic terms of peoples, races, religions, or parties, which as we shall see is undoubtedly
the profoundest flaw in mythological thinking, including that of such modern mythologists
as our three, can connect with nascent anti-Semitism, or the connection can be the other
way."[262]
Literary works
Generic traits
Many of Mircea Eliade's literary works, in particular his earliest ones, are noted for their
eroticism and their focus on subjective experience. Modernist in style, they have drawn
comparisons to the contemporary writings of Mihail Sebastian,[263] I. Valerian,[264] and Ion
Biberi.[265] Alongside Honoré de Balzac and Giovanni Papini, his literary passions included
Mircea Eliade 412
Aldous Huxley and Miguel de Unamuno,[29] as well as André Gide.[7] Eliade also read with
interest the prose of Romain Rolland, Henrik Ibsen, and the Enlightenment thinkers
Voltaire and Denis Diderot.[7] As a youth, he read the works of Romanian authors such as
Liviu Rebreanu and Panait Istrati; initially, he was also interested in Ionel Teodoreanu's
[7]
prose works, but later rejected them and criticized their author.
Investigating the works' main characteristics, George Călinescu stressed that Eliade owed
much of his style to the direct influence of French author André Gide, concluding that,
alongside Camil Petrescu and a few others, Eliade was among Gide's leading disciples in
Romanian literature.[4] He commented that, like Gide, Eliade believed that the artist "does
not take a stand, but experiences good and evil while setting himself free from both,
maintaining an intact curiosity."[4] A specific aspect of this focus on experience is sexual
experimentation—Călinescu notes that Eliade's fiction works tend to depict a male figure
"possessing all practicable women in [a given] family".[266] He also considered that, as a
rule, Eliade depicts woman as "a basic means for a sexual experience and repudiated with
harsh egotism."[266]
For Călinescu, such a perspective on life culminated in "banality", leaving authors gripped
by the "cult of the self" and "a contempt for literature".[4] Polemically, Călinescu proposed
that Mircea Eliade's supposed focus on "aggressive youth" and served to instill his interwar
Romanian writers with the idea that they had a common destiny as a generation apart.[4]
He also commented that, when set in Romania, Mircea Eliade's stories lacked the
"perception of immediate reality", and, analyzing the non-traditional names the writer
tended to ascribe to his Romanian characters, that they did not depict "specificity".[267]
Additionally, in Călinescu's view, Eliade's stories were often "sensationalist compositions of
the illustrated magazine kind."[268] Mircea Eliade's assessment of his own pre-1940 literary
contributions oscillated between expressions of pride[28] and the bitter verdict that they
were written for "an audience of little ladies and high school students".[66]
A secondary but unifying feature present in most of Eliade's stories is their setting, a
magical and part-fictional Bucharest.[6] In part, they also serve to illustrate or allude to
Eliade's own research in the field of religion, as well as to the concepts he introduced.[6]
Thus, commentators such as Matei Călinescu and Carmen Muşat have also argued that a
main characteristic of Eliade's fantasy prose is a substitution between the supernatural and
the mundane: in this interpretation, Eliade turns the daily world into an incomprehensible
place, while the intrusive supernatural aspect promises to offer the sense of life.[269] The
notion was in turn linked to Eliade's own thoughts on transcendence, and in particular his
idea that, once "camouflaged" in life or history, miracles become "unrecognizable".[269]
Oriental themed novels

One of Eliade's earliest fiction writings, the controversial first-person narrative Isabel şi
apele diavolului, focused on the figure of a young and brilliant academic, whose
self-declared fear is that of "being common".[270] The hero's experience is recorded in
"notebooks", which are compiled to form the actual narrative, and which serve to record his
unusual, mostly sexual, experiences in British India—the narrator describes himself as
dominated by "a devilish indifference" towards "all things having to do with art or
metaphysics", focusing instead on eroticism.[270] The guest of a pastor, the scholar ponders
sexual adventures with his host's wife, servant girl, and finally with his daughter Isabel.
Persuading the pastor's adolescent son to run away from home, becoming the sexual
Mircea Eliade 413
initiator of a twelve-year old girl and the lover of a much older woman, the character also
attempts to seduce Isabel. Although she falls in love, the young woman does not give in to
his pressures, but eventually allows herself to be abused and impregnated by another
character, letting the object of her affection know that she had thought of him all along.[271]
One of Eliade's best-known works, the novel Maitreyi, dwells on Eliade's own experience,
comprising camouflaged details of his relationships with Surendranath Dasgupta and
Dasgupta's daughter Maitreyi Devi. The main character, Allan, is an Englishman who visits
the Indian engineer Narendra Sen and courts his daughter, herself known as Maitreyi. The
narrative is again built on "notebooks" to which Allan adds his comments. This technique
Călinescu describes as "boring", and its result "cynical".[271]
Allan himself stands alongside Eliade's male characters, whose focus is on action, sensation
and experience—his chaste contacts with Maitreyi are encouraged by Sen, who hopes for a
marriage which is nonetheless abhorred by his would-be European son-in-law.[271] Instead,
Allan is fascinated to discover Maitreyi's Oriental version of Platonic love, marked by
spiritual attachment more than by physical contact.[272] However, their affair soon after
turns physical, and she decides to attach herself to Allan as one would to a husband, in
what is an informal and intimate wedding ceremony (which sees her vowing her love and
invoking an earth goddess as the seal of union).[267] Upon discovering this, Narendra Sen
becomes enraged, rejecting their guest and keeping Maitreyi in confinement. As a result,
his daughter decides to have intercourse with a lowly stranger, becoming pregnant in the
hope that her parents would consequently allow her to marry her lover. However, the story
also casts doubt on her earlier actions, reflecting rumors that Maitreyi was not a virgin at
the time she and Allan first met, which also seems to expose her father as a hypocrite.[267]
George Călinescu objected to the narrative, arguing that both the physical affair and the
father's rage seemed artificial, while commenting that Eliade placing doubt on his Indian
characters' honesty had turned the plot into a piece of "ethnological humor".[267] Noting
that the work developed on a classical theme of miscegenation, which recalled the prose of
François-René de Chateaubriand and Pierre Loti,[271] the critic proposed that its main merit
was in introducing the exotic novel to local literature.[267]
Mircea Eliade's other early works include Şantier ("Building Site"), a part-novel, part-diary
account of his Indian sojourn. George Călinescu objected to its "monotony", and, noting that
it featured a set of "intelligent observations", criticized the "banality of its ideological
conversations."[267] Şantier was also noted for its portrayal of drug addiction and
intoxication with opium, both of which could have referred to Eliade's actual travel
experience.[73]
Portraits of a generation
In his earliest novel, titled Novel of the Nearsighted Adolescent and written in the first
person, Eliade depicts his experience through high school.[7] It is proof of the influence
exercised on him by the literature of Giovanni Papini, and in particular by Papini's story Un
uomo finito.[7] Each of its chapters reads like an independent novella, and, in all, the work
experiments with the limits traced between novel and diary.[7] Literary critic Eugen Simion
called it "the most valuable" among Eliade's earliest literary attempts, but noted that, being
"ambitious", the book had failed to achieve "an aesthetically satisfactory format".[7]
According to Simion, the innovative intent of the Novel... was provided by its technique, by
its goal of providing authenticity in depicting experiences, and by its insight into adolescent
Mircea Eliade 414
psychology.[7] The novel notably shows its narrator practicing self-flagellation.[7]

Eliade's 1934 novel Întoarcerea din rai ("Return from Paradise") centers on Pavel Anicet, a
young man who seeks knowledge through what Călinescu defined as "sexual excess".[267]
His search leaves him with a reduced sensitivity: right after being confronted with his
father's death, Anicet breaks out in tears only after sitting through an entire dinner.[267]
The other characters, standing for Eliade's generation, all seek knowledge through violence
or retreat from the world—nonetheless, unlike Anicet, they ultimately fail at imposing
rigors upon themselves.[267] Pavel himself eventually abandons his belief in sex as a means
for enlightenment, and commits suicide in hopes of reaching the level of primordial unity.
The solution, George Călinescu noted, mirrored the strange murder in Gide's Lafcadio's
Adventures.[267] Eliade himself indicated that the book dealt with the "loss of the beatitude,
illusions, and optimism that had dominated the first twenty years of 'Greater Romania'."[273]
Robert Elwood connected the work to Eliade's recurring sense of loss in respect to the
"atmosphere of euphoria and faith" of his adolescence.[274] Călinescu criticizes Întoarcerea
din rai, describing its dialog sequences as "awkward", its narrative as "void", and its artistic
interest as "non-existent", proposing that the reader could however find it relevant as the
"document of a mentality".[267]
The lengthy novel Huliganii ("The Hooligans") is intended as the fresco of a family, and,
through it, that of an entire generation. The book's main protagonist, Petru Anicet, is a
composer who places value in experiments; other characters include Dragu, who considers
"a hooligan's experience" as "the only fertile debut into life", and the totalitarian Alexandru
Pleşa, who is on the search for "the heroic life" by enlisting youth in "perfect regiments,
equally intoxicated by a collective myth."[275] [276] Călinescu thought that the young male
characters all owed inspiration to Fyodor Dostoevsky's Rodion Romanovich Raskolnikov
(see Crime and Punishment).[266] Anicet, who partly shares Pleşa's vision for a collective
experiment, is also prone to sexual adventures, and seduces the women of the Lecca family
(who have hired him as a piano teacher).[266] Romanian-born novelist Norman Manea called
Anicet's experiment: "the paraded defiance of bourgeois conventions, in which venereal
disease and lubricity dwell together."[275] In one episode of the book, Anicet convinces
Anişoara Lecca to gratuitously steal from her parents—an outrage which leads her mother
to moral decay and, eventually, to suicide.[266] George Călinescu criticized the book for
inconsistencies and "excesses in Dostoyevskianism", but noted that the Lecca family
portrayal was "suggestive", and that the dramatic scenes were written with "a remarkable
poetic calm."[266]
The novel Nuntă în cer depicts the correspondence between two male friends, an artist and
a common man, who complain to each other about their failures in love: the former
complains about a lover who wanted his children when he did not, while the other recalls
being abandoned by a woman who, despite his intentions, did not want to become pregnant
by him. Eliade lets the reader understand that they are in fact talking about the same
woman.[268]
Mircea Eliade 415
Fantasy literature
Mircea Eliade's earliest works, most of which were published at later stages, belong to the
fantasy genre. One of the first such literary exercises to be printed, the 1921 Cum am găsit
piatra filosofală, showed its adolescent author's interest in themes that he was to explore
throughout his career, in particular esotericism and alchemy.[7] Written in the first person,
it depicts an experiment which, for a moment, seems to be the discovery of the
philosophers' stone.[7] These early writings also include two sketches for novels: Minunata
călătorie a celor cinci cărăbuşi in ţara furnicilor roşii ("The Wonderful Journey of the Five
Beetles into the Land of the Red Ants") and Memoriile unui soldat de plumb ("The Memoirs
of a Lead Soldier").[7] In the former, a company of beetle spies is sent among the red
ants—their travel offers a setting for satirical commentary.[7] Eliade himself explained that
Memoriile unui soldat de plumb was an ambitious project, designed as a fresco to include
the birth of the Universe, abiogenesis, human evolution, and the entire world history.[7]
Eliade's fantasy novel Domnişoara Christina, was, on its own, the topic of a scandal.[266]
The novel deals with the fate of an eccentric family, the Moscus, who are haunted by the
ghost of a murdered young woman, known as Christina. The apparition shares
characteristics with vampires and with strigoi: she is believed to be drinking the blood of
cattle and that of a young family member.[266] The young man Egor becomes the object of
Christina's desire, and is shown to have intercourse with her.[266] Noting that the plot and
setting reminded one of horror fiction works by the German author Hanns Heinz Ewers,
and defending Domnişoara Christina in front of harsher criticism, Călinescu nonetheless
argued that the "international environment" in which it took place was "upsetting".[266] He
also depicted the plot as focused on "major impurity", summarizing the story's references to
necrophilia, menstrual fetish and ephebophilia.[266]
Eliade's short story Şarpele ("The Snake") was described by George Călinescu as
"hermetic".[266] While on a trip to the forest, several persons witness a feat of magic
performed by the male character Andronic, who summons a snake from the bottom of a
river and places it on an island. At the end of the story, Andronic and the female character
Dorina are found on the island, naked and locked in a sensual embrace.[266] Călinescu saw
the piece as an allusion to Gnosticism, to the Kabbalah, and to Babylonian mythology, while
linking the snake to the Greek mythological figure and major serpent symbol Ophion.[266]
He was however dissatisfied with this introduction of iconic images, describing it as
"languishing".[268]
The short story Un om mare ("A Big Man"), which Eliade authored during his stay in
Portugal, shows a common person, the engineer Cucoanes, who grows steadily and
uncontrollably, reaching immense proportions and ultimately disappearing into the
wilderness of the Bucegi Mountains.[277] Eliade himself referenced the story and Aldous
Huxley's experiments in the same section of his private notes, a matter which allowed Matei
Călinescu to propose that Un om mare was a direct product of its author's experience with
drugs.[73] The same commentator, who deemed Un om mare "perhaps Eliade's most
memorable short story", connected it with the uriaşi characters present in Romanian
folklore.[277]
Mircea Eliade 416
Other writings
Eliade's reinterpreted the Greek mythological figure Iphigeneia in his eponymous 1941
play. Here, the maiden falls in love with Achilles, and accepts to be sacrificed on the pyre as
a means to ensure both her lover's happiness (as predicted by an oracle) and her father
Agamemnon's victory in the Trojan War.[278] Discussing the association Iphigenia's
character makes between love and death, Romanian theater critic Radu Albala noted that it
was a possible echo of Meşterul Manole legend, in which a builder of the Curtea de Argeş
Monastery has to sacrifice his wife in exchange for permission to complete work.[278] In
contrast with early renditions of the myth by authors such as Euripides and Jean Racine,
Eliade's version ends with the sacrifice being carried out in full.[278]
In addition to his fiction, the exiled Eliade authored several volumes of memoirs and diaries
and travel writings. They were published sporadically, and covered various stages of his
life. One of the earliest such pieces was India, grouping accounts of the travels he made
through the Indian subcontinent.[72] Writing for the Spanish journal La Vanguardia,
commentator Sergio Vila-Sanjuán described the first volume of Eliade's Autobiography
(covering the years 1907 to 1937) as "a great book", while noting that the other main
volume was "more conventional and insincere."[6] In Vila-Sanjuán's view, the texts reveal
Mircea Eliade himself as "a Dostoyevskyian character", as well as "an accomplished person,
a Goethian figure".[6]
A work that drew particular interest was his Jurnal portughez ("Portuguese Diary"),
completed during his stay in Lisbon and published only after its author's death. A portion of
it dealing with his stay in Romania is believed to have been lost.[5] The travels to Spain,
partly recorded in Jurnal portughez, also led to a separate volume, Jurnal cordobez
("Cordoban Diary"), which Eliade compiled from various independent notebooks.[72] Jurnal
portughez shows Eliade coping with clinical depression and political crisis, and has been
described by Andrei Oişteanu as "an overwhelming [read], through the immense suffering it
exhales."[73] Literary historian Paul Cernat argued that part of the volume is "a masterpiece
of its time", while concluding that some 700 pages were passable for the "among others"
section of Eliade's bibliography.[28] Noting that the book featured parts where Eliade spoke
of himself in eulogistic terms, notably comparing himself favorably to Goethe and
Romania's national poet Mihai Eminescu, Cernat accused the writer of "egolatry", and
deduced that Eliade was "ready to step over dead bodies for the sake of his spiritual
'mission' ".[28] The same passages led philosopher and journalist Cătălin Avramescu to
argue that Eliade's behavior was evidence of "megalomania".[66]
Eliade also wrote various essays of literary criticism. In his youth, alongside his study on
Julius Evola, he published essays which introduced the Romanian public to representatives
of modern Spanish literature and philosophy, among them Adolfo Bonilla San Martín,
Miguel de Unamuno, José Ortega y Gasset, Eugeni d'Ors, Vicente Blasco Ibáñez and
Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo.[72] He also wrote an essay on the works of James Joyce,
connecting it with his own theories on the eternal return ("[Joyce's literature is] saturated
with nostalgia for the myth of the eternal repetition"), and deeming Joyce himself an
anti-historicist "archaic" figure among the modernists.[279] In the 1930s, Eliade edited the
collected works of Romanian historian Bogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu.[7]
Mircea Eliade 417
Controversy: antisemitism and links with the Iron Guard
Early statements
The early years in Eliade's public career show him to have been highly tolerant of Jews in
general, and of the Jewish minority in Romania in particular. His early condemnation of
Nazi antisemitic policies was accompanied by his caution and moderation in regard to Nae
Ionescu's various anti-Jewish attacks.[32] [280]
Late in the 1930s, Mihail Sebastian was marginalized by Romania's antisemitic policies, and
came to reflect on his Romanian friend's association with the far right. The subsequent
ideological break between him and Eliade has been compared by writer Gabriela
Adameşteanu with that between Jean-Paul Sartre and Albert Camus.[275] In his Journal,
published long after his 1945 death, Sebastian claimed that Eliade's actions during the
1930s show him to be an antisemite. According to Sebastian, Eliade had been friendly to
him until the start of his political commitments, after which he severed all ties.[32] [281]
Before their friendship came apart, however, Sebastian claimed that he took notes on their
conversations (which he later published) during which Eliade was supposed to have
expressed antisemitic views. According to Sebastian, Eliade said in 1939:
"The Poles' resistance in Warsaw is a Jewish resistance. Only yids are capable of the
blackmail of putting women and children in the front line, to take advantage of the
Germans' sense of scruple. The Germans have no interest in the destruction of
Romania. Only a pro-German government can save us.... What is happening on the
frontier with Bukovina is a scandal, because new waves of Jews are flooding into the
country. Rather than a Romania again invaded by kikes, it would be better to have a
German protectorate."[282]
The friendship between Eliade and Sebastian drastically declined during the war: the latter
writer, fearing for his security during the pro-Nazi Ion Antonescu regime (see Romania
during World War II), hoped that Eliade, by then a diplomat, could intervene in his favor;
however, upon his brief return to Romania, Eliade did not see or approach Sebastian.[6] [32]
Later, Mircea Eliade expressed his regret at not having had the chance to redeem his
friendship with Sebastian before the latter was killed in a car accident.[28] [70] Paul Cernat
notes that Eliade's statement includes an admission that he "counted on [Sebastian's]
support, in order to get back into Romanian life and culture", and proposes that Eliade may
have expected his friend to vouch for him in front of hostile authorities.[28] Some of
Sebastian's late recordings in his diary show that their author was reflecting with nostalgia
on his relationship with Eliade, and that he deplored the outcome.[6] [32]
Eliade provided two distinct explanations for not having met with Sebastian: one was
related to his claim of being followed around by the Gestapo, and the other, expressed in
his diaries, was that the shame of representing a regime that humiliated Jews had made
him avoid facing his former friend.[32] Another take on the matter was advanced in 1972 by
the Israeli magazine Toladot, who claimed that, as an official representative, Eliade was
aware of Antonescu's agreement to implement the Final Solution in Romania and of how
this could affect Sebastian (see Holocaust in Romania).[32] In addition, rumors were
sparked that Sebastian and Nina Mareş had a physical relationship, one which could have
contributed to the clash between the two literary figures.[6]
Beyond his involvement with a movement known for its antisemitism, Eliade did not usually
comment on Jewish issues. However, an article titled Piloţii orbi ("The Blind Pilots"),
Mircea Eliade 418
contributed to the journal Vremea in 1936, showed that he supported at least some Iron
Guard accusations against the Jewish community:
"Since the war [that is, World War I], Jews have occupied the villages of Maramureş
and Bukovina, and gained the absolute majority in the towns and cities in
Bessarabia.[283] [...] It would be absurd to expect Jews to resign themselves in order to
become a minority with certain rights and very many duties — after they have tasted
the honey of power and conquered as many command positions as they have. Jews are
currently fighting with all forces to maintain their positions, expecting a future
offensive — and, as far as I am concerned, I understand their fight and admire their
vitality, tenacity, genius."[284]
One year later, a text, accompanied by his picture, was featured as answer to an inquiry by
the Iron Guard's Buna Vestire about the reasons he had for supporting the movement. A
short section of it summarizes an anti-Jewish attitude:
"Can the Romanian nation end its life in the saddest decay witnessed by history,
undermined by misery and syphilis, conquered by Jews and torn to pieces by
foreigners, demoralized, betrayed, sold for a few million lei?"[32] [285]
According to the literary critic Z. Ornea, in the 1980s Eliade denied authorship of the text.
He explained the use of his signature, his picture, and the picture's caption, as having been
applied by the magazine's editor, Mihail Polihroniade, to a piece the latter had written after
having failed to obtain Eliade's contribution; he also claimed that, given his respect for
Polihroniade, he had not wished to publicize this matter previously.[286]
Polemics and exile

Dumitru G. Danielopol, a fellow diplomat present in London during Eliade's stay in the city,
later stated that the latter had identified himself as "a guiding light of [the Iron Guard]
movement" and victim of Carol II's repression.[57] In October 1940, as the National
Legionary State came into existence, the British Foreign Office blacklisted Mircea Eliade,
alongside other five Romanians, due to his Iron Guard connections and suspicions that he
was prepared to spy in favor of Nazi Germany.[86] According to various sources, while in
Portugal, the diplomat was also preparing to disseminate propaganda in favor of the Iron
Guard.[57] In Jurnal portughez, Eliade defines himself as "a Legionary",[6] [28] and speaks of
his own "Legionary climax" as a stage he had gone through during the early 1940s.[28] [32]
The depolitisation of Eliade after the start of his diplomatic career was also mistrusted by
his former close friend Eugène Ionesco, who indicated that, upon the close of World War II,
Eliade's personal beliefs as communicated to his friends amounted to "all is over now that
«Communism has won»".[287] This forms part of Ionesco's severe and succinct review of the
careers of Legionary-inspired intellectuals, many of them his friends and former friends, in
a letter he sent to Tudor Vianu.[57] [288] In 1946, Ionesco indicated to Petru Comarnescu
that he did not want to see either Eliade or Cioran, and that he considered the two of them
"Legionaries for ever"—adding "we are hyenas to one another".[289]
Eliade's former friend, the communist Belu Zilber, who was attending the Paris Conference
in 1946, refused to see Eliade, arguing that, as an Iron Guard affiliate, the latter had
"denounced left-wingers", and contrasting him with Cioran ("They are both Legionaries, but
[Cioran] is honest").[290] Three years later, Eliade's political activities were brought into
discussion as he was getting ready to publish a translation of his Techniques du Yoga with
the left-leaning Italian company Giulio Einaudi Editore—the denunciation was probably
Mircea Eliade 419
orchestrated by Romanian officials.[291]

In August 1954, when Horia Sima, who led the Iron Guard during its exile, was rejected by
a faction inside the movement, Mircea Eliade's name was included on a list of persons who
supported the latter—although this may have happened without his consent.[292] According
to exiled dissident and novelist Dumitru Ţepeneag, around that date, Eliade expressed his
sympathy for Iron Guard members in general, whom he viewed as "courageous".[293]
However, according to Robert Ellwood, the Eliade he met in the 1960s was entirely
apolitical, remained aloof from "the passionate politics of that era in the United States", and
"[r]eportedly [...] never read newspapers"[294] (an assessment shared by Sorin
Alexandrescu).[5] Eliade's student Ioan Petru Culianu noted that journalists had come to
refer to the Romanian scholar as "the great recluse".[8] Despite Eliade's withdrawal from
radical politics, Ellwood indicates, he still remained concerned with Romania's welfare. He
saw himself and other exiled Romanian intellectuals as members of a circle who worked to
"maintain the culture of a free Romania and, above all, to publish texts that had become
unpublishable in Romania itself".[295]
Beginning in 1969, Eliade's past became the subject of public debate in Israel. At the time,
historian Gershom Scholem asked Eliade to explain his attitudes, which the latter did using
vague terms.[32] [57] [296] As a result of this exchange, Scholem declared his dissatisfaction,
and argued that Israel could not extend a welcome to the Romanian academic.[57] During
the final years of Mircea Eliade's life, his disciple Culianu exposed and publicly criticized
his 1930s pro-Iron Guard activities; relations between the two soured as a result.[297]
Eliade's other Romanian disciple, Andrei Oişteanu, noted that, in the years following
Eliade's death, conversations with various people who had known the scholar had made
Culianu less certain of his earlier stances, and had led him to declare: "Mr. Eliade was
never antisemitic, a member of the Iron Guard, or pro-Nazi. But, in any case, I am led to
believe that he was closer to the Iron Guard than I would have liked to believe."[298]
At an early stage of his polemic with Culianu, Mircea Eliade complained in writing that "it is
not possible to write an objective history" of the Iron Guard and its leader Corneliu Zelea
Codreanu.[299] Arguing that people "would only accept apologetics [...] or executions", he
contended: "After Buchenwald and Auschwitz, even honest people cannot afford being
«objective»".[299]
Posterity
Alongside the arguments introduced by Daniel Dubuisson, criticism of Mircea Eliade's
political involvement with antisemitism and fascism came from Adriana Berger, Leon
Volovici, Alexandra Lagniel-Lavastine, Florin Ţurcanu and others, who have attempted to
trace Eliade's antisemitism throughout his work and through his associations with
contemporary antisemites, such as the Italian fascist occultist Julius Evola. Volovici, for
example, is critical of Eliade not only because of his support for the Iron Guard, but also for
spreading antisemitism and anti-Masonry in 1930s Romania.[300] In 1991, exiled novelist
Norman Manea published an essay firmly condemning Eliade's attachment to the Iron
Guard.[6]
Other scholars, like Bryan S. Rennie, have claimed that there is, to date, no evidence of
Eliade's membership, active services rendered, or of any real involvement with any fascist
or totalitarian movements or membership organizations, nor that there is any evidence of
his continued support for nationalist ideals after their inherently violent nature was
Mircea Eliade 420
revealed. They further assert that there is no imprint of overt political beliefs in Eliade's
scholarship, and also claim that Eliade's critics are following political agendas.[20] [301]
Romanian scholar Mircea Handoca, editor of Eliade's writings, argues that the controversy
surrounding Eliade was encouraged by a group of exiled writers, of whom Manea was a
main representative, and believes that Eliade's association with the Guard was a
conjectural one, determined by the young author's Christian values and → conservative
stance, as well as by his belief that a Legionary Romania could mirror Portugal's Estado
Novo.[6] Handoca opined that Eliade changed his stance after discovering that the
Legionaries had turned violent, and argued that there was no evidence of Eliade's actual
affiliation with the Iron Guard as a political movement.[6] Additionally, Joaquín Garrigós,
who translated Eliade's works into Spanish, claimed that none of Eliade's texts he ever
encountered show him to be an antisemite.[6] Mircea Eliade's nephew and commentator
Sorin Alexandrescu himself proposed that Eliade's politics were essentially conservative
and patriotic, in part motivated by a fear of the Soviet Union which he shared with many
other young intellectuals.[6] Based on Mircea Eliade's admiration for Gandhi, various other
authors assess that Eliade remained committed to nonviolence.[6]
Robert Ellwood also places Eliade's involvement with the Iron Guard in relation to scholar's
conservatism, and connects this aspect of Eliade's life with both his nostalgia and his study
of primal societies. According to Ellwood, the part of Eliade that felt attracted to the
"freedom of new beginnings suggested by primal myths" is the same part that felt attracted
to the Guard, with its almost mythological notion of a new beginning through a "national
resurrection".[302] On a more basic level, Ellwood describes Eliade as a "instinctively
spiritual" person who saw the Iron Guard as a spiritual movement.[303] In Ellwood's view,
Eliade was aware that the "golden age" of antiquity was no longer accessible to secular
man, that it could be recalled but not re-established. Thus, a "more accessible" object for
nostalgia was a "secondary silver age within the last few hundred years"—the Kingdom of
Romania's 19th century cultural renaissance.[304] To the young Eliade, the Iron Guard
seemed like a path for returning to the silver age of Romania's glory, being a movement
"dedicated to the cultural and national renewal of the Romanian people by appeal to their
spiritual roots".[305] Ellwood describes the young Eliade as someone "capable of being fired
up by mythological archetypes and with no awareness of the evil that was to be
unleashed".[306]
Because of Eliade's withdrawal from politics, and also because the later Eliade's religiosity
was very personal and idiosyncratic,[307] Ellwood believes the later Eliade probably would
have rejected the "corporate sacred" of the Iron Guard.[308] According to Ellwood, the later
Eliade had the same desire for a Romanian "resurrection" that had motivated the early
Eliade to support the Iron Guard, but he now channeled it apolitically through his efforts to
"maintain the culture of a free Romania" abroad.[309] In one of his writings, Eliade says,
"Against the terror of History there are only two possibilities of defense: action or
contemplation."[310] According to Ellwood, the young Eliade took the former option, trying
to reform the world through action, whereas the older Eliade tried to resist the terror of
history intellectually.[311]
Eliade's own version of events, presenting his involvement in far right politics as marginal,
was judged to contain several inaccuracies and unverifiable claims.[57] [312] For instance,
Eliade depicted his arrest as having been solely caused by his friendship with Nae
Ionescu.[313] On another occasion, answering Gershom Scholem's query, he is known to
have explicitly denied ever having contributed to Buna Vestire.[57] According to Sorin
Mircea Eliade 421
Antohi, "Eliade died without ever clearly expressing regret for his Iron Guard
sympathies".[314] Z. Ornea noted that, in a short section of his Autobiography where he
discusses the Einaudi incident, Eliade speaks of "my imprudent acts and errors committed
in youth", as "a series of malentendus that would follow me all my life."[315] Ornea
commented that this was the only instance where the Romanian academic spoke of his
political involvement with a dose of self-criticism, and contrasted the statement with
Eliade's usual refusal to discuss his stances "pertinently".[316] Reviewing the arguments
brought in support of Eliade, Sergio Vila-Sanjuán concluded: "Nevertheless, Eliade's
pro-Legionary columns endure in the newspaper libraries, he never showed his regret for
this connection [with the Iron Guard] and always, right up to his final writings, he invoked
the figure of his teacher Nae Ionescu."[6]
In his Felix Culpa, Manea directly accused Eliade of having embellished his memoirs in
order to minimize an embarrassing past.[6] A secondary debate surrounding Eliade's alleged
unwillingness to dissociate with the Guard took place after Jurnalul portughez saw print.
Sorin Alexandrescu expressed a belief that notes in the diary show Eliade's "break with his
far right past".[5] Cătălin Avramescu defined this conclusion as "whitewashing", and,
answering to Alexandrescu's claim that his uncle's support for the Guard was always
superficial, argued that Jurnal portughez and other writings of the time showed Eliade's
disenchantment with the Legionaries' Christian stance in tandem with his growing
sympathy for Nazism and its pagan messages.[66] Paul Cernat, who stressed that it was the
only one of Eliade's autobiographical works not to have been reworked by its author,
concluded that the book documented Eliade's own efforts to "camouflage" his political
sympathies without rejecting them altogether.[28]
Oişteanu argued that, in old age, Eliade moved away from his earlier stances and even
came to sympathize with the non-Marxist Left and the hippie youth movement.[317] [89] He
noted that Eliade initially felt apprehensive about the consequences of hippie activism, but
that the interests they shared, as well as their advocacy of communalism and free love had
made him argue that hippies were "a quasi-religious movement" that was "rediscovering
the sacrality of Life".[318] Andrei Oişteanu, who proposed that Eliade's critics were divided
into a "maximalist" and a "minimalist" camp (trying to, respectively, enhance or shadow the
impact Legionary ideas had on Eliade), argued in favor of moderation, and indicated that
Eliade's fascism needed to be correlated to the political choices of his generation.[319]
Political symbolism in Eliade's fiction

Various critics have traced links between Eliade's fiction works and his political views, or
Romanian politics in general. Early on, George Călinescu argued that the totalitarian model
outlined in Huliganii was: "An allusion to certain bygone political movements [...],
sublimated in the ever so abstruse philosophy of death as a path to knowledge."[266] By
contrast, Întoarcerea din rai partly focuses on a failed communist rebellion, which enlists
the participation of its main characters.[267]
Iphigenia 's story of self-sacrifice, turned voluntary in Eliade's version, was taken by various
commentators, beginning with Mihail Sebastian, as a favorable allusion to the Iron Guard's
beliefs on commitment and death, as well as to the bloody outcome of the 1941 Legionary
Rebellion.[32] Ten years after its premiere, the play was reprinted by Legionary refugees in
Argentina: on the occasion, the text was reviewed for publishing by Eliade himself.[32]
Reading Iphigenia was what partly sparked Culianu's investigation of his mentor's early
Mircea Eliade 422
political affiliations.[32]
A special debate was sparked by Un om mare. Culianu viewed it as a direct reference to
Corneliu Zelea Codreanu and his rise in popularity, an interpretation partly based on the
similarity between, on one hand, two monikers ascribed to the Legionary leader (by,
respectively, his adversaries and his followers), and, on the other, the main character's
name (Cucoanes).[277] Matei Călinescu did not reject Culianu's version, but argued that, on
its own, the piece was beyond political interpretations.[277] Commenting on this dialog,
literary historian and essayist Mircea Iorgulescu objected to the original verdict, indicating
his belief that there was no historical evidence to substantiate Culianu's point of view.[277]
Alongside Eliade's main works, his attempted novel of youth, Minunata călătorie a celor
cinci cărăbuşi in ţara furnicilor roşii, which depicts a population of red ants living in a
totalitarian society and forming bands to harass the beetles, was seen as a potential
allusion to the Soviet Union and to communism.[7] Despite Eliade's ultimate reception in
Communist Romania, this writing could not be published during the period, after censors
singled out fragments which they saw as especially problematic.[7]
Cultural legacy
Tributes
An endowed chair in the History of Religions at the University of Chicago Divinity School
was named after Eliade in recognition of his wide contribution to the research on this
subject; the current (and first incumbent) holder of this chair is Wendy Doniger.
To evaluate the legacy of Eliade and Joachim Wach within the discipline of the history of
religions, the University of Chicago chose 2006 (the intermediate year between the 50th
anniversary of Wach's death and the 100th anniversary of Eliade's birth), to hold a two-day
conference in order to reflect upon their academic contributions and their political lives in
their social and historical contexts, as well as the relationship between their works and
their lives.[81]
In 1990, after the Romanian Revolution, Eliade was elected posthumously to the Romanian
Academy. In Romania, Mircea Eliade's legacy in the field of the history of religions is
mirrored by the journal Archaeus (founded 1997, and affiliated with the University of
Bucharest Faculty of History). The 6th European Association for the Study of Religion and
International Association for the History of Religions Special Conference on Religious
History of Europe and Asia took place from September 20 to September 23, 2006, in
Bucharest. An important section of the Congress was dedicated to the memory of Mircea
Eliade, whose legacy in the field of history of religions was scrutinized by various scholars,
some of whom were his direct students at the University of Chicago.[320]
As Antohi noted, Eliade, Emil Cioran and Constantin Noica "represent in Romanian culture
ultimate expressions of excellence, [Eliade and Cioran] being regarded as proof that
Romania's interwar culture (and, by extension, Romanian culture as a whole) was able to
reach the ultimate levels of depth, sophistication and creativity."[314] A Romanian Television
1 poll carried out in 2006 nominated Mircea Eliade as the 7th Greatest Romanian in
history; his case was argued by the writer Dragoş Bucurenci (see 100 greatest Romanians).
His name was given to a boulevard in the northern Bucharest area of Primăverii, to a street
in Cluj-Napoca, and to high schools in Bucharest, Sighişoara, and Reşiţa. The Eliades' house
on Melodiei Street was torn down during the communist regime, and an apartment block
Mircea Eliade 423
was raised in its place; his second residence, on Dacia Boulevard, features a memorial
plaque in his honor.[6]
Eliade's image in contemporary culture also has political implications. Historian Irina
Livezeanu proposed that the respect he enjoys in Romania is marched by that of other
"nationalist thinkers and politicians" who "have reentered the contemporary scene largely
as heroes of a pre- and anticommunist past", including Nae Ionescu and Cioran, but also Ion
Antonescu and Nichifor Crainic.[321] In parallel, according to Oişteanu (who relied his
assessment on Eliade's own personal notes), Eliade's interest in the American hippie
community was reciprocated by members of the latter, some of whom reportedly viewed
Eliade as "a guru".[322]
Eliade has also been hailed as an inspiration by German representatives of the Neue
Rechte, claiming legacy from the Conservative Revolutionary movement (among them is the
controversial magazine Junge Freiheit and the essayist Karlheinz Weißmann).[323] In 2007,
Florin Ţurcanu's biographical volume on Eliade was issued in a German translation by the
Antaios publishing house, which is mouthpiece for the Neue Rechte.[323] The edition was
not reviewed by the mainstream German press.[323] Other sections of the European far
right also claim Eliade as an inspiration, and consider his contacts with the Iron Guard to
be a merit—among their representatives are the Italian neofascist Claudio Mutti and
Romanian groups who trace their origin to the Legionary Movement.[324]
Portrayals, filmography and dramatizations

Early on, Mircea Eliade's novels were the subject of satire: before the two of them became
friends, Nicolae Steinhardt, using the pen name Antisthius, authored and published
parodies of them.[12] Maitreyi Devi, who strongly objected to Eliade's account of their
encounter and relationship, wrote her own novel as a reply to his Maitreyi; written in
Bengali, it was titled Na Hanyate (translated into English as "It Does Not Die").[21] Several
authors, including Ioan Petru Culianu, have drawn a parallel between Eugène Ionesco's
Absurdist play of 1959, Rhinoceros, which depicts the population of a small town falling
victim to a mass metamorphosis, and the impact fascism had on Ionesco's closest friends
(Eliade included).[325]
In 2000, Saul Bellow published his controversial Ravelstein novel. Having for its setting the
University of Chicago, it had among its characters Radu Grielescu, who was identified by
several critics as Eliade. The latter's portrayal, accomplished through statements made by
the eponymous character, is polemical: Grielescu, who is identified as a disciple of Nae
Ionescu, took part in the Bucharest Pogrom, and is in Chicago as a refugee scholar,
searching for the friendship of a Jewish colleague as a means to rehabilitate himself.[326] In
2005, the Romanian literary critic and translator Antoaneta Ralian, who was an
acquaintance of Bellow's, argued that much of the negative portrayal was owed to a
personal choice Bellow made (after having divorced from Alexandra Bagdasar, his
Romanian wife and Eliade disciple).[327] She also mentioned that, during a 1979 interview,
Bellow had expressed admiration for Eliade.[327]
The 1988 film The Bengali Night, directed by Nicolas Klotz and based upon the French
translation of Maitreyi, stars British actor Hugh Grant as Allan, the European character
based on Eliade, while Supriya Pathak is Gayatri, a character based on Maitreyi Devi (who
had refused to be mentioned by name).[21] The film, considered "pornographic" by Hindu
activists, was only shown once in India.[21] In addition to The Bengali Night, films based on,
Mircea Eliade 424
or referring to, his works, include: Mircea Eliade et la redécouverte du Sacré (1987), part
of the television series Architecture et Géographie sacrée, by Paul Barbă Neagră;
Domnişoara Christina (1996), by Viorel Sergovici; Eu Adam (1996), by Dan Piţa; Youth
Without Youth (2007), by Francis Ford Coppola.
Eliade's Iphigenia was again included in theater programs during the late years of the
Nicolae Ceauşescu regime: in January 1982, a new version, directed by Ion Cojar,
premiered at the National Theater Bucharest, starring Mircea Albulescu, Tania Filip and
Adrian Pintea in some of the main roles.[278] Dramatizations based on his work include La
Ţigănci, which has been the basis for two theater adaptations: Cazul Gavrilescu ("The
Gavrilescu Case"), directed by Gelu Colceag and hosted by the Nottara Theater,[328] and an
eponymous play by director Alexandru Hausvater, first staged by the Odeon Theater in
2003 (starring, among others, Adriana Trandafir, Florin Zamfirescu, and Carmen
Tănase).[329] In March 2007, on Eliade's 100th birthday, the Romanian Radio Broadcasting
Company hosted the Mircea Eliade Week, during which radio drama adaptations of several
works were broadcast.[330] In September of that year, director and dramatist Cezarina
Udrescu staged a multimedia performance based on a number of works Mircea Eliade
wrote during his stay in Portugal; titled Apocalipsa după Mircea Eliade ("The Apocalypse
According to Mircea Eliade"), and shown as part of a Romanian Radio cultural campaign, it
starred Ion Caramitru, Oana Pellea and Răzvan Vasilescu.[331] Domnişoara Christina has
been the subject of two operas: the first, carrying the same Romanian title, was authored by
Romanian composer Şerban Nichifor and premiered in 1981 at the Romanian Radio;[332]
the second, titled La señorita Cristina, was written by Spanish composer Luis de Pablo and
premiered in 2000 at the Teatro Real in Madrid.[72]
See also
• Bibliography of Mircea Eliade
References
• Mircea Eliade:
• A History of Religious Ideas, Vol. 1 (trans. Willard R. Trask), University of Chicago
Press, Chicago, 1978
• Images and Symbols: Studies in Religious Symbolism (trans. Philip Mairet), Princeton
University Press, Princeton, 1991
• Myth and Reality (trans. Willard R. Trask), Harper & Row, New York, 1963
• Myths, Dreams and Mysteries (trans. Philip Mairet), Harper & Row, New York, 1967
• Myths, Rites, Symbols: A Mircea Eliade Reader, Vol. 2, Ed. Wendell C. Beane and
William G. Doty, Harper Colophon, New York, 1976
• Patterns in Comparative Religion, Sheed & Ward, New York, 1958
• Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy, Princeton University Press, Princeton,
2004
• The Myth of the Eternal Return: Cosmos and History (trans. Willard R. Trask),
Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1971
• "The Quest for the 'Origins' of Religion", in History of Religions 4.1 (1964), p. 154-169
• The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion (trans. Willard R. Trask), Harper
Torchbooks, New York, 1961
Mircea Eliade 425
• Final Report [333] of the International Commission on the Holocaust in Romania, Polirom,
Iaşi, 2004. ISBN 973-681-989-2; retrieved October 8, 2007
• Sorin Antohi, "Commuting to Castalia: Noica's 'School', Culture and Power in Communist
Romania", preface to Gabriel Liiceanu, The Păltiniş Diary: A Paideic Model in Humanist
Culture, Central European University Press, Budapest, 2000, p.vii-xxiv. ISBN
9639116890
• George Călinescu, Istoria literaturii române de la origini până în prezent ("The History of
Romanian Literature from Its Origins to Present Times"), Editura Minerva, Bucharest,
1986
• John Daniel Dadosky, The Structure of Religious Knowing: Encountering the Sacred in
Eliade and Lonergan, State University of New York Press, Albany, 2004
• Robert Ellwood, The Politics of Myth: A Study of C. G. Jung, Mircea Eliade, and Joseph
Campbell, State University of New York Press, Albany, 1999
• Victor Frunză, Istoria stalinismului în România ("The History of Stalinism in Romania"),
Humanitas, Bucharest, 1990
• Roger Griffin, The Nature of Fascism, Routledge, London, 1993
• () Mircea Handoca, Convorbiri cu şi despre Mircea Eliade ("Conversations with and
about Mircea Eliade") [334] on Autori ("Published Authors") [335] page of the Humanitas
publishing house
• Furio Jesi, Mito, Mondadori, Milan, 1980
• G. S. Kirk,
• Myth: Its Meaning and Functions in Ancient and Other Cultures, University of
California Press, Berkeley, 1973
• The Nature of Greek Myths, Penguin Books, Harmondsworth, 1974
• William McGuire, Bollingen: An Adventure in Collecting the Past, Princeton University
Press, Princeton, 1982. ISBN 0691018855
• Lucian Nastasă, "Suveranii" universităţilor româneşti ("The 'Sovereigns' of Romanian
Universities"), Editura Limes, Cluj-Napoca, 2007 (available online [336] at the Romanian
Academy's George Bariţ Institute of History [337])
• Andrei Oişteanu,
• () "Angajamentul politic al lui Mircea Eliade" ("Mircea Eliade's Political Affiliation")
[338]
, in 22, Nr. 891, March-April 2007; retrieved November 15, 2007; retrieved
January 17, 2008
• () "Mircea Eliade şi mişcarea hippie" ("Mircea Eliade and the Hippie Movement") [339],
in Dilema Veche, Vol. III, May 2006; retrieved November 7, 2007
• Z. Ornea, Anii treizeci. Extrema dreaptă românească ("The 1930s: The Romanian Far
Right"), Editura Fundaţiei Culturale Române, Bucharest, 1995
• Mihail Sebastian, Journal, 1935-1944: The Fascist Years, Ivan R. Dee, Chicago, 2000.
ISBN 1-56663-326-5
Mircea Eliade 426
Further reading
• Alexandrescu, Sorin. 2007. Mircea Eliade, dinspre Portugalia. Bucharest: Humanitas.
ISBN 973-50-1220-0
• Băicuş, Iulian, 2009, Mircea Eliade. Literator şi mitodolog. În căutarea Centrului pierdut.
Bucharest: Editura Universităţii Bucureşti
• Călinescu, Matei. 2002. Despre Ioan P. Culianu şi Mircea Eliade. Amintiri, lecturi,
reflecţii. Iaşi: Polirom. ISBN 973-681-064-X
• Carrasco, David and Law, Jane Marie (eds.). 1985. Waiting for the Dawn. Boulder:
Westview Press.
• Culianu, Ioan Petru. 1978. Mircea Eliade. Assisi: Citadela Editrice
• Dubuisson, Daniel. 2005. Impostures et pseudo-science. L'œvre de Mircea Eliade.
Villeneuve d'Ascq: Presses Universitaires du Septentrion
• Dudley, Guilford. 1977. Religion on Trial: Mircea Eliade & His Critics. Philadelphia:
Temple University Press.
• Idinopulos, Thomas A., Yonan, Edward A. (eds.) 1994. Religion and Reductionism: Essays
on Eliade, Segal, and the Challenge of the Social Sciences for the Study of Religion,
Leiden: Brill Publishers. ISBN 9004067884
• Laignel-Lavastine, Alexandra. 2002. Cioran, Eliade, Ionesco - L'oubli du fascisme. Paris:
Presses Universitaires de France-Perspectives critiques.
• McCutcheon, Russell T. 1997. Manufacturing Religion: The Discourse on Sui Generis
Religion and the Politics of Nostalgia. New York: Oxford University Press.
• Oişteanu, Andrei. 2007. Religie, politică şi mit. Texte despre Mircea Eliade şi Ioan Petru
Culianu. Iaşi: Polirom.
• Olson, Carl. 1992. The Theology and Philosophy of Eliade: A Search for the Centre. New
York: St Martins Press.
• Pals, Daniel L. 1996. Seven Theories of Religion. USA: Oxford University Press. ISBN
0-19-508725-9
• Posada, Mihai. 2006. Opera publicistică a lui Mircea Eliade. Bucharest: Editura Criterion.
ISBN 978-973-8982-14-7
• Rennie, Bryan S. 1996. Reconstructing Eliade: Making Sense of Religion. Albany: State
University of New York Press.
• Rennie, Bryan S. (ed.). 2001. Changing Religious Worlds: The Meaning and End of
Mircea Eliade. Albany: State University of New York Press.
• Rennie, Bryan S. 2007. The International Eliade. Albany: State University of New York
Press. ISBN 0791470873
• Simion, Eugen. 2001. Mircea Eliade: A Spirit of Amplitude. Boulder: East European
Monographs.
• Strenski, Ivan. 1987. Four Theories of Myth in Twentieth-Century History: Cassirer,
Eliade, Levi Strauss and Malinowski. Iowa City: University of Iowa Press.
• Tolcea, Marcel. 2002. Eliade, ezotericul. Timişoara: Editura Mirton.
• Ţurcanu, Florin. 2003. Mircea Eliade. Le prisonnier de l'histoire. Paris: Editions La
Découverte.
• Wasserstrom, Steven M. 1999. Religion after Religion: Gershom Scholem, Mircea Eliade,
and Henry Corbin at Eranos. Princeton: Princeton University Press
Mircea Eliade 427
External links
• Biography of Mircea Eliade [340]
• Books and Writers: Mircea Eliade [341]
• Mircea Eliade International Literary Society [342]
• Mircea Eliade, From Primitives to Zen [343]
• List of Terms Used in Mircea Eliade's The Sacred and The Profane [344]
• Bryan S. Rennie on Mircea Eliade [345]
[346]
• Joseph G. Muthuraj, The Significance of Mircea Eliade for Christian Theology
[347]
• () Mircea Eliade presentation on the "100 Greatest Romanians" site
[348]
• () Archaeus magazine
• Claudia Guggenbühl, Mircea Eliade and Surendranath Dasgupta. The History Of Their
Encounter [349]
References
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[2] Biografie, in Handoca
[3] () Silviu Mihai, "A doua viaţă a lui Mircea Eliade" ("Mircea Eliade's Second Life") (http:/ / www. cotidianul. ro/
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[10] Eliade, Autobiography, in Ellwood, p.98-99
[11] Ellwood, p.5
[12] Steinhardt, in Handoca
[13] () Veronica Marinescu, " 'Am luat din întâmplarile vieţii tot ce este mai frumos', spune cercetatorul operei
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[15] Constantin Roman, Continental Drift: Colliding Continents, Converging Cultures, CRC Press, Institute of
Physics Publishing, Bristol and Philadelphia, 2000, p.60 ISBN 0750306866
[16] Călinescu, p.954, 955; Nastasă, p.76
[17] Nastasă, p.237
[18] McGuire, p.150; Nastasă, p.237
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[22] Biografie, in Handoca; Nastasă, p.237
Mircea Eliade 428
[23] () Albert Ribas, "Mircea Eliade, historiador de las religiones" ("Mircea Eliade, Historian of Religions") (http:/
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[34] Eliade, 1934, in Ornea, p.408-409
[35] Eliade, 1936, in Ornea, p.410
[37] Ornea, Chapter IV
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[49] Ornea, p.445-455
[50] Nastasă, p.525-526
[51] Nastasă, p.86; Ornea, p.452-453; Şora, in Handoca
[52] Ornea, p.453
[53] Ornea, p.453
[56] Ornea, p.202-206
[57] () Ovidiu Şimonca, "Mircea Eliade şi 'căderea în lume'" ("Mircea Eliade and 'the Descent into the World'")
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[59] Ornea, p.207
[60] Ornea, p.207
[61] Ornea, p.208-209
[62] Ornea, p.209
[63] Ornea, p.209
[64] Ornea, p.209
[65] Biografie, in Handoca; Nastasă, p.442
[66] () Cătălin Avramescu, "Citim una, înţelegem alta" ("We Read One Thing and Understand Another") (http:/ /
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[70] Eliade, in Handoca
[71] Nastasă, p.442-443
[72] () Joaquín Garrigós, "Pasiunea lui Mircea Eliade pentru Spania" ("Mircea Eliade's Passion for Spain") (http:/ /
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[77] McGuire, p.150
[78] McGuire, p.150-151
[79] McGuire, p.151
[80] McGuire, p.151
[81] Conference on Hermeneutics in History: Mircea Eliade, Joachim Wach, and the Science of Religions (http:/ /
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[82] McGuire, p.151-152
[83] Oişteanu, "Mircea Eliade şi mişcarea hippie"
[84] România Liberă, passim September-October 1944, in Frunză, p.251
[85] Vladimir Tismăneanu, Stalinism pentru eternitate (Romanian translation of Stalinism for All Seasons),
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[86] () Alexandru Popescu, "Scriitorii şi spionajul" ("Writers and Spying") (http:/ / www. zf. ro/ articol_109162/
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[87] Frunză, p.448-449
[88] Eliade, 1970, in Paul Cernat, "Îmblânzitorul României Socialiste. De la Bîrca la Chicago şi înapoi" ("The
Tamer of Socialist Romania. From Bîrca to Chicago and Back"), part of Paul Cernat, Ion Manolescu, Angelo
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[90] Doniger's foreword to Eliade's Shamanism (Princeton University Press edition, 1972, p.xii)
[91] Dumézil, "Introducere", in Eliade, Tratat de istorie a religiilor: Introducere ("Religious History Treatise" -
Patterns in Comparative Religion), Humanitas, Bucharest, 1992
[92] Ellwood, p.99
[93] Ellwood, p.104
[94] Ellwood, p.104
[95] Eliade, Patterns in Comparative Religion, p.1
[96] Eliade, The Myth of the Eternal Return, p.5
[97] Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, p.20-22; Shamanism, p. xiii
[98] Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, p.22
[101] Eliade, Myths, Dreams and Mysteries, p.23
[102] Eliade, Myth and Reality, p.6
Mircea Eliade 430

[108] Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, p.68-69
[110] Eliade, Myth and Reality, p.47-49
[111] Eliade, The Myth of the Eternal Return, Chapter 4; Myths, Dreams and Mysteries, p.231-245
[112] In Patterns in Comparative Religion (p.419), Eliade gives a section about the coincidentia oppositorum the
title "Coincidentia Oppositorum—THE MYTHICAL PATTERN". Beane and Doty chose to retain this title when
excerpting this section in Myths, Rites, Symbols (p. 449).
[113] Eliade, Myths, Rites, Symbols, p. 449
[118] Eliade, Myth and Reality, p. 64-65, 169
[120] Eliade, A History of Religious Ideas, vol. 1, p. 302
[121] Eliade, A History of Religious Ideas, vol. 1, p. 356
[123] Eliade, Myths, Rites, Symbols, Volume 2, p.312-14
[125] Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, p. 21
[128] Eliade, Shamanism, p.259-260
[129] Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, p.32-36
[130] Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, p.40, 42
[131] Eliade, Images and Symbols, p.44
[136] Eliade, Images and Symbols, pp. 39-40; Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, p.30
[137] Eliade, "The Quest for the 'Origins' of Religion", p.157, 161
[138] Eliade, Myth and Reality, p.93; Patterns in Comparative Religion, p.38-40, 54-58
[139] Eliade, "The Quest for the 'Origins' of Religion", p.161
[140] Eliade, Patterns in Comparative Religion, p.38, 54; Myths, Dreams and Mysteries, p.176
[141] Eliade, Patterns in Comparative Religion, p.38
[142] Eliade, "The Quest for the 'Origins' of Religion", p.162; see also Eliade, Patterns in Comparative Religion,
p.54-58
[143] Eliade, Myths, Dreams and Mysteries, p. 176
[144] Myths, Dreams and Mysteries, p. 176-77
[145] Eliade, Patterns in Comparative Religion, p.54-55
[147] See Eliade, Patterns in Comparative Religion, p.54-56
[148] Eliade, Myths, Dreams and Mysteries, p.134-36; The Myth of the Eternal Return, p.97
[149] Eliade, Myth and Reality, p.93-94
[152] Shamanism, p. 3-4
[153] Eliade, Shamanism, p.4
[155] Eliade, Shamanism, p.6, 8-9
[157] See, for example, Myths, Dreams and Mysteries, pp.82-83
Mircea Eliade 431

[168] Eliade, in Călinescu, p.954
[169] Ionescu, in Călinescu, p.953, 954
[170] Ellwood, p.110-11
[171] For example, according to Wendy Doniger (Doniger, "Foreword to the 2004 Edition", Eliade, Shamanism,
p.xv), Eliade has been accused "of being a crypto-theologian"; however, Doniger argues that Eliade is better
characterized as "an open hierogian". Likewise, Robert Ellwood (Ellwood, p.111) denies that Eliade practiced
"covert theology".
[172] Douglas Allen, Myth and Religion in Mircea Eliade, Routledge, London, 2002, p.45-46; Adrian Marino,
L'Herméneutique de Mircea Eliade, Éditions Gallimard, Paris, 1981, p.60
[174] Eliade, Images and Symbols, p. 32
[177] Eliade, Images and Symbols, p.16-17
[182] Eliade, in Dadosky, p.105
[183] Dadosky, p.105
[184] Dadosky, p.106
[185] Segal, in Dadosky, p.105-106
[187] The Sacred and the Profane, p.202
[190] Eliade, Myth and Reality, p.12; see also Eliade, Myth and Reality, p.20, 145.
[194] Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, p.205; Myth and Reality, p.191
[195] Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, p.205; see also Eliade, Myth and Reality, p.192
[198] Eliade, Myths, Dreams, and Mysteries 1960, p.25-26, in Ellwood, p.91-92
[199] Eliade, Myths, Dreams, and Mysteries 1960, p.25-26, in Ellwood, p.92
[200] Eliade, Myth and Reality, p. 192
[204] Eliade, Myths, Dreams, and Mysteries, p.240-241
[205] Eliade, Myths, Dreams, and Mysteries, p. 241
[206] Eliade, Myths, Dreams, and Mysteries, p. 241
[207] Eliade, Myths, Dreams, and Mysteries, p.242
[211] Eliade, Myths, Dreams, and Mysteries, p.243-244
Mircea Eliade 432
[214] Eliade, Myth and Reality, p. 65

[217] Jesi, p.66-67
[218] Jesi, p.66-67
[219] Jesi, p.66-70
[221] Ellwood, p.6
[222] Ellwood, p.9
[223] Ellwood, p.15
[224] Ellwood, p.2
[225] Ellwood, p.19
[226] Ellwood, p.19
[227] Ellwood, p.1
[228] Ellwood, p.99, 117
[229] Eliade, quoted by Virgil Ierunca, The Literary Work of Mircea Eliade, in Ellwood, p.117
[230] Ellwood, p.101
[231] Ellwood, p.97
[234] Douglas Allen, "Eliade and History", in Journal of Religion, 52:2 (1988), p.545
[235] Kirk, Myth..., footnote, p.255
[236] Kirk, Myth..., footnote, p.255
[237] Kirk, The Nature of Greek Myths, p.64-66
[238] Kirk, The Nature of Greek Myths, p.66
[239] Wendy Doniger, "Foreword to the 2004 Edition", Eliade, Shamanism, p. xii
[240] Wendy Doniger, "Foreword to the 2004 Edition", Eliade, Shamanism, p. xiii
[241] Mac Linscott Ricketts, "Review of Religion on Trial: Mircea Eliade and His Critics by Guilford Dudley III", in
Journal of the American Academy of Religion, Vol. 46, No. 3 (September 1978), p.400-402
[242] Gregory D. Alles, "Review of Changing Religious Worlds: The Meaning and End of Mircea Eliade by Brian
Rennie", in Journal of the American Academy of Religion, Vol. 71, p.466-469 (Alles' italics)
[243] Alice Kehoe, Shamans and Religion: An Anthropological Exploration in Critical Thinking, Waveland Press,
London, 2000, passim. ISBN 1-57766-162-1
[244] Kees W. Bolle, The Freedom of Man in Myth, Vanderbilt University Press, Nashville, 1968, p.14. ISBN
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[245] Inden, in Morny Joy, "Irigaray's Eastern Expedition", Chapter 4 of Morny Joy, Kathleen O'Grady, Judith L.
Poxon, Religion in French Feminist Thought: Critical Perspectives, Routledge, London, 2003, p.63. ISBN
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[246] Griffin, passim
[247] Eliade, Fragments d'un Journal 11, 1970-1978, Éditions Gallimard, Paris, 1981, p.194
[248] Griffin, p.173; Douglas R. Holmes, Integral Europe: Fast-Capitalism, Multiculturalism, Neofascism,
Princeton University Press, Princeton, 2000, p.78
[249] Lucian Boia, Istorie şi mit în conştiinţa românească, Humanitas, Bucharest, 1997 (tr. History and Myth in
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[250] Eliade, "Zalmoxis, The Vanishing God", in Slavic Review, Vol. 33, No. 4 (December 1974), p.807-809
[251] Antohi, preface to Liiceanu, p.xx
[252] Ellwood, p.xiii-xiv
[253] Ellwood, p.13
[254] Ellwood, p.99
[258] Ellwood, p.119-20
[262] Ellwood, p.x
Mircea Eliade 433

[269] () Carmen Muşat, "Despre fantastica alcătuire a realului" ("On the Fantastic Shape of Reality") (http:/ /
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[272] Călinescu, p.957-958
[273] Eliade, in Ellwood, p.101
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[280] Ornea, p.408-409, 412
[281] Sebastian, passim
[282] Sebastian, p. 238
[283] It was popular prejudice in the late 1930s to claim that Ukrainian Jews in the Soviet Union had obtained
Romanian citizenship illegally after crossing the border into Maramureş and Bukovina. In 1938, this accusation
served as an excuse for the Octavian Goga-A. C. Cuza government to suspend and review all Jewish citizenship
guaranteed after 1923, rendering it very difficult to regain (Ornea, p.391). Eliade's mention of Bessarabia
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[284] Eliade, 1936, in Ornea, p.412-413; partially in the Final Report, p.49
[285] Eliade, 1937, in Ornea, p.413; in the Final Report, p.49
[286] Ornea, p.206; Ornea is skeptical of these explanations, given the long period of time spent before Eliade
gave them, and especially the fact that the article itself, despite the haste in which it must have been written,
has remarkably detailed references to many articles written by Eliade in various papers over a period of time.
[287] Ionesco, 1945, in Ornea, p.184
[288] Ornea, p.184-185
[289] Ionesco, 1946, in Ornea, p.211
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[292] Ornea, p.210
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[294] Ellwood, p.83
[295] Eliade, Ordeal by Labyrinth, in Ellwood, p.115
[296] Oişteanu, "Angajamentul..."
[297] Sorin Antohi, "Exploring the Legacy of Ioan Petru Culianu" (http:/ / www. iwm. at/ index.
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[299] Eliade, in Ellwood, p.91; in Oişteanu, "Angajamentul..."
Mircea Eliade 434
[300] Leon Volovici, Nationalist Ideology and Antisemitism: The Case of Romanian Intellectuals in the 1930s,
Pergamon Press, Oxford, 1991, p.104–105, 110–111, 120–126, 134
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[302] Ellwood, p.100-101
[303] Ellwood, p.86
[304] Ellwood, p.xiv
[305] Ellwood, p.83
[306] Ellwood, p.91
[310] Eliade, The Forbidden Forest, in Ellwood, p.101
[312] Ornea, p.202, 208-211, 239-240
[313] Ornea, p.202, 209
[314] Antohi, preface to Liiceanu, p.xxiii
[315] Eliade, in Ornea, p.210
[316] Ornea, p.210
[318] Eliade, in Oişteanu, "Mircea Eliade şi mişcarea hippie"
[320] The Sixth EASR and IAHR Special Conference (http:/ / rahr. ro/ RAHR/ Conference2006/ index. htm);
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[321] Irina Livezeanu, Cultural Politics in Greater Romania: Regionalism, Nation Building and Ethnic Struggle,
1918-1930, Cornell University Press, New York City, 1995, p.x. ISBN 0801486882
[323] () "Biografia lui Mircea Eliade la o editură germană radicală de dreapta" ("Mircea Eliade's Biography at a
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[326] () Mircea Iorgulescu, "Portretul artistului ca delincvent politic" ("The Portrait of the Artist as a Political
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articol_19388-A-incetat-din-viata-laureatul-Premiului-Nobel-Saul-Bellow. htm), BBC Romania, April 7, 2005
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Couple - Gelu and Roxana Colceag") (http:/ / agenda. liternet. ro/ articol/ 5148/ Irina-Margareta-Nistor/
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[330] () "Săptămâna Mircea Eliade la Radio România" ("The Mircea Eliade Week on Radio Romania") (http:/ /
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[333] http:/ / www. inshr-ew. ro/ pdf/ Final_Report. pdf
[334] http:/ / autori. humanitas. ro/ eliade/ despre. php
[335] http:/ / autori. humanitas. ro
Mircea Eliade 435
[336] http:/ / www. history-cluj. ro/ Istorie/ cercet/ Nastasa/ SuveraniiUniversitatilorI. pdf
[337] http:/ / www. history-cluj. ro/
[338] http:/ / www. revista22. ro/ html/ index. php?art=3610& nr=2007-04-06
[339] http:/ / www. dilemaveche. ro/ index. php?nr=120& cmd=articol& id=615
[340] http:/ / www. westminster. edu/ staff/ brennie/ eliade/ mebio. htm
[341] http:/ / www. kirjasto. sci. fi/ eliade. htm
[342] http:/ / www. geocities. com/ mircea_eliade/ meils. htm
[343] http:/ / www. mircea-eliade. com/ from-primitives-to-zen/ index. html
[344] http:/ / www. friesian. com/ vocab. htm
[345] http:/ / www. scils. rutgers. edu/ ~mjoseph/ rennie. html
[346] http:/ / www. religion-online. org/ showarticle. asp?title=1901
[347] http:/ / www. mariromani. ro/ personaj. php?id=147
[348] http:/ / www. rahr. ro/
[349] http:/ / archiv. ub. uni-heidelberg. de/ savifadok/ volltexte/ 2008/ 149/ pdf/
Guggenbuehl_Eliade_DasGupta_Gesamt2. pdf
Vandana Shiva 436
Vandana Shiva
Vandana Shiva
Born November 5, 1952

Dehradun, Uttarakhand, India
Occupation physicist, environmentalist
Vandana Shiva (Hindi: वन्दना शिवा; b. November 5, 1952, Dehra Dun, Uttarakhand, India), is a
physicist, environmental activist, eco feminist and author of several books.[1] Shiva,
currently based in Delhi, is author of over 300 papers in leading scientific and technical
journals.
Shiva participated in the nonviolent Chipko movement during the 1970s. The movement,
whose main participants were women, adopted the tactic of hugging trees to prevent their
felling. She is one of the leaders of the International Forum on Globalization, (along with →
Jerry Mander, Edward Goldsmith, Ralph Nader, Jeremy Rifkin, et al.), and a figure of the
global solidarity movement known as the alter-globalization movement. She has argued for
the wisdom of many traditional practices, as is evident from her interview in the book Vedic
Ecology (by Ranchor Prime) that draws upon India's Vedic heritage.
Early life and education

Shiva was born in the valley of Dehradun, to a father
who was the conservator of forests and a farmer mother
with a love for nature. She was educated at St Mary's
School in Nainital, and at the Convent of Jesus and
Mary, Dehradun.[2] Shiva was trained as a gymnast and
received her Ph.D. in physics at the University of
Western Ontario in 1978. Her thesis was titled "Hidden
Variables and Non-locality in Quantum Theory".[3] She
later went on to interdisciplinary research in science,
technology and environmental policy, at the Indian
Institute of Science and the Indian Institute of
Management in Bangalore. Vandana Shiva 2007 in Cologne,
Germany
Vandana Shiva 437
Career
Shiva has fought for changes in the practice and paradigms of agriculture and food.
Intellectual property rights, biodiversity, biotechnology, bioethics, genetic engineering are
among the fields where Shiva has contributed intellectually and through activist campaigns.
She has assisted grassroots organizations of the Green movement in Africa, Asia, Latin
America, Ireland, Switzerland and Austria with campaigns against genetic engineering. In
1982, she founded the Research Foundation for Science, Technology and Ecology, which
led to the creation of Navdanya. Her book, "Staying Alive" helped redefine perceptions of
third world women. Shiva has also served as an adviser to governments in India and abroad
as well as non governmental organisations, including the International Forum on
Globalisation, the Women's Environment & Development Organization and the Third World
Network.
Vandana Shiva participated in the Stock Exchange of Visions project in 2007.
Film
Shiva is interviewed in the international documentary *One Water (documentary), directed
by Sanjeev Chatterjee and Ali Habashi. (http:/ / www. onewaterthemovie. org/ ). "One
Water," an award-winning documentary [4] about the world’s changing relationship to
water, was filmed in 15 countries and produced at the University of Miami as a
collaboration among the School of Communication [5], College of Engineering and the Frost
School of Music.
Shiva stars in the feature documentary Blue Gold: World Water Wars by Sam Bozzo.
Shiva is featured in Irena Salina's documentary Flow: For Love of Water that was in
competition at the 2008 Sundance Film Festival.
Shiva is featured in the documentary Dirt! The Movie that was in competition at the 2009
Sundance Film Festival.
She is featured in the documentary The Corporation protesting against large corporations
as a seed activist, and she is also featured in the documentary "Fed up!:Genetic
Engineering, Industrial Agriculture and Sustainable Alternatives."
Recently, she has been featured in the documentary The World According to Monsanto, a
film made by a French independent journalist Marie-Monique Robin.
Shiva is also featured in the feature documentary film about the Dalai Lama, entitled Dalai
Lama Renaissance.[6]
Shiva is featured on the PBS NOW documentary entitled On Thin Ice.[7]
Recognition
In 1993, Shiva received the Right Livelihood Award (also known as the Alternative Nobel
Prize) "...For placing women and ecology at the heart of modern development discourse."[8]
Other awards she has received include the Global 500 Award of the United Nations
Environment Programme (UNEP) in 1993,[9] and the Earth Day International Award of the
United Nations (UN) for her dedicated commitment to the preservation of the planet as
demonstrated by her actions, leadership and by setting an example for the rest of the
world.
Additional awards include:
Vandana Shiva 438
• 1993: Order of the Golden Ark, by his Royal Highness

Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands for outstanding
services to conservation and ecology;VIDA SANA
International Award, Spain, for her contribution to
Ecology and Food Security
• 1995: "Pride of the Doon" Award from Doon Citizen
Council, Dehra Dun, India, in recognition of
distinguished contributions to the region
Vandana Shiva in Johannesburg, 2002
• 1997: The Golden Plant Award (International Award
of Ecology), Denmark, for the remarkable
contribution for Ecology and Environment; Alfonso Comin Award, Barcelona, Spain, for
important contribution both scientifically and personally to the ecologist and feminist
movement in India
• 1998: Commemorative Medal by Her Royal Highness Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn of
Thailand on the occasion of the Celebration of the 18th World Food Day, organised by
FAO Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific, Bangkok; Medal of the Presidency of the
Italian Republic from the International Scientific Committee of the Pio Manzu Centre at
Rimini, Italy during the XXIV Pio Manzu International Conference on "The Horizons of
Hermes"
• 2000: Pellegrino Artusi Award, Italy for original contribution to reflections on relations
between humans and food
• 2001: HORIZON 3000 Award of Austria in recognition to rendering useful service for
defending Human Rights and Preservation of Peace and for the vision of a world wide fair
development in the third millennium
Ecofeminism
Vandana Shiva plays a major role in the global Ecofeminist movement. According to her
article Empowering Women, Shiva suggests that a more sustainable and productive
approach to agriculture can be achieved through reinstating a system of farming in India
that is more centered around engaging women. She advocates against the prevalent
"patriarchal logic of exclusion," claiming that a woman-focused system would change the
current system in an extremely positive manner.[10]
"Agriculture systems, which are women centered and earth centered, are also more
productive. 300 units of inputs produce 100 units of output in industrial agriculture, while
ecological systems in which women participate use only 5 units of input to produce 100
units of output."[11]
In this way, Indian and global food security, can only benefit from a focus on empowering
women through integrating them into the agricultural system.[12]
Vandana Shiva 439
Publications
• 1981, Social Economic and Ecological Impact of Social Forestry in Kolar, Vandana Shiva,
H.C. Sharatchandra, J. Banyopadhyay, Indian Institute of Management Bangalore
• 1988, Staying Alive: Women, Ecology and Survival in India, Zed Press, New Delhi, ISBN
0-86232-823-3
• 1991, Ecology and the Politics of Survival: Conflicts Over Natural Resources in India,
Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks, California, ISBN 0-8039-9672-1
• 1992, The Violence of the Green Revolution: Ecological degradation and political conflict
in Punjab, Zed Press, New Delhi
• 1992, Biodiversity: Social and Ecological Perspectives (editor); Zed Press, United
Kingdom
• 1993, Women, Ecology and Health: Rebuilding Connections [13] (editor), Dag
Hammarskjöld Foundation and Kali for Women, New Delhi
• 1993, Monocultures of the Mind: Biodiversity, Biotechnology and Agriculture, Zed Press,
New Delhi
• 1993, Ecofeminism, Maria Mies and Vandana Shiva, Fernwood Publications, Halifax,
Nova Scotia, Canada, ISBN 1-895686-28-8
• 1994, Close to Home: Women Reconnect Ecology, Health and Development Worldwide,
Earthscan, London, ISBN 0-86571-264-6
• 1995, Biopolitics (with Ingunn Moser), Zed Books, United Kingdom
• 1997, Biopiracy: the Plunder of Nature and Knowledge, South End Press, Cambridge
Massachusetts, I ISBN 1-896357-11-3
• 1999, Stolen Harvest: The Hijacking of the Global Food Supply, South End Press,
Cambridge Massachusetts, ISBN 0-89608-608-9
• 2000, Tomorrow's Biodiversity, Thames and Hudson, London, ISBN 0-500-28239-0
• 2001, Patents, Myths and Reality, Penguin India
• 2002, Water Wars; Privatization, Pollution, and Profit, South End Press, Cambridge
Massachusetts
• 2005, Globalization's New Wars: Seed, Water and Life Forms Women Unlimited, New
Delhi, ISBN 81-88965-17-0
• 2005, Breakfast of Biodiversity: the Political Ecology of Rain Forest Destruction, ISBN
0-935028-96-X
• 2005, Earth Democracy; Justice, Sustainability, and Peace, South End Press, ISBN
0-89608-745-X
• 2007, Manifestos on the Future of Food and Seed, editor, South End Press ISBN
978-0-89608-777-4
Vandana Shiva 440
See also
• Biopiracy
• Green revolution
External links
• http:/ / www. vandanashiva. org Vandana Shiva's US website
• Video of Vandana Shiva with the Dalai Lama [14] from the documentary "Dalai Lama
Renaissance"
• Video: "Creating Food Democracy" [15] - 2006 Lecture at Emory University's Center for
Ethics
• On Air chicago public radio -rebroadcast on 3-2-08 [16]
• Vandana Shiva's South End Press HomePage [17]
• Navdanya - Research Foundation for Science, Technology and Ecology (RFSTE) founded
by Dr. Shiva [18]
• Stock Exchange Of Visions: Visions of Vandana Shiva [19]
• Interview with Vandana Shiva by Paolo Scopacasa [20], EcoWorld, March 2004
[21]
• Vandana Shiva biography , Right Livelihood Award homepage
[22]
• In the Footsteps of Gandhi - An Interview with Vandana Shiva by Scott London (From
the Radio Series 'Insight & Outlook').
• Vandana Shiva page [23], Third World Traveler.
• Vandana Shiva on McDonald's, Exploitation and the Global Economy [24], One-Off
Productions, 1997.
• Whose Freedom? Which Freedom? [25], Working TV, June 15, 1998.
• Vandana Shiva. Corporate Terrorism [26], Resurgence Magazine, January 2002.
• Vandana Shiva. Privatizing water will lead to war [27], Resurgence Magazine, July 2003.
• Amy Goodman. An Hour With Vandana Shiva [28], Democracy Now, November 27, 2003.
• Vandana Shiva. Gift of Food [29], Resurgence Magazine, January 2005.
• Vandana Shiva. Celebrating Food Economies [30], Resurgence Magazine, March 2005.
• Shiva on Coca-Cola's involvement in water depletion and contamination in India [31],
NOW with Bill Moyers. September 5, 2003.
• Video of Shiva's lecture at Michigan State University [32], Internet Archive, April 7, 2005.
• Vandana Shiva. Two Myths That Keep The World Poor [33], Ode Magazine, October 2005.
(accessed 2007 Oct 19)
• Feature on Vandana Shiva's work on seed saving [34] by the International Museum of
Women.
• VIDEO: The Future of Food and Seed [35], keynote talk by Vandana Shiva at the
Organicology Conference in Portland, Oregon, February 28, 2009.
Vandana Shiva 441
References
[1] Who's Who of Women and the Environment - Vandana Shiva (http:/ / www. unep. org/ women_env/ w_details.
asp?w_id=107) United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP).
[2] " Seeds of Self-Reliance (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ 2002/ greencentury/ heroes/ index_shiva. html)". .
Retrieved on March 2 2007.
[3] Theses Canada record (http:/ / amicus. collectionscanada. ca/ s4-bin/ Main/ ItemDisplay?l=0& l_ef_l=-1&
id=128534. 1506233& v=1& lvl=1& coll=18& rt=1& itm=3151438& rsn=S_WWWzaaa3SWAn& all=1&
dt=NW+ |shiva|& spi=-& rp=1& vo=1)
[4] http:/ / knight. miami. edu/ index. php/ site/ story/ one_water_wins_another_top_international_award/
[5] http:/ / com. miami. edu
[6] http:/ / www. dalailamafilm. com
[7] http:/ / www. pbs. org/ now/ shows/ 516/ index. html
[8] http:/ / www. rightlivelihood. se/ recip1993_3. html
[9] http:/ / www. global500. org/ ViewLaureate. asp?ID=191
[10] Vandana Shiva: Empowering Women (http:/ / www. bbc. co. uk/ worldservice/ trust/ 2015/ story/ 2004/ 06/
040609_vandana_shiva. shtml) by BBC News
[13] http:/ / www. dhf. uu. se/ FMPro?-db=pub1. fp5& -format=%2fpublications%2fdd%2fapubdddetail. html&
-lay=weblayout& -sortfield=pubyear& -sortorder=descend& -sortfield=pubissuewithoutcolon&
-sortorder=descend& pubtype=development& -max=2147483647& -recid=3& -find=
[14] http:/ / dalailamafilm. com/ cast-vandana-shiva/
vandana-shiva-biography-physicist-environmental-activist-alter-globalization-movement. html
[15] http:/ / realaudio. service. emory. edu/ ramgen/ ETHICS/ food_democracy. rm
[16] http:/ / www. alternativeradio. org/ programs/ SHIV011. shtml
[17] http:/ / southendpress. org/ authors/ 17
[18] http:/ / www. navdanya. org/
[19] http:/ / www. stockexchangeofvisions. org/ speaker. php?id=31
[20] http:/ / www. ecoworld. com/ Home/ Articles2. cfm?TID=346
[21] http:/ / www. rightlivelihood. org/ recip/ v-shiva. htm
[22] http:/ / www. scottlondon. com/ interviews/ shiva. html
[23] http:/ / www. thirdworldtraveler. com/ Vandana_Shiva/ Vandana_Shiva_page. html
[24] http:/ / www. mcspotlight. org/ people/ interviews/ vandana_transcript. html
[25] http:/ / www. workingtv. com/ vandana. html
[26] http:/ / www. resurgence. org/ resurgence/ issues/ shiva210. htm
[27] http:/ / www. resurgence. org/ resurgence/ issues/ shiva219. htm
[28] http:/ / www. democracynow. org/ article. pl?sid=03/ 11/ 28/ 0228247
[29] http:/ / www. resurgence. org/ 2005/ shiva228. htm
[30] http:/ / www. resurgence. org/ 2005/ shiva229. htm
[31] http:/ / www. pbs. org/ now/ transcript/ transcript_shiva. html
[32] http:/ / www. archive. org/ details/ vandana-shiva-msu-04072005-mm
[33] http:/ / www. odemagazine. com/ doc/ 28/ two_myths_that_keep_the_world_poor
[34] http:/ / www. imow. org/ wpp/ stories/ viewStory?storyId=1236
[35] http:/ / www. pdxjustice. org/ node/ 48
Daniel Quinn 442
Daniel Quinn
Disambiguation: For the fictional character see Daniel Quinn (City of Glass).
Daniel Quinn
Born 1935 (age 73–74)

Omaha, Nebraska, USA1
Occupation Writer
[1]
Official website
Daniel Quinn (born 1935 in Omaha, Nebraska) is an American writer described as

environmentalist1. He is best known for his book Ishmael (1992), which won the Turner
Tomorrow Fellowship Award in 1991.
Quinn himself does not identify as an "environmentalist," arguing instead as his central
thesis (and throughout his works) that humans are not separate from but part of the
so-called "environment" (which, like "nature," is typically conceived of as being out there
somewhere, and somehow distinct from us).
Biography
Daniel Quinn studied at Saint Louis University, University of Vienna, Austria, and Loyola
University, receiving a bachelor's degree in English, cum laude, in 1957.
In 1975, he abandoned his career as a publisher to become a freelance writer. Quinn is best
known for his book Ishmael (1992), which won the Turner Tomorrow Fellowship Award in
1991. This fellowship was established to encourage authors to seek "creative and positive
solutions to global problems". Ishmael is the first of a trilogy including The Story of B, and
My Ishmael. The 1999 film Instinct started from parts of this story.
Ishmael and its sequels brought ever-increasing fame to Quinn throughout the 1990s, and
he became a very well-known author to certain segments of the environmental movement,
the → simplicity movement, the anarchist movement and → Anarcho-primitivism
movements. Quinn has traveled widely to lecture and discuss his books.
Daniel Quinn offers readers a way out of the dilemma between inattention and blame. It is
tough to hold the attention on global problems and still imagine solutions and reasons for
hope. Some blame humanity in general, and claim "human nature" necessarily leads to
species loss and habitat degradation. In the writings of Daniel Quinn, one can find a
perspective that is pro-sustainability and pro-human, a refreshing antidote to views of
humans as inherently toxic to the world.
Daniel Quinn 443
While response to Ishmael was mostly very positive, Quinn inspired a great deal of
controversy with his claim (most explicitly discussed in the appendix section of The Story of
B) that since population growth is a function of food supply, sustained food aid to
impoverished nations merely puts off and dramatically worsens a massive
population-environment crisis. This crisis is born of a disconnect between local humans and
the local habitat with its food. Quinn points out that ending this disconnect is a proven way
to avoid famines.
Some say his argument is a modified version of → Thomas Malthus, although Quinn states
the problem is not a food shortage, pointing out an excess of food, which does not go to
feeding those who are starving. He suggests that current population growth is
unsustainable both for human beings and other species, and that apparently benevolent
policies now will wreak havoc when considered from a longer-term view. As evidence of
this, he points to the extinction of 200 species a day currently being caused by human
beings. Quinn has also suggested that the low fertility rates of developed nations are
irrelevant as counter-evidence to his thesis, because the food production of developed
nations is what is driving population growth in the Third World.
Quinn repeatedly states in his books that he speaks to a population as a whole, and not
some artificial subsection (say, Germany). His argument is simple: more food, more
humans. Not necessarily more humans in Nebraska, for example, but wherever the extra
food from Nebraska is going. His argument rests on the physical fact that more food eaten
directly translates to more human mass. He specifically states that starvation in problem
areas is not necessary, provided the humans are allowed to move to areas that can sustain
them. He objects to nonemergency food aid that simply keeps an already unsustainable
population growing in place, a place that will never feed that many.
In 1998 Quinn collaborated with environmental biologist Alan D. Thornhill, PhD, in
producing Food Production and Population Growth, a 2 hour 40 minute video (later DVD)
elaborating in depth the ideas presented in his books.
Quinn's book Tales of Adam was released in 2005 after a long bankruptcy scuffle with its
initially scheduled publisher. It is designed to be a look through the animist's eyes in seven
short tales.
Related authors include Jean Liedloff, → Derrick Jensen, → John Zerzan, Jack Forbes,
Edward Goldsmith, and → Fredy Perlman.
Quinn currently lives in Houston, Texas with his wife Rennie.
Bibliography
• (1988) Dreamer
• (1992) Ishmael
• (1996) The Story of B
• (1996) Providence: The Story of a 50 Year Vision Quest (autobiography)
• (1997) My Ishmael
• (1997) A Newcomer's Guide to the Afterlife (with Tom Whalen)
• (1999) An Animist Testament (audio cassette of Quinn reading The Tales of Adam and
The Book of the Damned)
• (2000) Beyond Civilization
• (2001) The Man Who Grew Young (graphic novel)
• (2001) After Dachau
Daniel Quinn 444
• (2002) The Holy

• (2005) Tales of Adam
• (2006) Work, Work, Work
• (2007) If They Give You Lined Paper, Write Sideways
Key concepts
• New tribalists
• Food Race
• → Overpopulation
• Law of Limited Competition
External links
• Ishmael.org [1] - The Ishmael community, Daniel Quinn's official website
• The Friends of Ishmael Society [2]
• Read Ishmael [3] - a website devoted to encouraging people to read Ishmael
• Ishthink.org [4] - thinking about Ishmael
References
[1] http:/ / www. ishmael. org
[2] http:/ / www. friendsofishmael. org
[3] http:/ / www. readishmael. com
[4] http:/ / ishthink. org
Ivan Illich 445
Ivan Illich
Western philosophy
Contemporary philosophy
Full name Ivan Illich
Birth September 4, 1926

Vienna, Austria
Death December 2, 2002 (aged 76)

Bremen, Germany
School/tradition Anarchism, Catholicism
Main interests Philosophy of education, → Philosophy of technology
Ivan Illich (pronounced /ɪˈvɑːn ˈɪlɪtʃ/[1] ) (Vienna, 4 September 1926 – Bremen, 2 December
2002) was an Austrian philosopher, social critic, and defrocked Roman Catholic priest. He
authored a series of critiques of the institutions of contemporary western culture and their
effects of the provenance and practice of education, medicine, work, energy use, and
economic development.
Personal life
Illich was born in Vienna to a Croatian father and Sephardic-Jewish mother and had Italian,
French and German as native languages.[2] He later learned Croatian, the language of his
grandfathers, then Ancient Greek and Latin, in addition to Spanish, Portuguese, Hindi,
English, and other languages.[2] Thereafter, he studied histology and crystallography at the
University of Florence (Italy) as well as theology and philosophy at the Pontifical Gregorian
University in the Vatican (from 1942 to 1946), and medieval history in Salzburg.[2]
He wrote a dissertation focusing on the historian Arnold J. Toynbee and would return to
that subject in his later years. In 1951, he was assigned as an assistant parish priest in New
York City[2] after which he was appointed in 1956, at the age of 30, as the vice rector of the
Catholic University of Puerto Rico.[2] It was in Puerto Rico that Illich met Everett Reimer
and the two began to analyze their own functions as "educational" leaders. In 1959, he
traveled throughout South America on foot and by bus.[2]
In 1961, Illich founded the Centro Intercultural de Documentación (CIDOC, or Intercultural
Documentation Center) at Cuernavaca in Mexico, ostensibly a research center offering
language courses to missionaries from North America and volunteers of the Alliance for
Progress program[2] initiated by John F. Kennedy. His real intent was to document the
participation of the Vatican in the "modern development" of the so-called Third World. Illich
Ivan Illich 446
looked askance at the liberal pity or conservative imperiousness that motivated the rising
tide of global industrial development. He viewed such emissaries as a form of industrial
hegemony and, as such, an act of "war on subsistence." He sought to teach missionaries
dispatched by the Church not to impose their own cultural values[3] and to identify
themselves instead as guests of the host country.
After ten years, critical analysis from the CIDOC of the institutional actions by the Church
brought the organization into conflict with the Vatican. Illich was called to Rome for
questioning, due in part to a report from the CIA.[2] In 1976, Illich, apparently concerned by
the influx of formal academics and the potential side effects of its own "institutionalization,"
shut the center down with consent from the other members of the CIDOC. Several of the
members subsequently continued language schools in Cuernavaca, of which some still exist.
Illich himself resigned from the active priesthood in the late 1960s (having attained the
rank of monsignor), but continued to identify as a priest and occasionally performed private
masses.
In the 1970s, Illich was popular among leftist intellectuals in France, his thesis having been
discussed in particular by André Gorz. However, his influence declined after the 1981
election of François Mitterrand as he was considered too pessimistic at a time when the
French Left took control of the government.[2]
In the 1980s and beyond, Illich traveled extensively, mainly splitting his time between the
United States, Mexico, and Germany. He held an appointment as a Visiting Professor of
Philosophy, Science, Technology and Society at Penn State. He also taught at the University
of Bremen.
During his later years, he suffered from a cancerous growth on his face that, in accordance
with his critique of professionalized medicine, was treated with traditional methods. He
regularly smoked opium to deal with the pain caused by this tumor. At an early stage, he
consulted a doctor about having the tumor removed, but was told that there was too great a
chance of losing his ability to speak, and so he lived with the tumor as best he could. He
called it "my mortality."
Deschooling Society
The book that brought Ivan Illich to public attention was Deschooling Society (1971), a
critical discourse on education as practised in "modern" economies. Full of detail on
then-current programs and concerns, the book's core assertions and propositions remain as
radical today as they were at the time. Giving real-world examples of the ineffectual nature
of institutionalized education, Illich posited self-directed education, supported by
intentional social relations, in fluid, informal arrangements:
Universal education through schooling is not feasible. It would be no more feasible if it
were attempted by means of alternative institutions built on the style of present
schools. Neither new attitudes of teachers toward their pupils nor the proliferation of
educational hardware or software (in classroom or bedroom), nor finally the attempt to
expand the pedagogue's responsibility until it engulfs his pupils' lifetimes will deliver
universal education. The current search for new educational funnels must be reversed
into the search for their institutional inverse: educational webs which heighten the
opportunity for each one to transform each moment of his living into one of learning,
sharing, and caring. We hope to contribute concepts needed by those who conduct
such counterfoil research on education--and also to those who seek alternatives to
Ivan Illich 447
other established service industries.

—Ivan Illich, [4]
The last sentence makes clear what the title suggests -- that the institutionalization of
education is considered to tend towards the institutionalization of society, and conversely
that ideas for de-institutionalizing education may be a starting point for a
de-institutionalized society.
The book is more than a critique -- it contains positive suggestions for a reinvention of
learning throughout society and throughout every individual lifetime. Particularly striking is
his call (in 1971) for the use of advanced technology to support "learning webs."
The operation of a peer-matching network would be simple. The user would identify
himself by name and address and describe the activity for which he sought a peer. A
computer would send him back the names and addresses of all those who had inserted
the same description. It is amazing that such a simple utility has never been used on a
broad scale for publicly valued activity.
—Ivan Illich
Tools for Conviviality

Tools for Conviviality (1973) was published only two years after Deschooling Society. In this
new work Illich generalized the themes that he had previously applied to the field of
education: the institutionalization of specialized knowledge, the dominant role of
technocratic elites in industrial society, and the need to develop new instruments for the
reconquest of practical knowledge by the average citizen. Illich proposed that we should
"invert the present deep structure of tools" in order to "give people tools that guarantee
their right to work with independent efficiency."[5]
Tools for Conviviality attracted world-wide attention. A resume of it was published by
French social philosopher André Gorz in Les Temps Modernes, under the title "Freeing the
Future."[6] The book's vision of tools that would be developed and maintained by a
community of users had a significant influence on the first developers of the personal
computer, notably Lee Felsenstein.[7]
Medical Nemesis
In his Medical Nemesis, first published in 1975, also known as Limits to Medicine, Illich
subjected contemporary western medicine to detailed attack. He argued that the
medicalization in recent decades of so many of life's vicissitudes—birth and death, for
example—frequently caused more harm than good and rendered many people in effect
lifelong patients. He marshalled a body of statistics to show what he considered the
shocking extent of post-operative side-effects and drug-induced illness in advanced
industrial society. He was the first to introduce to a wider public the notion of iatrogenic
disease. [8] Others have since voiced similar views, but none so trenchantly, perhaps, as
Illich.[9]
Ivan Illich 448
List of works
• Die philosophischen Grundlagen der Geschichtsschreibung bei Arnold J. Toynbee (1951),
Diss. Salzburg
• Celebration of Awareness (1971) ISBN 0-7145-0837-3
• Deschooling Society (1971) ISBN 0060121394
• Tools for Conviviality (1973) ISBN 0-06-080308-8 ISBN 0-06-012138-6
• Energy and Equity (1974) ISBN 0061361535
• Medical Nemesis (1975) ISBN 0-394-71245-5 ISBN 0-7145-1095-5 ISBN 0-7145-1096-3
• The Right to Useful Unemployment (1978) ISBN 0-7145-2628-2
• Toward a History of Needs (1978) ISBN 0-394-41040-8 ISBN 0-394-73501-3
• Shadow Work (1981) ISBN 0-7145-2711-4 ISBN 0-7145-2710-6
• Gender (1982) ISBN 0-394-52732-1
• H2O and the Waters of Forgetfulness (1985) ISBN 0-911005-06-4
• ABC: The Alphabetization of the Popular Mind (1988) ISBN 0-86547-291-2
• In the Mirror of the Past (1992) ISBN 0-7145-2937-0
• In the Vineyard of the Text: A Commentary to Hugh's Didascalicon (1993) ISBN
0-226-37235-9
• Blasphemy: A Radical Critique of Our Technological Culture (We the People Series) (July
1995) ISBN 978-1882206025 (Morristown, NJ: Aaron Press)
• Ivan Illich in Conversation interviews with Cayley, David. (1992) (Toronto: Anansi Press).
• The Rivers North of the Future - The Testament of Ivan Illich as told to David Cayley
(2005) ISBN 0-88784-714-5 (Toronto: Anansi Press)
• Corruption of Christianity Illich, Ivan (Author) Cayley, David (Editor) (2000) ISBN
0-660-18099-5
Bibliography
• Power in the Highest Degree : Professionals and the Rise of a New Mandarin Order by
Charles Derber, William A. Schwartz, and Yale Magrass, Oxford University Press, 1990.
• Silencing Ivan Illich : A Foucauldian Analysis of Intellectual Exclusion. Gabbard, D. A.
New York: Austin & Winfield, 1993, ISBN 1880921170
See also
• Credentialism
• Critical pedagogy
• Development criticism
• Ecopedagogy
• Holistic education
Ivan Illich 449
Further reading
• Profiles : The Rules of the Game by Francine Du Plessix Gray, New Yorker magazine,
April 25, 1970, pp. 40–92.
External links
General
• Thinking After Illich [10]
• Collection of Illich Resources, including MP3s [11]
• Ivan Illich Archives [12]
• Full text of Tools for Conviviality [13]
• Illich's writing on the web [14] at The Preservation Institute
• Text of To Hell With Good Intentions [15] - Cuernavaca, Mexico, on April 20, 1968
• Ivan Illich with Jerry Brown [16], KPFA - March 22, 1996
• An extensive set of Illich's writings and recordings [17]
• Article in The encyclopaedia of informal education [18]
[19]
• American Educational Research Association Ivan Illich Special Interest Group website
• The International Journal of Illich Studies [20]
Obituaries
• A Turbulent Priest in the Global Village [21] by Richard Wall, lewrockwell.com
• Obituary from The Guardian [22]
• Remembering Ivan Illich [23] Whole Earth Magazine, Spring 2003
References
[1] See inogolo:pronunciation of Ivan Illich (http:/ / inogolo. com/ pronunciation/ d96/ Ivan_Illich).
[2] Thierry Paquot, The Non-Conformist (http:/ / mondediplo. com/ 2003/ 01/ 15illich), Le Monde diplomatique,
January 2003 () ( French version freely-available (http:/ / www. monde-diplomatique. fr/ 2003/ 01/ PAQUOT/
9866), and Portuguese and Esperanto translations available)
[3] Profiles : Rules of the Game by Francine Du Plessix Gray, New Yorker magazine, April 25, 1970, pp.44 & 49.
[4] http:/ / www. ecotopia. com/ webpress/ deschooling. htm
[5] Ivan Illich, Tools for Conviviality (1973) ISBN 0-06-080308-8 ISBN 0-06-012138-6
[6] <http:/ / www. techno-science. net/ ?onglet=glossaire& definition=1048
[7] Convivial Cybernetic Devices, From Vacuum Tube Flip-Flops to the Singing Altair, An Interview with Lee
Felsenstein (Part 1), The Analytical Engine (Newsletter of the Computer History Association of California, ISSN
1071-6351), Volume 3, Number 1, November 1995, http:/ / opencollector. org/ history/ homebrew/ engv3n1.
html
Illich Ivan (1974). Medical Nemesis. London: Calder & Boyars. ISBN 0714510963. OCLC
[9] [[Neil Postman Postman Neil (1992). Technopoly: The Surrender of Culture to Technology. New York: Knopf.
[10] http:/ / www. pudel. uni-bremen. de/ 420en_beteiligte. html
[11] http:/ / altruists. org/ ivan_illich
[12] http:/ / ournature. org/ ~novembre/ illich/
[13] http:/ / todd. cleverchimp. com/ tools_for_conviviality/
[14] http:/ / www. preservenet. com/ theory/ Illich. html
[15] http:/ / www. swaraj. org/ illich_hell. htm
[16] http:/ / www. wtp. org/ archive/ transcripts/ ivan_illich_jerry. html
[17] http:/ / www. davidtinapple. com/ illich/
[18] http:/ / www. infed. org/ thinkers/ et-illic. htm
Ivan Illich 450
[19] http:/ / ivan-illich. org

[20] http:/ / ivan-illich. org/ journal
[21] http:/ / www. lewrockwell. com/ wall/ wall28. html
[22] http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ print/ 0,3858,4563612-103684,00. html
[23] http:/ / wholeearth. com/ ArticleBin/ 111-7. html
Wolfi Landstreicher
Wolfi Landstreicher is the current nom de plume of a contemporary anarchist involved in
theoretical and practical activity. He edited the anarchist publication Willful Disobedience,
which was published from 1996 until 2005, and currently publishes a variety of anarchist,
radical, surrealist and poetic pamphlets and booklets through his project, Venomous
Butterfly Publication. His ideas are influenced by insurrectionary anarchism, Max Stirner's
egoism, surrealism, the Situationist International and non-primitivist critiques of
civilization. He previously published under the pen name Feral Faun. "Landstreicher" is
the German word for vagabond, tramp.
Selected publications
• Against the Logic of Submission [1]
[2]
• Autonomous Self-Organization and Anarchist Intervention
• Critical Thinking as an Anarchist Weapon [3]
• Feral Revolution [4] (as Feral Faun)
• the Network of Domination [5]
• Consuming Fire [6]
See also
• → Green Anarchy
• → John Zerzan
• → Post-left anarchy
References
• Lacey, Anita (2005). "Networked Communities: Social Centers and Activist Spaces in
Contemporary Britain [7]". Space and Culture 8 (3): 286–301.
doi:10.1177/1206331205277350 [8]. http:/ / sac. sagepub. com/ cgi/ reprint/ 8/ 3/ 286.
Wolfi Landstreicher 451
External links
• An incomplete archive of written work [9]
• Introduction to Landstreicher's perspective [10]
• Against the Logic of Submission [11] free audiobook from the Audio Anarchy project
References
[1] http:/ / www. anti-politics. net/ distro/ download/ againstthelogic-imposed. pdf
[2] http:/ / www. anti-politics. net/ distro/ download/ autoselforg-imposed. pdf
[3] http:/ / www. anti-politics. net/ distro/ download/ criticalthinking-imposed. pdf
[4] http:/ / www. anti-politics. net/ distro/ download/ feral-revolution. pdf
[5] http:/ / www. anti-politics. net/ distro/ download/ networkofdomination-imposed. pdf
[6] http:/ / www. anti-politics. net/ distro/ download/ consumingfire-imposed. pdf
[7] http:/ / sac. sagepub. com/ cgi/ reprint/ 8/ 3/ 286
[8] http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1177%2F1206331205277350
[9] http:/ / www. geocities. com/ kk_abacus/ vbutterfly. html
[10] http:/ / www. geocities. com/ kk_abacus/ vb/ wd12persp. html
[11] http:/ / audioanarchy. org/ submission. php
Theodore Kaczynski
Theodore John Kaczynski (pronounced /kəˈzɪnski/; born May 22, 1942), also known as the
Unabomber, is a United States murderer, mathematician, and neo-Luddite social critic
who carried out a campaign of mail bombings. He was born in Chicago, Illinois, where, as
an intellectual child prodigy, he excelled academically from an early age. Kaczynski
received an undergraduate degree from Harvard University and earned a PhD in
mathematics from the University of Michigan. He became an assistant professor at the
University of California, Berkeley at age 25 but resigned two years later.
In 1971, he moved to a remote cabin without electricity or running water, in Lincoln,
Montana, where he began to learn survival skills in an attempt to become self-sufficient.[1]
He decided to start a bombing campaign after watching the wilderness around his home get
destroyed by development.[1] From 1978 to 1995, Kaczynski sent 16 bombs to targets
including universities and airlines, killing three people and injuring 23. Kaczynski sent a
letter to The New York Times on April 24, 1995 and promised "to desist from terrorism" if
the Times or The Washington Post published his manifesto. In his Industrial Society and Its
Future (also called the "Unabomber Manifesto"), he argued that his bombings were
extreme but necessary to attract attention to the erosion of human freedom necessitated by
modern technologies requiring large-scale organization.
The Unabomber was the target of one of the Federal Bureau of Investigation's (FBI) most
costly investigations. Before Kaczynski's identity was known, the FBI used the handle
"UNABOM" ("UNiversity and Airline BOMber") to refer to his case, which resulted in the
media calling him the Unabomber. Despite the FBI's efforts, he was not caught as a result
of this investigation. Instead, his brother recognized Ted's style of writing and beliefs from
the manifesto, and tipped off the FBI. To avoid the death penalty, Kaczynski's lawyers
entered into a plea agreement, under which he pled guilty and was sentenced to life in
prison with no possibility of parole. Theodore Kaczynski has been designated a "domestic
terrorist" by the FBI. [2] Some anarchist authors, such as → John Zerzan and → John Moore,
have come to his defense, while holding some reservations over his actions and ideas.[3] [4]
Theodore Kaczynski 452
[5]
Early life
Kaczynski was born in a family of Jewish descent on May 22, 1942, in Chicago, Illinois to
second-generation Polish Americans Theodore Richard Kaczynski and wife Wanda
Dombek.[6] From grades one through four, Kaczynski attended Sherman Elementary School
in Chicago. He attended grades five through eight at Evergreen Park Central school.[7] As a
result of testing conducted in the fifth grade which determined he had an intelligence
quotient of 167,[8] he was allowed to skip the sixth grade and enroll in the seventh grade.
Kaczynski described this as a pivotal event in his life. He recalled not fitting in with the
older children and being subjected to their verbal abuse and teasing. As a child, Kaczynski
had a fear of people and buildings, and played beside other children rather than interacting
with them. His mother was so worried by his poor social development that she considered
entering him in a study for autistic children led by Bruno Bettelheim.[7]
He attended high school at Evergreen Park Community High School. Kaczynski was
described as anti-social and many of his classmates recall him as a quiet loner. Kaczynski
did well academically, but found the mathematics too simple during his sophomore year.
During this period of his life, Kaczynski became obsessed with mathematics, spending
prolonged hours locked in his room practicing differential equations. He was subsequently
placed in a more advanced math class, yet still felt intellectually restricted. Kaczynski
quickly mastered the material, and skipped the eleventh grade. With the help of a summer
school course for English, he completed his high school education when he was 15. He was
encouraged to apply to Harvard University, and was subsequently accepted as a student
beginning in Fall 1958 at the age of 16. While at Harvard, Kaczynski was taught by famed
logician Willard Quine, scoring at the top of Quine's class with a 98.9% final grade. He also
participated in a multiple-year personality study conducted by Dr. Henry Murray, an expert
on stress interviews.[7]
Students in Murray's Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)-sponsored study were told they
would be debating personal philosophy with a fellow student.[9] Instead, they were
subjected to the stress test, which was an extremely stressful and prolonged psychological
attack by an anonymous attorney. During the test, students were strapped into a chair and
connected to electrodes that monitored their physiological reactions, while facing bright
lights and a two-way mirror. This was filmed, and students' expressions of impotent rage
were played back to them several times later in the study. According to Chase, Kaczynski's
records from that period suggest he was emotionally stable when the study began.
Kaczynski's lawyers attributed some of his emotional instability and dislike of mind control
to his participation in this study.[9] [10]
Career
Kaczynski graduated from Harvard in 1962 and
subsequently attended the University of Michigan,
where he earned a master's degree and a PhD in
mathematics.[7] Kaczynski's specialty was a branch of
complex analysis known as geometric function theory.
He earned his PhD with his thesis entitled "Boundary
Functions" by solving, in less than a year, a math
problem that was unsolved by one of his professors at
Michigan, George Piranian, who later commented on Kaczynski as a young professor at
Kaczynski by saying, "It is not enough to say he was Berkeley, 1968
[11]
smart." Maxwell Reade, a retired math professor
who served on Kaczynski's dissertation committee, also commented on his thesis by noting,
"I would guess that maybe 10 or 12 people in the country understood or appreciated it."[12]
In 1967, Kaczynski won the University of Michigan's $100 Sumner B. Myers Prize, which
recognized his dissertation as the school's best in mathematics that year.[12] While a
graduate student at Michigan, he held a National Science Foundation fellowship and taught
undergraduates for three years. He also published two articles related to his dissertation in
mathematical journals, and four more after leaving Michigan later.[13]
Kaczynski became an assistant professor of mathematics at the University of California,

Berkeley in Fall 1967. He was the youngest professor ever hired by the university. This was
short-lived however; Kaczynski resigned from his position without explanation in 1969 at
age 26. The chairman of the mathematics department, J. W. Addison, called this a "sudden
and unexpected" resignation,[14] while vice chairman Calvin Moore said that given
Kaczynski's "impressive" thesis and record of publications, "he could have advanced up the
ranks and been a senior member of the faculty today."[15]
Life In Montana
In Summer 1969, Kaczynski moved into his
parents' small residence in Lombard,
Illinois. Two years later, he moved into a
remote cabin he built himself in Lincoln,
Montana where he lived a → simple life on
very little money, without electricity or
running water. Kaczynski worked odd jobs
and received financial support from his
family, which he used to purchase his land
and, without their knowledge, would later
use to fund his bombing campaign. In 1978,
The cabin that Kaczynski built and lived in, located
he worked very briefly with his father and
outside of Lincoln, Montana
brother at a foam-rubber factory.[12]
Kaczynski's original goal was to move out to a secluded place and become self-sufficient so
that he could live autonomously. He began to teach himself survival skills such as tracking,
edible plant identification, and how to construct primitive technologies such as bow drills.[1]
However, he quickly realized that it was not possible for him to live that way, as a result of
watching the wild land around him get destroyed by development and industry.[1] He
performed isolated acts of → monkeywrenching initially, targeted at the developments near
his cabin. The ultimate catalyst which drove him to begin his campaign of bombings, was
when he went out for a walk to one of his favorite wild spots and it had been destroyed and
replaced with a road. About this, he said:
The best place, to me, was the largest remnant of this plateau that dates from the
tertiary age. It's kind of rolling country, not flat, and when you get to the edge of it you
find these ravines that cut very steeply in to cliff-like drop-offs and there was even a
waterfall there. It was about a two days hike from my cabin. That was the best spot
until the summer of 1983. That summer there were too many people around my cabin
so I decided I needed some peace. I went back to the plateau and when I got there I
found they had put a road right through the middle of it" His voice trails off; he pauses,
then continues, "You just can't imagine how upset I was. It was from that point on I
decided that, rather than trying to acquire further wilderness skills, I would work on
getting back at the system. Revenge.
—Ted Kaczynski, [1]
He began dedicating himself to reading about sociology and books on political philosophy,
such as the works of → Jacques Ellul and also stepped up his campaign of
monkeywrenching. He soon came to the conclusion however, that more violent methods
would be the only solution to what he saw as the problem of industrial civilization. He says
that he lost faith in the idea of reform, and saw violent collapse as the only way to bring
down the techno-industrial system.[1] About the idea of a peaceful, reformist means of
taking it down he said:
I don't think it can be done. In part because of the human tendency, for most people,
there are exceptions, to take the path of least resistance. They'll take the easy way out,
and giving up your car, your television set, your electricity, is not the path of least
resistance for most people. As I see it, I don't think there is any controlled or planned
way in which we can dismantle the industrial system. I think that the only way we will
get rid of it is if it breaks down and collapses ... The big problem is that people don't
believe a revolution is possible, and it is not possible precisely because they do not
believe it is possible. To a large extent I think the eco-anarchist movement is
accomplishing a great deal, but I think they could do it better... The real
revolutionaries should separate themselves from the reformers… And I think that it
would be good if a conscious effort was being made to get as many people as possible
introduced to the wilderness. In a general way, I think what has to be done is not to try
and convince or persuade the majority of people that we are right, as much as try to
increase tensions in society to the point where things start to break down. To create a
situation where people get uncomfortable enough that they’re going to rebel. So the
question is how do you increase those tensions?
Bombings
Initial bombings
The first mail bomb was sent in late May 1978 to
materials engineering professor Buckley Crist at
Northwestern University. The package was found in a
parking lot at the University of Illinois at Chicago, with
Crist's return address. The package was "returned" to
Crist. However, when Crist received the package, he
An FBI reproduction of a bomb created
by the Unabomber on display at the
noticed that it had not been addressed in his own
Newseum in Washington, D.C. handwriting. Suspicious of a package he had not sent,
he contacted campus policeman Terry Marker, who
opened the package—it exploded immediately. Although Marker only received minimal
injuries, his left hand was damaged enough to require medical assistance at Evanston
Hospital.[16]
The bomb was made of metal that could have come from a home workshop. The primary
component was a piece of metal pipe, about 1 inch (25 mm) in diameter and 9 inches
(230 mm) long. The bomb contained smokeless explosive powders, and the box and the
plugs that sealed the pipe ends were handcrafted from wood. In comparison, most pipe
bombs usually use threaded metal ends that can be bought in many hardware stores.
Wooden ends do not have the strength to allow a large amount of pressure to build within
the pipe, explaining why the bomb did not cause severe damage. The primitive trigger
device that the bomb employed was a nail, tensioned by rubber bands designed to slam into
six common match heads when the box was opened. The match heads would immediately
burst into flame and ignite the explosive powders. However, when the trigger hit the match
heads, only three ignited. A more efficient technique, later employed by Kaczynski, would
be to use batteries and heat filament wire to ignite the explosives faster and more
effectively.[17]
The initial 1978 bombing was followed by bombs sent to airline officials, and in 1979 a
bomb was placed in the cargo hold of American Airlines Flight 444, a Boeing 727 flying
from Chicago to Washington, D.C. The bomb began smoking, forcing the pilot to make an
emergency landing. Many of the passengers were treated for smoke inhalation. Only a
faulty timing mechanism prevented the bomb from exploding. Authorities said it had
enough firepower to "obliterate the plane."[16]
As bombing an airliner is a federal crime in the United States, the FBI became involved
after this incident and came up with the code name UNABOM (UNiversity and Airline
BOMber). It also called the suspect the Junkyard Bomber because of the material used to
make the bombs. In 1980, chief agent John Douglas working with agents in the FBI's
Behavioral Sciences Unit issued a psychological profile of the unidentified bomber which
described the offender as a man with above-average intelligence with connections to
academia. This profile was later refined to characterize the offender as a → neo-Luddite
holding an academic degree in the hard sciences, but this psychologically based profile was
discarded in 1993 in favor of an alternative theory developed by FBI analysts concentrating
on the physical evidence in recovered bomb fragments. In this rival profile, the bomber
suspect was characterized as a blue-collar airplane mechanic.[18] A hot line at
1-800-701-BOMB was set up by the UNABOM Task Force to take any calls related to the
Unabomber investigation, with a $1 million reward for anyone who could provide
information leading to the Unabomber's capture.[19]
Casualties
The first serious injury occurred in 1985, when John Hauser, a graduate student and
Captain in the United States Air Force, lost four fingers and vision in one eye.[20] The
bombs were all handcrafted and made with wooden parts.[21] Inside the bombs, certain
parts carried the inscription "FC". Kaczynski later asserted that the initials stood for
"Freedom Club". In 1985, a California computer store owner, 38-year-old Hugh Scrutton,
was killed by a nail-and-splinter-loaded bomb, placed in the parking lot of his store. A
similar attack against a computer store occurred in Salt Lake City, Utah on February 20,
1987. The bomb, which was disguised as a piece of lumber, injured Gary Wright when he
attempted to remove it from the store's parking lot. The explosion severed nerves in
Wright's left arm and propelled more than 200 pieces of shrapnel into his body. Kaczynski's
brother, David—who would play a vital role in Ted's looming capture, by alerting federal
authorities to the prospect of his brother being involved in the Unabomber cases,—sought
out and became friends with Wright after Ted was detained in 1996. David Kaczynski and
Wright have remained friends and occasionally conduct speaking engagements on
reconciliation together.[22]
After a six-year break, Kaczynski struck again in 1993, mailing a bomb to David Gelernter, a
computer science professor at Yale University. Though critically injured, he eventually
recovered. Another bomb mailed in the same weekend was sent to the home of geneticist
Charles Epstein from University of California, San Francisco, whom lost multiple fingers
upon opening it. Kaczynski then called Gelernter's brother, Joel Gelernter, a behavioral
geneticist, and threatened, "[y]ou are next". Geneticist Phillip Sharp at Massachusetts
Institute of Technology also received a threatening letter two years later.[23] Kaczynski
wrote a letter to The New York Times claiming that his "group", called FC, was responsible
for the attacks. In 1994, Burson-Marsteller executive Thomas J. Mosser was killed by a mail
bomb sent to his North Caldwell, New Jersey home. In another letter to The New York
Times Kaczynski claimed that FC "blew up Thomas Mosser because [...] Burston-Marsteller
[sic] helped Exxon clean up its public image after the Exxon Valdez incident" and, more
importantly, because "its business is the development of techniques for manipulating
people's attitudes."[24] This was followed by the 1995 murder of Gilbert Murray, president
of the timber industry lobbying group California Forestry Association, by a mail bomb
actually addressed to previous president William Dennison, who had retired.[23]
In all, 16 bombs—which injured 23 people and killed three—were attributed to Kaczynski.
While the devices varied widely through the years, all but the first few contained the initials
"FC". Latent fingerprints on some of the devices did not match the fingerprints found on
letters attributed to Kaczynski. As stated in the FBI affidavit:
203. Latent fingerprints attributable to devices mailed and/or placed by the UNABOM
subject were compared to those found on the letters attributed to Theodore Kaczynski.
According to the FBI Laboratory no forensic correlation exists between those
samples.[25]
One of Kaczynski's tactics was leaving false clues in every bomb. He would make them hard
to find so as to purposely mislead investigators into thinking they had a clue. The first clue
was a metal plate stamped with the initials "FC" hidden somewhere (usually in the pipe end
cap) in every bomb.[25] One false clue he left was a note in a bomb that failed to go off that
said, "Wu—It works! I told you it would—RV".[26] A more obvious clue was the Eugene
O'Neill $1 stamps used to send his boxes.[27] One of his bombs was sent embedded in a
[16]
copy of Sloan Wilson’s novel, Ice Brothers.
List of bombings
Year Date Location Victims Injuries
1978 May 25–26 Northwestern Terry Marker, minor

University, Evanston, campus police
Illinois officer
1979 May 9 Northwestern John Harris, slight

University graduate student
November Chicago, Illinois 12 American Airlines smoke inhalation

15 passengers
1980 June 10 Chicago Percy Wood, United cuts and burns

Airlines President
1981 October 8 University of Utah, Salt none—bomb defused

Lake City, Utah
1982 May 5 Vanderbilt University, Janet Smith, severe injury to hands requiring
Nashville, Tennessee university secretary extensive rehabilitative treatment
July 2 University of California, Diogenes Angelakos, right hand and face; near
Berkeley, California professor complete recovery
1985 May 15 University of California, John Hauser, partial loss of vision in left eye,
Berkeley graduate student loss of four fingers on right hand
June 13 Auburn, Washington none—bomb defused
November Ann Arbor, Michigan James V. McConnell McConnell: hearing loss; Suino:
15 and Nicklaus Suino shrapnel wounds
December Sacramento, California Hugh Scrutton, first fatality

11 computer rental
store owner
1987 February 20 Salt Lake City, Utah Gary Wright, injured

computer store
owner
1993 June 22 Tiburon, California Charles Epstein, destroyed both eardrums, lost
University of parts of three fingers
California geneticist
June 24 Yale University, New David Gelernter, right hand and right eye
Haven, Connecticut computer science
professor
1994 December North Caldwell, New Thomas J. Mosser, second fatality

10 Jersey advertising
executive
1995 April 24 Sacramento, California Gilbert P. Murray, third fatality

timber industry
lobbyist
[28] [29]
References:
Manifesto
In 1995, Kaczynski mailed several letters, some to his former victims, outlining his goals
and demanding that his 35,000-word paper Industrial Society and Its Future (also called the
"Unabomber Manifesto") be printed verbatim by a major newspaper or journal; he stated
that he would then end his terrorism campaign.[30] There was a great deal of controversy as
to whether it should be done. A further letter threatening to kill more people was sent, and
the United States Department of Justice recommended publication out of concern for public
safety. The pamphlet was then published by The New York Times and The Washington Post
on September 19, 1995, with the hope that someone would recognize the writing style.
Prior to The New York Times' decision to publish the manifesto, Bob Guccione of Penthouse
volunteered to publish it, but Kaczynski replied that, since Penthouse was less
"respectable" than the other publications, he would in that case "reserve the right to plant
one (and only one) bomb intended to kill, after our manuscript has been published."[31]
Throughout the manuscript, produced on a typewriter without the capacity for italics,
Kaczynski capitalizes entire words in order to show emphasis. He always refers to himself
as either "we" or "FC" (Freedom Club), though he appears to have acted alone. Writer
Henry Holt notes that Kaczynski's writing, despite its irregular hyphenation, is virtually free
of any spelling or grammatical error, in spite of its production on a manual typewriter
without the benefit of a word processor or spell-checker.[32]
Industrial Society and Its Future begins with Kaczynski's assertion that "the Industrial
Revolution and its consequences have been a disaster for the human race."[33] The first
sections of the text are devoted to psychological analysis of various groups—primarily
leftists and scientists—and of the psychological consequences for the individual of life
within the "industrial-technological system".[33] The later sections speculate about the
future evolution of this system, argue that it will inevitably lead to the end of human
freedom, call for a "revolution against technology", and attempt to indicate how that might
be accomplished.[34]
Psychological analysis
In his opening and closing sections, Kaczynski addresses Leftism as a movement and
analyzes the psychology of leftists, arguing that they are "True Believers in Eric Hoffer's
sense" who participate in a powerful social movement to compensate for their lack of
personal power. He further claims that leftism as a movement is led by a particular minority
of leftists whom he calls "oversocialized":
The moral code of our society is so demanding that no one can think, feel and act in a
completely moral way. [...] Some people are so highly socialized that the attempt to
think, feel and act morally imposes a severe burden on them. In order to avoid feelings
of guilt, they continually have to deceive themselves about their own motives and find
moral explanations for feelings and actions that in reality have a non-moral origin. We
use the term "oversocialized" to describe such people.[35]
He goes on to explain how the nature of leftism is determined by the psychological
consequences of "oversocialization." Kaczynski "attribute[s] the social and psychological
problems of modern society to the fact that society requires people to live under conditions
radically different from those under which the human race evolved and to behave in ways
that conflict with the patterns of behavior that the human race developed while living under
the earlier conditions." He further specifies the primary cause of a long list of social and
psychological problems in modern society as the disruption of the "power process", which
he defines as having four elements:
The three most clear-cut of these we call goal, effort and attainment of goal. (Everyone
needs to have goals whose attainment requires effort, and needs to succeed in
attaining at least some of his goals.) The fourth element is more difficult to define and
may not be necessary for everyone. We call it autonomy and will discuss it later.[36] [...]
We divide human drives into three groups: (1) those drives that can be satisfied with
minimal effort; (2) those that can be satisfied but only at the cost of serious effort; (3)
those that cannot be adequately satisfied no matter how much effort one makes. The
power process is the process of satisfying the drives of the second group.[37]
Kaczynski goes on to claim that "[i]n modern industrial society natural human drives tend
to be pushed into the first and third groups, and the second group tends to consist
increasingly of artificially created drives." Among these drives are "surrogate activities",
activities "directed toward an artificial goal that people set up for themselves merely in
order to have some goal to work toward, or let us say, merely for the sake of the
'fulfillment' that they get from pursuing the goal".[38] He claims that scientific research is a
surrogate activity for scientists, and that for this reason "science marches on blindly,
without regard to the real welfare of the human race or to any other standard, obedient
only to the psychological needs of the scientists and of the government officials and
corporation executives who provide the funds for research."[39]
Historical analysis
In the last sections of the manifesto, Kaczynski carefully defines what he means by
freedom[40] and provides an argument that it would "be hopelessly difficult [...] to reform
the industrial system in such a way as to prevent it from progressively narrowing our
sphere of freedom".[41] He says that "in spite of all its technical advances relating to human
behavior the system to date has not been impressively successful in controlling human
beings" and predicts that "[i]f the system succeeds in acquiring sufficient control over
human behavior quickly enough, it will probably survive. Otherwise it will break down" and
that "the issue will most likely be resolved within the next several decades, say 40 to 100
years." He gives various dystopian possibilities for the type of society which would evolve in
the former case.[42] He claims that revolution, unlike reform, is possible, and calls on
sympathetic readers to initiate such revolution using two strategies: to "heighten the social
stresses within the system so as to increase the likelihood that it will break down" and to
"develop and propagate an ideology that opposes technology".[43] He gives various tactical
recommendations, including avoiding the assumption of political power, avoiding all
collaboration with leftists, and supporting free trade agreements in order to bind the world
economy into a more fragile, unified whole.[34]
He concludes by noting that his manifesto has "portrayed leftism in its modern form as a
phenomenon peculiar to our time and as a symptom of the disruption of the power process"
but that he is "not in a position to assert confidently that no such movements have existed
prior to modern leftism" and says that "[t]his is a significant question to which historians
ought to give their attention."[44]
Related works
As a critique of technological society, the manifesto echoed contemporary critics of
technology and industrialization, such as → John Zerzan, Herbert Marcuse, Max Weber, →
Fredy Perlman, → Jacques Ellul (whose book The Technological Society was referenced in
an unnamed Kaczynski essay, written in 1971),[45] → Lewis Mumford, Neil Postman, and →
Derrick Jensen.[46] Its idea of the "disruption of the power process" similarly echoed social
critics emphasizing the lack of meaningful work as a primary cause of social problems,
including Mumford, Paul Goodman, and Eric Hoffer (whom Kaczynski explicitly
references).[46] [47] The general theme was also addressed by Aldous Huxley in his
dystopian novel Brave New World, which Kaczynski references.[48] The ideas of
"oversocialization" and "surrogate activities" recall Freud's Civilization and Its Discontents
and his theories of rationalization and sublimation (the latter term being used three times
in the manifesto, twice in quotes, to describe surrogate activities).[49]
In a Wired article on the dangers of technology, titled "Why The Future Doesn't Need Us,"
Bill Joy, cofounder of Sun Microsystems, quoted Ray Kurzweil's The Age of Spiritual
Machines, which quoted a passage by Kaczynski on types of society that might develop if
human labor were entirely replaced by artificial intelligence. Joy wrote that, although
Kaczynski's actions were "murderous, and, in my view, criminally insane", that "as difficult
as it is for me to acknowledge, I saw some merit in the reasoning in this single passage. I
felt compelled to confront it."[50]
Search
Before the publication of the manifesto, Theodore Kaczynski's
brother, David Kaczynski, had been pushed by his wife to follow
up on suspicions that Theodore was the Unabomber.[51] David
Kaczynski was at first dismissive, but progressively began to
take the likelihood more seriously after reading the manifesto a
week after it was published in September 1995. David
Kaczynski browsed through old family papers and found letters
dating back to the 1970s written by Ted and sent to
newspapers protesting the abuses of technology and which
contained phrasing similar to what was found in the
Unabomber Manifesto.[52]
Prior to the publishing of the manifesto, the FBI held numerous The widely disseminated
forensic sketch of the
press conferences enlisting the help of the public in identifying
Unabomber, by Jeanne
the Unabomber. They were convinced that the bomber was Boylan
from the Chicago area (where he began his bombings), had
worked or had some connection in Salt Lake City, and by the 1990s was associated with the
San Francisco Bay Area. This geographical information, as well as the wording in excerpts
from the manifesto that were published before the entire manifesto was published, was
what had persuaded David Kaczynski's wife, Linda, to urge her husband to read the
manifesto.[53]
After the manifesto was published, the FBI received over a thousand calls a day for months
in response to the offer of a $1 million reward for information leading to the identity of the
Unabomber. There were also large numbers of letters mailed to the UNABOM Task Force
that purported to be from the Unabomber, and thousands of suspect leads were sifted
through. While the FBI was occupied with new leads, David Kaczynski first hired private
investigator Susan Swanson in Chicago to investigate Ted's activities discreetly. The
Kaczynski brothers had become estranged in 1990, and David had not seen Ted for ten
years. David later hired Washington, D.C. attorney Tony Bisceglie to organize evidence
acquired by Swanson and make contact with the FBI, given the likely difficulty in attracting
the FBI's attention. He wanted to protect his brother from the danger of an FBI raid, like
Ruby Ridge or the Waco Siege, since he knew Ted would not take kindly to being contacted
by the FBI and would likely react irrationally or violently.[54]
In early 1996, former FBI hostage negotiator and profiler Clinton R. Van Zandt was
contacted by Tony Bisceglie. Bisceglie asked Van Zandt to compare the manifesto to
type-written copies of hand-written letters David had received from his brother. Van
Zandt's analysis determined that there was a "50/50 chance" that the same person had
written the letters as well as the manifesto, which had been in public circulation for half a
year. He recommended that Bisceglie's client contact the FBI.[54]
In February 1996, Bisceglie provided a copy of the 1971 essay written by Ted Kaczynski to
the FBI. At the UNABOM Task Force headquarters in San Francisco, Supervisory Special
Agent Joel Moss immediately recognized similarities in the writings. David Kaczynski had
attempted to remain anonymous at the outset but he was swiftly identified, and within a few
days, an FBI agent team was dispatched to interview David and his wife with their attorney
in Washington, D.C. At this and subsequent meetings with the team, David provided letters
written by his brother in their original envelopes, so the use of postmark dates enabled the
enhancement of the timeline of Ted Kaczynski's activities being developed by the Task
Force. David developed a respectful relationship with the primary Task Force behavioral
analyst, Special Agent Kathleen M. Puckett, with whom he met many times in Washington,
D.C.; Texas; Chicago; and Schenectady, New York over the nearly two months before the
behaviorally-based federal search warrant was served on Theodore Kaczynski's cabin.[55]
Arrest
Agents arrested Theodore Kaczynski on April 3, 1996 at
his remote cabin outside Lincoln, Montana, where he
was found in an unkempt state. Among the evidence
found in the cabin was a live bomb and what appeared
to be the original typed manuscript of the manifesto.[56]
The Unabomber was the target of one of the most
expensive investigations in the FBI's history.[57]
Paragraphs 204 and 205 of the FBI search and arrest

Kaczynski while being booked by the warrant for Kaczynski stated that "experts"—many of
police them academics consulted by the FBI—believed the
manifesto had been written by "another individual, not
[25]
Theodore Kaczynski". As stated in the affidavit, only a handful of people believed
Theodore Kaczynski was the Unabomber before the search warrant revealed the cornucopia
of evidence in Kaczynski's isolated cabin. The search warrant affidavit written by FBI
Inspector Terry D. Turchie reflects this conflict, and is striking evidence of the opposition to
Turchie and his small cadre of FBI agents that included Moss and Puckett—who were
convinced Theodore Kaczynski was the Unabomber—from the rest of the UNABOM Task
Force and the FBI in general:
204. Your affiant is aware that other individuals have conducted analyses of the
UNABOM Manuscript __ determined that the Manuscript was written by another
individual, not Kaczynski, who had also been a suspect in the investigation.
205. Numerous other opinions from experts have been provided as to the identity of
the unabomb subject. None of those opinions named Theodore Kaczynski as a possible
author.[25]
David had once admired and emulated his elder brother, but had later decided to leave the
survivalist lifestyle behind.[58] He had received assurances from the FBI that he would
remain anonymous and that his brother would not learn who had turned him in, but his
identity was leaked to CBS News in early April 1996. CBS anchorman Dan Rather called
FBI director Louis Freeh, who requested 24 hours before CBS broke the story on the
evening news. The FBI scrambled to finish the search warrant and have it issued by a
federal judge in Montana; afterwards, an internal leak investigation was conducted by the
FBI, but the source of the leak was never identified.[58] David donated the reward money,
less his expenses, to families of his brother's victims.[58]
Court proceedings
Kaczynski's lawyers, headed by Montana federal defender Michael Donahoe, attempted to
enter an insanity defense to save Kaczynski's life, but Kaczynski rejected this plea. A
court-appointed psychiatrist diagnosed Kaczynski as suffering from paranoid
schizophrenia,[59] and declared him competent to stand trial. Kaczynski's family said he
would psychologically "shut down" when pressured.[60]
A federal grand jury indicted Kaczynski in April 1996, on 10 counts of illegally transporting,
mailing, and using bombs. He was also charged with killing two people in California and a
third person in New Jersey.[61] On January 7, 1998, Kaczynski attempted to hang himself.
Initially, the government prosecution team indicated that it would seek the death penalty
for Kaczynski after it was authorized by United States Attorney General Janet Reno. David
Kaczynski's attorney asked the former FBI agent who made the match between the
Unabomber's manifesto and Kaczynski to ask for leniency—he was horrified to think that
turning his brother in might result in his brother's death. Eventually, Kaczynski was able to
avoid the death penalty by pleading guilty to all the government's charges, on January 22,
1998. Later, Kaczynski attempted to withdraw his guilty plea, arguing it was involuntary.
Judge Garland Ellis Burrell Jr. denied his request. The United States Court of Appeals for
the Ninth Circuit upheld that decision.[62]
The early hunt for the Unabomber in the United States portrayed a perpetrator far different
from the eventual suspect. The Unabomber Manifesto consistently uses "we" and "our"
throughout, and at one point in 1993 investigators sought an individual whose first name
was "Nathan", due to a fragment of a note found in one of the bombs.[26] However, when
the case was finally presented to the public, authorities denied that there was ever anyone
other than Kaczynski involved in the crimes. Explanations were later presented as to why
Kaczynski targeted some of the victims he selected.[51]
On August 10, 2006, Judge Garland Burrell Jr. ordered that personal items seized in 1996
from Kaczynski's Montana cabin should be sold at a "reasonably advertised Internet
auction." Items the government considers to be bomb-making materials, such as writings

that contain diagrams and "recipes" for bombs, are excluded from the sale. The auctioneer
will pay the cost and will keep up to 10% of the sale price, and the rest of the proceeds
must be applied to the $15 million in restitution that Burrell ordered Kaczynski to pay his
[63]
victims.
Included among Kaczynski's holdings to be auctioned are his original writings, journals,
correspondences, and other documents allegedly found in his cabin. The judge ordered that
all references in those documents that allude to any of his victims must be removed before
they are sold. Kaczynski has challenged those ordered redactions in court on first
amendment grounds, arguing that any alteration of his writings is an unconstitutional
violation of his freedom of speech.[64]
Life in prison
Kaczynski is serving a life sentence without the
possibility of parole as prisoner number 04475–046 in
ADX Florence, the federal Administrative Maximum
Facility supermax in Florence, Colorado.[64] When
asked if he was afraid of losing his mind in prison,
Kaczynski replied:
No, what worries me is that I might in a sense

adapt to this environment and come to be
comfortable here and not resent it anymore. And I Kaczynski's cabin at the Newseum in
am afraid that as the years go by that I may forget, Washington, D.C.
I may begin to lose my memories of the mountains
and the woods and that's what really worries me, that I might lose those memories,
and lose that sense of contact with wild nature in general. But I am not afraid they are
going to break my spirit.
Kaczynski has been an active writer in prison. The Labadie Collection, part of the
University of Michigan's Special Collection Library, houses Kaczynski's correspondence
from over 400 people since his arrest in April 1996, including carbon copy replies, legal
documents, publications, and clippings. The names of most correspondents will be kept
sealed until 2049.[65] Kaczynski has also been battling in federal court in northern
California over the auction of his journals and other correspondence.[66] On January 10,
2009, however, the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit in San Francisco,
California rejected Kaczynski's arguments that the government's sale of his writings
violates his freedom of expression. His writings, books, and other possessions will be sold
online, and the money raised will be sent to several of his victims.[67]
Kaczynski's cabin was removed and stored in a warehouse in an undisclosed location. It was
to be destroyed, but was eventually given to Scharlette Holdman, an investigator on
Kaczynski's defense team.[68] It is on display at the Newseum in Washington, D.C. as of July
2008.[69] In a three-page handwritten letter to the United States Court of Appeals for the
Ninth Circuit, Kaczynski objected to the public exhibition of the cabin, claiming it violated
the victim's objection to be publicly connected with the UNABOM case.
In a letter dated October 7, 2005, Kaczynski offered to donate two rare books to the
Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies at Northwestern University's campus in
Evanston, Illinois, the location of the first two attacks. The recipient, David Easterbrook,
turned the letter over to the university's archives. Northwestern rejected the offer, noting
[70]
that the library already owned the volumes in English and did not desire duplicates.
Kaczynski wrote a one paragraph letter that criticized a book review by István Deák; the
letter appeared in the New York Review of Books.[71]
He has never replied to monthly letters from his family, who turned him in to the
authorities.[51]
See also
• → Anarcho-primitivism, an anarchist movement encompassing many of Kaczynski's views
• CLODO, a 1980s group of neo-Luddite saboteurs from France
• Propaganda by deed, anarchist concept that sees action as being a form of propaganda
• → Green Anarchy, an anarchist magazine that published some of Kaczynski's writings,
including the Ship of Fools short story
• → John Zerzan, an anarcho-primitivist philosopher who defended Kaczynski's writings
and was a confidant to him during his trial
• Unabomber for President, a political campaign which aimed to elect the Unabomber in
the 1996 United States presidential election
References
[72]
• F.C. (October 1995). The Unabomber Manifesto: Industrial Society & Its Future . Jolly
Roger Pr. ISBN 0963420526. http:/ / en. wikisource. org/ wiki/
Industrial_Society_and_Its_Future.
External links
[73]
• Ted Kaczynski - The Unabomber article at the Crime Library
• Kaczynski's letter to the writers of the book, American Terrorist [74]
• Text of Unabomber's Letter Received by N.Y. Times April 26, 1995 [75]
• Text of Letter from Unabomber to Dr. David Gelernter [76]
• Giants at Heart [77] Letter Kaczynski sent from prison, published in The New York Review
of Books
• Published Works of Theodore Kaczynski [78] — mathematical papers
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[5] http:/ / www. crimethinc. com/ texts/ days/ unabomber. php
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[32] Holt, Henry (2000). "The Bard’s fingerprints". Lingua Franca: 29–39.
[33] F.C. 1995, §Introduction
[34] F.C. 1995, §Strategy
[35] F.C. 1995, §Oversocialization
[36] F.C. 1995, §The Power Process
[37] F.C. 1995, §Disruption of the Power Process in Modern Society
[38] F.C. 1995, §Surrogate Activities
[39] F.C. 1995, §The Motives of Scientists
[40] F.C. 1995, §The Nature of Freedom
[41] F.C. 1995, §Industrial-Technological Society Cannot be Reformed
[42] F.C. 1995, §The Future
[43] F.C. 1995, §Human Race At A Crossroads
[44] F.C. 1995, §Final Note
[45] Kaczynski, Theodore (1971). Unnamed Essay.
[46] Sale, Kirkpatrick (September 25, 1995). " Unabomber's Secret Treatise (http:/ / w2. eff. org/ Censorship/
Terrorism_militias/ sale_unabomber. analysis)". Nation. . Retrieved on April 23, 2009.
[47] F.C. 1995, §The danger of leftism
[48] F.C. 1995, §Human suffering
[49] Wright, Robert (August 28, 1995). " The Evolution of Despair (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/
article/ 0,9171,983355,00. html)". Time. . Retrieved on July 6, 2008.
[50] " Why the future doesn't need us (http:/ / www. wired. com/ wired/ archive/ 8. 04/ joy. html)". Wired. April
2000. . Retrieved on February 4, 2009.
[51] Kaczynski, David (September 9, 2007). " Programme 9: September 9, 2007 (http:/ / www. rte. ie/ radio1/
whistleblowers/ 1160076. html)". RTÉ Radio 1. . Retrieved on February 4, 2009.
[52] Johnston, David (April 5, 1996). " On the Suspect's Trail: the Investigation; Long and Twisting Trail Led To
Unabom Suspect's Arrest (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage.
html?res=9A01E2DC1339F936A35757C0A960958260& pagewanted=all)". The New York Times. . Retrieved on
July 4, 2008.
[53] Perez-Pena, Richard (April 7, 1996). " Tapestry of Links in the Unabom Inquiry (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/
gst/ fullpage. html?res=9A03E4D61339F934A35757C0A960958260& pagewanted=all)". The New York Times. .
[54] " In Unabom Case, Pain for Suspect's Family (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage.
html?res=9902E3DB1039F933A25757C0A960958260& pagewanted=all)". The New York Times. . Retrieved on
July 5, 2008.
[55] Johnston, David (May 5, 1998). " 17-Year Search, an Emotional Discovery and Terror Ends (http:/ / query.
nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage. html?res=9E01E2DE1631F936A35756C0A96E958260& pagewanted=all)". The
New York Times. . Retrieved on July 6, 2008.
[56] " Unabomber suspect is caught, ending eight-year man-hunt (http:/ / edition. cnn. com/ EVENTS/ 1996/ year.
in. review/ topten/ unabomb/ unabomb. index. html)". CNN. 1996. . Retrieved on January 25, 2009.
[57] " The Unabomb Trial (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20060618112917/ http:/ / edition. cnn. com/ SPECIALS/
1997/ unabomb/ )". CNN. 1997. . Retrieved on February 4, 2009.
[58] Dubner, Stephen J. (October 18, 1999). " "I Don't Want To Live Long. I Would Rather Get The Death Penalty
Than Spend The Rest Of My Life In Prison" (http:/ / stephenjdubner. com/ journalism/ 101899. html)". Time. .
Retrieved on February 4, 2009.
[59] Corey, Scott (January 21, 1998). " Revolutionary suicide (http:/ / www. salon. com/ news/ 1998/ 01/ 21news.
html)". Salon. . Retrieved on February 4, 2009.
[60] Ferguson, Paul (1997). " A loner from youth (http:/ / www. cnn. com/ SPECIALS/ 1997/ unabomb/ accused/
early/ )". CNN. . Retrieved on February 4, 2009.
[61] " Unabomber (http:/ / encarta. msn. com/ encyclopedia_761585870/ Unabomber. html)". MSN Encarta. .
Retrieved on February 4, 2009.
[62] " The Unabomber: A Chronology (The Trial) (http:/ / www. courttv. com/ trials/ unabomber/ chronology/ )".
Court TV. . Retrieved on July 5, 2008.
[63] Taylor, Michael (August 12, 2006). " Unabomber's journal, other items to be put up for auction online (http:/ /
www. sfgate. com/ cgi-bin/ article. cgi?f=/ c/ a/ 2006/ 08/ 12/ BAG1AKHEHF1. DTL)". San Francisco Chronicle. .
[64] Kovaleski, Serge F. (January 22, 2007). " Unabomber Wages Legal Battle to Halt the Sale of Papers (http:/ /
www. nytimes. com/ 2007/ 01/ 22/ us/ 22unabomber. html)". The New York Times. . Retrieved on July 3, 2008.
[65] " Labadie Manuscripts (http:/ / www. lib. umich. edu/ spec-coll/ labadie/ labadiemanuscripts. html#K)".
University of Michigan Library. . Retrieved on February 4, 2009.
[66] Trescott, Jacqueline (August 13, 2008). " Unabomber Objects to Newseum's Exhibit (http:/ / www.
washingtonpost. com/ wp-dyn/ content/ article/ 2008/ 08/ 12/ AR2008081202660. html)". The Washington Post. .
Retrieved on October 7, 2008.
[67] " Unabomber's items can be acutioned (http:/ / www. sfgate. com/ cgi-bin/ article. cgi?f=/ c/ a/ 2009/ 01/ 09/
BABJ1573QM. DTL)". San Francisco Chronicle. January 9, 2009. . Retrieved on January 11, 2009.
[68] Walsh, Denny (May 5, 2003). " Unabomber's (http:/ / findarticles. com/ p/ articles/ mi_qn4176/ is_20030505/
ai_n14550345)". Oakland Tribune. . Retrieved on February 4, 2009.
[69] Zongker, Brett (June 19, 2008). " Newseum Exhibit Features 'Unabomber' Cabin (http:/ / abcnews. go. com/
Entertainment/ wireStory?id=5203272)". ABC News. . Retrieved on February 4, 2009.
[70] Pond, Lauren (October 31, 2005). " NU rejects Unabomber's offer of rare African books (http:/ / media. www.
dailynorthwestern. com/ media/ storage/ paper853/ news/ 2005/ 10/ 31/ Campus/ Nu. Rejects. Unabombers.
Offer. Of. Rare. African. Books-1919796. shtml)". The Daily Northwestern. . Retrieved on February 4, 2009.
[71] " Giants at Heart (http:/ / www. nybooks. com/ articles/ 18123)". The New York Review of Books. . Retrieved
on July 3, 2008.
[72] http:/ / en. wikisource. org/ wiki/ Industrial_Society_and_Its_Future
[73] http:/ / www. trutv. com/ library/ crime/ terrorists_spies/ terrorists/ kaczynski/ 1. html
[74] http:/ / www. tatom. org/ documents/ Kaczynski's%20comments%20on%20McVeigh. htm
[75] http:/ / www. lectlaw. com/ files/ cur55. htm
[76] http:/ / www. montanaheritageproject. org/ edheritage/ 1910/ unabomber. htm
[77] http:/ / www. nybooks. com/ articles/ 18123
[78] http:/ / www. rpi. edu/ ~bulloj/ tjk/ tjk. html
John Moore (anarchist) 468
John Moore (anarchist)

John Moore (1957 - October 27, 2002) was a British anarchist author, teacher and
organiser. He died after collapsing on his way to work as a creative writing lecturer at the
University of Luton (now the University of Bedfordshire). A member of the Anarchist
Research Group in London in the 1980s, he was one of the main theorists of the pro-Situ
anarchism of the 1990s (most commonly associated with Hakim Bey), and was attracted to
→ anarcho-primitivism in particular; his best known work is the essay "A Primitivist
Primer." Despite the heavy influence of theorist → Fredy Perlman, Moore later turned to
theorists of language and subjectivity, such as Julia Kristeva, Friedrich Nietzsche and Max
Stirner.
During his lifetime he published several short books: Anarchy and Ecstasy, Lovebite, and
The Book of Levelling. An anthology he was working on at the time of his death, I Am Not A
Man, I Am Dynamite! Friedrich Nietzsche and the Anarchist Tradition, was completed by
Spencer Sunshine and published posthumously by Autonomedia in 2004.
External links
[1]
• Collection of Moore's writings, including Anarchy and Ecstasy
• Moore's A Primitivist Primer [32]
• Moore's Nietzsche anthology I Am Not A Man, I Am Dynamite! Friedrich Nietzsche and
the Anarchist Tradition [2]
References
[1] http:/ / lemming. mahost. org/ johnmoore/
[2] http:/ / www. autonomedia. org/ nietzsche
U. G. Krishnamurti 469
U.G.Krishnamurti
U.G. Krishnamurti
Born July 9, 1918

Machilipatnam, India
Died March 22, 2007 (aged 88)
Vallecrosia, Italy
Occupation none
Uppaluri Gopala Krishnamurti (July 9, 1918 – March 22, 2007), better known as U.G.
Krishnamurti, or just U.G., was a self-realized Indian sage, independent of any school of
thought, philosophy or tradition.
He rejected the very basis of thought and in doing so negated all systems of thought and
knowledge. This assertion was experiential and not speculative. Several books were written
of his words by those who visited and associated with him, as well as video and audio
records.
"Tell them that there is nothing to understand."
Philosophy
"I have no teaching. There is nothing to preserve. Teaching implies something
that can be used to bring about change. Sorry, there is no teaching here, just
disjointed, disconnected sentences. What is there is only your interpretation,
nothing else. For this reason there is not now nor will there ever be any kind of
copyright for whatever I am saying. I have no claims"
"I am forced by the nature of your listening to always negate the first statement
with another statement. Then the second statement is negated by a third and so
on. My aim is not some comfy dialectical thesis but the total negation of
everything that can be expressed."
U.G. emphasized the impossibility and non-necessity of any human change, radical or
mundane. These assertions, he stated, cannot be considered as a "teaching", that is,
something intended to be used to bring about a change. He insisted that the body and its
actions are already perfect, and he considered attempts to change or mold the body as
violations of the peace and the harmony that is already there. The psyche or self or mind,
an entity which he denied as having any being, is composed of nothing but the "demand" to
bring about change in the world, in itself, or in both. Furthermore, human
self-consciousness is not a thing, but a movement, one characterized by "perpetual
malcontent" and a "fascist insistence" on its own importance and survival.

He stated that we inhabit a thought realm. When the continuity of thought is broken, even
for a split second, its hold on the body is broken and the body falls into its natural rhythm.
Thought also falls into its natural place- then it can no longer interfere or influence the
working of the human body. In the absence of any continuity the arising thoughts combust.
UG stated that the burning away of thought often produced an ash-like substance on the
surface of his body.
In its natural state, the senses of the body take on independent existences (uncoordinated
by any 'inner self') and the ductless glands (that correspond to the locations of the Hindu
Chakras) become reactivated. UG described how it is the Ajna Chakra (pineal gland) that
takes over the functioning of the body in the natural state, as opposed to thought.
U.G. also maintained that the reason people came to him (and to gurus), was in order to
find solutions for their everyday real problems, and/or for solutions to a fabricated problem,
namely, the search for spirituality and enlightenment. He insisted that this search is caused
by the cultural environment, which demands conformity of individuals as it simultaneously
places within them the desire to be special - the achievement of enlightenment thus viewed
as a crowning expression of an individual's "specialness" and uniqueness. Consequently, the
desire for enlightenment is exploited by gurus, spiritual teachers, and other "sellers of
shoddy goods", who pretend to offer various ways to reach that goal. According to U.G., all
these facilitators never deliver, and cannot ever deliver, since the goal itself (i.e.
enlightenment), is unreachable.[1]
"Man is just a memory. You understand things around you by the help of the
knowledge that was put in you. You perhaps need the artist to explain his modern
art, but you don't need anybody's help to understand a flower. You can deal with
anything, you can do anything if you do not waste your energy trying to achieve
imaginary goals."
The articulation of his insights, at least in public, did not begin until U.G. was well into
middle age. According to U.G., despite his life-long efforts to bring about spiritual
enlightenment, he underwent a life-altering series of bodily experiences, which he
collectively referred to as 'the' "calamity". (See sections below).
According to U.G., "The so called self-realization is the discovery for yourself and by
yourself that there is no self to discover. That will be a very shocking thing because it's
going to blast every nerve, every cell, even the cells in the marrow of your bones."[2]
"I am not anti-rational, just unrational. You may infer a rational meaning in what I
say or do, but it is your doing, not mine."
Quotes
thought
"The living organism and thought are two different things. Thought cannot conceive of the
possibility of anything happening outside the field of time. I don't want to discuss time in a
metaphysical sense. By time I mean yesterday, tomorrow and the day after. The instrument
which has produced tremendous results in this area is unable to solve problems in the area
of living. We use this instrument to achieve material results. We also apply the same thing
to achieve our so-called spiritual goals."
"This instrument thought which we have been using to understand has not helped us to
understand anything except that every time we are using it we are sharpening it. Someone
asked me, 'What is Philosophy? How does it help me in my day-to-day existence?' It doesn't
help you in any way except that it sharpens the intellect. It doesn't in any way help you to
understand life. If that thought is not the instrument and if there is no other instrument
then is there anything to understand?"
"We don't seem to realize that it is thought that is separating us from the totality of things.
"
"The only way for anyone who is interested in finding out what this is all about is to watch
how this separation is occurring, how you are separating yourself from the things that are
happening around you and inside you. Actually there is no difference between the outside
and the inside. It is thought that creates the frontiers and tells us that this is the inside and
something else is the outside. If you tell yourself that you are happy, miserable, or bored,
you have already separated yourself from that particular sensation that is there inside you."
"The only way it can maintain its continuity is through the constant demand to know. If you
don't know what you are looking at, the 'you' as you know yourself, the 'you' as you
experience yourself, is going to come to an end. That is death. That is the only death and
there is no other death."
" (Questioner:) So we keep coming back to this point that thought itself seems to be the
enemy, the interloper... " (UG:) "It is our enemy. Thought is a protective mechanism. It is
interested in protecting itself at the expense of the living organism."
" (Q:) You are saying that thought is the thing that causes people's worries... " (UG:)"It's
thought that is creating all our problems and it is not the instrument to help us solve the
problems created by itself."
"Unfortunately, the servant, which is the thought structure that is there, has taken
possession of the house. But he can no longer control and run the household. So he must be
dislodged. It is in this sense that I use the term 'natural state', without any connotation of
spirituality or enlightenment."
morality
"When once you are—I don't like to use the word, freed from, or are not trapped in—this
duality of right and wrong, good and bad, you can never do anything bad. As long as you
are caught up in wanting to do only good, you will always do bad. Because the good you
seek is only in the future. You will be good some other time and until then you remain a bad
person. So, the so-called insane have given up and we are doing them the greatest harm
and disservice by pushing them to fit themselves into this framework of ours which is
rotten. I don't just say it is rotten but it is."
"I don't fight society. I am not even interested in changing it. The demand to bring about a
change in myself isn't there any more. So, the demand to change this framework or the
world at large isn't there. It is not that I am indifferent to the suffering man. I suffer with
the suffering man and am happy with the happy man."
"I will never break the laws, no matter how ridiculous the laws are."
"There is no need to change this world at all; and there is no need to change yourself
either."
"There is no meaning in and no purpose to suffering."
modern medicine
"If at any time I accept anything, it is not what the religious people have told me about the
way the body functions, but what the medical doctors have found. Yet, what they do not
know is immense; and they will never know how this body functions."
"I have never taken any medicine nor have I ever seen a doctor. All the doctors who have
advised me not to live the kind of life I had been living are now dead and gone."
nature
"I don't think I have any special insight into the laws of nature. But if there is any such
thing as an end product of human evolution (I don't know if there is such a thing as
evolution but we take for granted that there is) what nature is trying to produce is not a
perfect being."
"The fundamental mistake that humanity made somewhere along the line, was to
experience this separateness from the totality of life. At that time there occurred in man,
this self-consciousness which separated him from the life around. He was so isolated that it
frightened him. The demand to be part of the totality of life around him created this
tremendous demand for the ultimate. He thought that the spiritual goals of God, truth, or
reality, would help him to become part of the 'whole' again.
"But the very attempt on his part to become one with or become integrated with the totality
of life has kept him only more separate. Isolated functioning is not part of nature. This
isolation has created a demand for finding out ways and means of becoming a part of
nature. But thought in its very nature can only create problems and cannot help us solve
them."
"Nature does not imitate anything. It does not use anything as a model."
sex
"Sex is only for reproduction, but you have turned that into a pleasure movement. What else
is sex for than reproduction?"
"An enlightened man can never have sex because he cannot reproduce another one like
him"
body
""When I use the term 'natural state' it is not a synonym for 'enlightenment', 'freedom', or
'God-realization' and so forth. Not at all. When the totality of mankind's knowledge and
experience loses its stranglehold on the body, the physical organism, then the body is
allowed to function in its own harmonious way. Your natural state is a biological,
neurological and physical state."
"When once it throws out everything that has been put in there by your filthy culture, this
body will function in an extraordinarily intelligent way. It can take care of everything. "
"The native intelligence of the human body is amazing. That is all it needs to survive in any
dangerous situation in life." "The native intelligence is what you are born with; the intellect
is acquired from what they teach you. "
"Fear makes your body stiff and then you will certainly break your limbs. My body is never
stiff."
"Once this body is freed from the stranglehold of whatever is put in there either by spiritual
teachers or secular teachers, or by those scientists and medical technology, it functions in a
very efficient way."
"If a body is lucky enough to stumble into its natural way of functioning, it happens not
through your effort, not through your volition; it just happens, but not by what you do or do
not do. It is not even a happening within the field of cause and effect. Acausal is the most
appropriate word for it, because a happening can never be outside the field of cause and
effect. "
"If it stumbles into this of and by itself, such a body will be so unique that it will be
unparalleled in this world and will function in an extraordinary way. Such a body has never
existed before on this planet."
death
"The next question he (a questioner) asked me was, 'I have lived ninety-five years and I am
going to die one of these days. I want to know what will happen after my death.' I said, 'You
may not live long enough to know anything about death. You have to die now. Are you ready
to die?' As long as you are asking the questions, 'What is death?' or 'What is there after
death?' you are already dead. These are all dead questions. A living man would never ask
those questions."
"(Q:) Are you afraid of death?" "There is nothing to die here. The body cannot be afraid of
death. "
"There is no such thing as death. What you have are ideas about death, ideas which arise
when you sense the absence of another person. Your own death, or the death of your near
and dear ones, is not something you can experience. What you actually experience is the
void created by the disappearance of another individual and the unsatisfied demand to
maintain the continuity of your relationship with that person for a non-existent eternity."
suffering
"What I am emphasizing is that the demand to bring about a change in ourselves is the
cause of our suffering. I may say that there is nothing to be changed. But the revolutionary
teachers come and tell us that there is something there in which you have to bring about a
radical revolution. Then we assume there is such a thing as soul, spirit, or the 'I'. What I
assert all the time is that I haven't found anything like the self or soul there."
self realization
"Enlightenment (if there is any such thing as enlightenment) is not an experience at all. So,
this dawns on you- this realization (if you want to put it that way) that there is nothing to
realize. Self-knowledge or self-realization is to realize for yourself and by yourself that
there is no self to realize. That is going to be a shattering blow."
"This question haunted me all my life and suddenly it hit me: 'There is no self to realize.
What the hell have I been doing all this time?' You see, that hits you like lightning. Once
that hits you, the whole mechanism of the body that is controlled by this thought is
shattered. What is left is the tremendous living organism with an intelligence of its own.
What you are left with is the pulse, the beat and the throb of life."
"It is not something that you can do through any effort, will or volition of yours. It has to be
a miracle. Whatever has happened to me has happened despite everything I did. In fact,
everything I did only blocked it. It prevented the possibility of whatever was there to
express itself. Not that I have gained anything. Only what is there is able to express itself
without any hindrance, without any constraints or restraints imposed on it by society for its
own reasons, for its own continuity and stability."
"The search is inevitable and is an integral part of it. That is why it has turned us all into
neurotics and has created this duality for us. You see, ambition is a reality, competition is a
reality. But you have superimposed on that reality the idea that you should not be
ambitious. It has turned us all into neurotic individuals. We want two things at the same
time." "It dawned on me, 'There is nothing to understand.' When this happened, it hit me
like a shaft of lightning. From then on, the very demand to understand anything was over.
That understanding is the one that is expressing itself now. And it cannot be used as an
instrument to guide, direct or help me, you or anybody."
"And what you are trying to get you can never get, because there is nothing to get." "There
is no need for me to say youre not going to get what you want from anyone else either. That
you will find out by yourself. But that you cant do either by your own effort or by your
volition or by anything you do or do not do. That is not something that happens in the field
of cause and effect. "
"An enlightened man can never have sex because he cannot reproduce another one like
him"
reality
"We have invented reality. Otherwise you have no way of experiencing the reality of
anything—the reality of that person sitting there, for instance, or even your own physical
body. You have no way of experiencing that at all except through the help of the knowledge
that has been put in you. So, there may not be any such thing as reality at all, let alone the
ultimate reality. I do have to accept the fact that you are a man, that she is a woman. That
is all. There it stops. But what is the reality you are talking about?"
" (Q:) What is the relationship between words and reality? " "None. There is nothing beyond
words. "
"There is nothing to permanence."
fear
"That is terrifying—the fear of losing what you know. So actually, you don't want to be free
from fear. You do not want the fear to come to and end. All that you are doing—all the
therapies and techniques that you are using to free yourself from fear, for whatever reason
you want to be free from fear—is the thing that is maintaining the fear and giving continuity
to it. So you do not want the fear to come to an end. If the fear comes to an end, the fear of
what you know comes to an end. You will physically drop dead. Clinical death will take
place."
"You want to be free from fear. But there is no way you free yourself from it. If the fear
comes to an end, you as you know yourself, you as you experience yourself, are going to
come to an end, and you are not ready for that sort of thing."
belief
"You replace one belief with another. You can't be without a belief. What you call 'you' is
only a belief. If the belief goes, you go with it. That is the reason why, when you are not
satisfied with one belief-structure, you replace it with another."
the individual
" (Q:) You say that there is no individual... " "Where is the individual?"
God
"To me the question of God is irrelevant and immaterial"
"That messy thing called ‘mind’ has created many destructive things. By far the most
destructive of them all is God."
On other Enlightened Personalities
"She was a nice lady. She was a genuine article." (referring to Anandamayi)
"He said to the man, "If you don't want anything that is moksha," and went away.
Remarkable statement that was. That Ramana was a real McCoy" (Ramana Maharshi)
Biography
Early life and India

He was born on July 9, 1918 in Machilipatnam, a town in coastal Andhra Pradesh, India,
and raised in the nearby town of Gudivada. His mother died seven days after he was born,
and he was brought up by his maternal grandfather, a wealthy Brahmin lawyer, who was
also involved in the Theosophical Society. U.G. also became a member of the Theosophical
Society during his teenage years.[3]
During the same period of his life, U.G. practiced all kinds of austerities and earnestly
sought moksha or spiritual enlightenment. To that end, between the ages of fourteen and
twenty-one, he undertook all kinds of spiritual exercise, determined to find out whether
moksha was possible. Wanting to achieve that state, he had also resolved to prove that if
there were people who have thus "realized" themselves, they could not be hypocritical.[4] As
part of this endeavor, he searched for a person who was an embodiment of such
"realization".
He spent seven summers in the Himalayas with Swami Sivananda studying yoga and
practicing meditation.[5] During his twenties, U.G. began attending the University of
Madras, studying psychology, philosophy, mysticism, and the sciences, but never completed
a degree, having determined that the answers of the West - to what he considered were
essential questions - were no better than those of the East.
In 1939, at age 21, U.G. met with renowned spiritual teacher Ramana Maharshi. U.G.
related that he asked Ramana, "This thing called moksha, can you give it to me?" - to which
Ramana Maharshi purportedly replied, "I can give it, but can you take it?". This answer
completely altered U.G.'s perceptions of the "spiritual path" and its practitioners, and he
never again sought the counsel of "those religious people". Later U.G. would say that
Maharshi's answer - which he perceived as "arrogant" - put him "back on track".[6]
In 1941, he began working for the Theosophical Society, in C.W. Leadbeater's library.[7]
Shortly, he began an international lecture tour on behalf of the Society, visiting Norway,
Belgium, Germany and the United States. Returning to India, he married a Brahmin woman
named Kusuma Kumari in 1943, at age 25.[8]
From 1947 to 1953, U.G. regularly attended talks given by Jiddu Krishnamurti in Madras,
India, eventually beginning a direct dialogue with him in 1953.[9] [10] U.G. related that the
two had almost daily discussions for a while, which he asserted were not providing
satisfactory answers to his questions. Finally, their meetings came to a halt. He described
part of the final discussion:
And then, towards the end, I insisted, "Come on, is there anything behind the
abstractions you are throwing at me?" And that chappie said, "You have no way of
knowing it for yourself". Finish -- that was the end of our relationship, you see --
"If I have no way of knowing it, you have no way of communicating it. What the
hell are we doing? I've wasted seven years. Goodbye, I don't want to see you
again". Then I walked out.[10]
After the break with K. Jiddu, U.G. continued travelling, still lecturing. At about the same
time he claims to have been "puzzled" by the continuing appearance of certain psychic
powers.[10] In 1955, U.G. and his family went to the United States to seek medical
treatment for his eldest son, and stayed there for 5 years.
London period
He ultimately separated from his family and went to London where he lived a bleak
existence, alone and penniless, wandering the streets, often depending on the charity of
others for survival.[11] While sitting one day in Hyde Park, he was confronted by a police
officer who threatened to lock him up if he didn't leave the park. Down to his last five
pence, he made his way to the Ramakrishna Mission of London where the residing Swami
gave him money for a hotel room for the night. The following day, U.G. began working for
the Ramakrishna Mission, an arrangement that lasted for a period of three months. Before
leaving the mission he left a letter for the residing Swamiji telling him that he had become
a new man.[12]
About this time, Jiddu Krishnamurti was in London and the two Krishnamurtis renewed
their acquaintance. Jiddu tried to advise U.G. on his recent marital troubles, but U.G. didn't
want his help. Jiddu eventually persuaded him to attend a few talks he was giving in
London, which U.G. did, but found himself bored listening to him.[13]
In 1961, U.G. put an end to his relationship with his wife, who had recently been suicidal
(she later underwent shock therapy and died of an accident in 1963). Their marriage had
been a largely unhappy affair, and by that time he described himself as being "detached"
from his family emotionally as well as physically. He then left London and spent three
months living in Paris, using funds he had obtained by selling his unused return ticket to
India, during which time he ate a different variety of cheese each day. Down to his last 150
francs, he went to Geneva.
Early Swiss period

After two weeks in Geneva, U.G. was unable to pay his hotel bill and sought refuge at the
Indian Consulate. He was listless, without hope, and described himself as "finished" - he
requested that he be sent back to India, which the consular authorities refused to do at the
state's expense. A consulate employee in her sixties named Valentine de Kerven, herself a
distinguished and well-traveled woman, offered UG shelter. Valentine and U.G. became
good friends, and she provided him with a home in Switzerland.
For the next few years, the questions regarding the subject of enlightenment - or anything
else - did not interest him, and he did nothing to further his enquiry. But by 1967, U.G. was
again concerned with the subject of enlightenment, wanting to know what that state was,
which sages such as Siddhārtha Gautama purportedly attained. Hearing that Jiddu
Krishnamurti was giving a talk in Saanen, U.G. decided to attend. During the talk, Jiddu
was describing his own state and U.G. thought that it referred to him (U.G.). He explained it
as follows:
When I Iistened to him, something funny happened to me -- a peculiar kind of
feeling that he was describing my state and not his state. Why did I want to know
his state? He was describing something, some movements, some awareness, some
silence -- "In that silence there is no mind; there is action" -- all kinds of things.
So, I am in that state. What the hell have I been doing these thirty or forty years,
listening to all these people and struggling, wanting to understand his state or the
state of somebody else, Buddha or Jesus? I am in that state. Now I am in that
state. So, then I walked out of the tent and never looked back.
He continues:
Then -- very strange -- that question "What is that state?" transformed itself into
another question "How do I know that I am in that state, the state of Buddha, the
state I very much wanted and demanded from everybody? I am in that state, but
how do I know?"[14]
Calamity
The next day U.G. was again pondering the question "How do I know I am in that state?"
with no answer forthcoming. He later recounted that on suddenly realizing the question had
no answer, there was an unexpected physical, as well as psychological, reaction. It seemed
to him like "a sudden explosion inside, blasting, as it were, every cell, every nerve and
every gland in my body." Afterwards, he started experiencing what he called "the calamity",
a series of bizarre physiological transformations that took place over the course of a week,
affecting each one of his senses, and finally resulting in a deathlike experience. He
described it this way:
I call it calamity because from the point of view of one who thinks this is
something fantastic, blissful and full of beatitude, love, or ecstasy, this is physical
torture; this is a calamity from that point of view. Not a calamity to me but a
calamity to those who have an image that something marvelous is going to
happen.[14]
Upon the eighth day:
Then, on the eighth day I was sitting on the sofa and suddenly there was an
outburst of tremendous energy -- tremendous energy shaking the whole body, and
along with the body, the sofa, the chalet and the whole universe, as it were --
shaking, vibrating. You can't create that movement at all. It was sudden. Whether
it was coming from outside or inside, from below or above, I don't know -- I
couldn't locate the spot; it was all over. It lasted for hours and hours. I couldn't
bear it but there was nothing I could do to stop it; there was a total helplessness.
This went on and on, day after day, day after day.[14]
The energy that is operating there does not feel the limitations of the body; it is
not interested; it has its own momentum. It is a very painful thing. It is not that
ecstatic, blissful beatitude and all that rubbish -- stuff and nonsense! -- it is really
a painful thing.[14]
U.G. could not, and did not, explain the provenance of the calamity experiences. In
response to questions, he maintained that it happened "in spite of" his pre-occupation with -
and search for - enlightenment. He also maintained that the calamity had nothing to do with
his life up to that point, or with his upbringing. Several times he described the calamity
happening to him as a matter of chance, and he insisted that he could not possibly, in any
way, impart that experience to anybody else.[14] [15]
Post-calamity
According to U.G., his life-story can be separated into the pre- and post- calamity parts.
Describing his post-calamity life, he claimed to be functioning permanently in what he
called "the natural state": A state of spontaneous, purely physical, sensory existence,
characterized by discontinuity [16] - though not absence - of thought.[17]
After his calamity experience, U.G. often travelled to countries around the world, declining
to hold formal discussions yet talking freely with small groups of people and with interested
individuals. He gave his only formal post-calamity public talk in India, in 1972.[18]
"Nagaraj who was sitting quietly all this time said, "U.G., what exactly are you
trying to put across?" U.G. replied, "Depends on you, not on me. This you don't
seem to understand. You are the only medium through which I can express
myself."
His unorthodox non-message/philosophy and the often uncompromising, direct style of its
presentation, generated a measure of notoriety and sharply divided opinions. At the
extremes, some people considered him enlightened,[19] while others considered him nothing
more than a charlatan.[20] The clamor increased as books and articles by, and about, U.G.
and his newly expounded philosophy, continued appearing.[21]
Several of his group discussions and interviews have been published in books, or/and are
carried verbatim in various websites. There is also a variety of audio and video documents
available online.[22]
Death
On March 22 2007 U.G. Krishnamurti passed away at Vallecrosia in Italy. He had slipped
and injured himself, and was bedridden for seven weeks before his death. Three friends,
including long term devotee Mahesh Bhatt were by his side when he died.[23] In February
2007 he had dictated his final piece of writing, "My Swan Song".[24]
He had asked that no rituals or funeral rites be conducted upon his death; also, he did not
leave instructions on how to dispose of his body. U.G.'s body was cremated by Bhatt the
next day.[25] True to his own philosophy, U.G. did not want to be remembered after his
death.[26] He is survived by two daughters and a son, along with their respective families.
Bibliography
• The Courage to Stand Alone: Conversations with U.G. Krishnamurti, 2001, Smriti Books.
ISBN 8187967064.
• The Mystique of Enlightenment: The Radical Ideas of U.G. Krishnamurti, 2002, Sentient
Publications. ISBN 0971078610. Also published as The Mystique of Enlightenment: The
Unrational ideas of a man called U.G., 2005, Smriti Books. ISBN 8187967099.
• Thought is Your Enemy: Conversations with U.G. Krishnamurti, 2002, Smriti Books. ISBN
8187967110.
• The Little Book of Questions, 2003, Penguin Books. ISBN 0140299386.
• Mind Is a Myth: Conversations with U.G. Krishnamurti, 2003, Smriti Books. ISBN
8187967102.
• No Way Out: Conversations with U.G. Krishnamurti, 2005, Smriti Books. ISBN
8187967080.
• The Natural State [27], In the words of U.G. Krishnamurti, 2005, Smriti Books. ISBN
8187967773.
• The Penguin U.G. Krishnamurti Reader, 2007, Penguin Books. ISBN 0143101021.
(Mukunda Rao, Editor)
Books on U.G. Krishnamurti

• Mahesh Bhatt, U.G. Krishnamurti: A Life [28], 1992, Viking. ISBN 0140126201.
• Shanta Kelker, The Sage And the Housewife [29], 2005, Smriti Books. ISBN 8187967749.
• Mukunda Rao, The Other Side of Belief: Interpreting U.G. Krishnamurti, 2005, Penguin
Books. ISBN 0144000350.
• K. Chandrasekhar, J. S. R. L. Narayana Moorty, Stopped In Our Tracks: Stories of UG in
India [30]. 2005, Smriti Books. ISBN 8187967765.
• Krishnamurti, U. G. (Uppaluri Gopala) Books and Interviews Online [31]
External links
[32]
• U.G. Krishnamurti.org
• U.G. Krishnamurti resource site [33] Most of the published works by, and about, U.G. can
be found here and read freely on- or offline in their entirety.
• Mahesh Bhatt's Diary: 30 days with U.G. [34]
• Video: U.G. Krishnamurti's Parting Message [35]
References
[1] An Interview with UG at lifepositive (http:/ / www. lifepositive. com/ Spirit/ new-age-catalysts/ krishnamurti.
asp) Also see Interview at GatelessGate online magazine (http:/ / gatelessgate. wordpress. com/ category/
ugkrishnamurti/ ).
[2] (http:/ / www. ugkrishnamurti. org/ ug/ quotes_and_photos/ album02/ page01. html).
[3] U.G. in Mystique Of Enlightenment (http:/ / en. wikisource. org/ wiki/ The_Mystique_of_Enlightenment/
Part_One), mentions having "inherited" his association with the Theosophical Society from his grandfather.
[4] U.G. carried on at some length - in practically every published work - about what he perceived as the hypocrisy
of religious/spiritual people, his grandfather and other prominent Theosophists included.
[5] U.G. would later also dismiss this period with Sivananda as a useless exercise.
[6] Biographical details at inner-quest (http:/ / www. inner-quest. org/ UG_R. htm)
[7] Eventually, U.G. was elected Joint General Secretary of the Indian Section. His association with the Society
lasted until the early-mid 1950s, see Mystique Of Enlightenment (http:/ / en. wikisource. org/ wiki/
The_Mystique_of_Enlightenment/ Part_One).
[8] UG biography at sentientpublications (http:/ / www. sentientpublications. com/ authors/ ug. php)
[9] U.G. described one of their meetings as follows: We really didn't get along well. Whenever we met we locked
horns over some issue or other. For instance, I never shared his concern for the world, or his belief that his
teaching would profoundly affect the thoughts and actions of mankind for the next five hundred years--a fantasy
of the Theosophist occultists. In one of our meetings I told Krishnamurti, "I am not called upon to save the
world." He asked, "The house is on fire--what will you do?" "Pour more gasoline on it and maybe something will
rise from the ashes", I remarked. Krishnamurti said, "You are absolutely impossible". Then I said, "You are still
a Theosophist. You have never freed yourself from the World Teacher role. There is a story in the Avadhuta Gita
which talks of the avadhut who stopped at a wayside inn and was asked by the innkeeper, 'What is your
teaching?' He replied, 'There is no teacher, no teaching and no one taught.' And then he walked away. You too
repeat these phrases and yet you are so concerned with preserving your teaching for posterity in its pristine
purity"
[10] Krishnamurti, U.G.; Rodney Arms (2001). Mystique of Enlightenment Part One (http:/ / www. well. com/ user/
jct/ mystiq. htm) (3rd ed ed.). . Retrieved on 2007-09-05.
[11] U.G. had earlier inherited a considerable - for the time - sum of money from his grandfather. While in the US
for his son's treatments, the last of that money had run out. See Mystique Of Enlightenment (http:/ / en.
wikisource. org/ wiki/ The_Mystique_of_Enlightenment/ Part_One).
[12] from U.G. Krishnamurti biography, chapter: Adrift in London (http:/ / ugbio. blogspot. com/ 2007/ 12/
adrift-in-london-experiences-of-others. html)
[13] Jiddu Krishnamurti had apparently taken an interest in U.G.'s family since the time they first met in person in
1953. See link U.G. Krishnamurti biography, chapter: Locking of horns (http:/ / ug-k. blogspot. com/ 2007/ 04/
locking-of-horns-inspiration-is. html)
[14] Krishnamurti, U.G.; Rodney Arms (2001). Mystique of Enlightenment Part One (http:/ / www. well. com/ user/
jct/ mystiq. htm) (3rd ed ed.). . Retrieved on 2007-09-05.
[15] In the introduction to Mind Is a Myth: Disquieting Conversations with the Man Called U.G., editor Terry
Newland states that at age 35, U.G. started getting headaches and appearing younger, rather than older.
According to that account, by the time of his 49th birthday, he appeared to be 17 or 18 years old, while after
the calamity he started aging normally again, but continued to look far younger than his years. See Mind is a
Myth Introduction, Section 4 (http:/ / www. well. com/ user/ jct/ intro. html)
[16] http:/ / en. wiktionary. org/ wiki/ discontinuity
[17] The Natural State, In the Words of U.G. Krishnamurti, Smitri Books, 2005. ISBN 8187967773. Discussions
with U.G., compiled by Peter Maverick. U.G. also maintained that upon finding himself in the "natural state", he
had lost all acquired knowledge and memories, and had to re-learn everything, as if "...the slate had been wiped
clean".
[18] Public Talk (http:/ / www. well. com/ user/ jct/ Talk. htm) At the "Indian Institute of World Culture",
Bangalore.
[19] An opinion: UG was self-realized (http:/ / www. spiritualteachers. org/ ug_1opinion. htm) From the
spiritualteachers.org website, signed "Nicola Nigro".
[20] A Critique Of U.G. Krishnamurti (http:/ / www. theabsolute. net/ minefield/ ug. html) Opinion piece by David
Quinn, from the "Thinking Man's Minefield" website.
[21] The global vagabond (http:/ / drvasu. wordpress. com/ 2007/ 10/ 29/ u-g-krishnamurthi-the-global-vagabond/ )
One of several informative blog entries by someone who knew U.G. personally, accompanied by a variety of
comments.
[22] See also Books by U.G. Krishnamurti (http:/ / www. well. com/ user/ jct/ lists. html)
[23] The Hindu, March 25, 2007 (http:/ / www. hindu. com/ 2007/ 03/ 25/ stories/ 2007032502741000. htm)
[24] U.G. Krishnamurti My Swan Song (http:/ / www. well. com/ user/ jct/ SWAN_SONG. htm)
[25] " Obituary (http:/ / www. ugkrishnamurti. org/ ug/ obi/ index. html)". . Retrieved on 2007-09-05.
[26] Mahesh Bhatt mourns U.G. (http:/ / movies. monstersandcritics. com/ indiancinema/ news/ article_1283263.
php/ Mahesh_Bhatt_mourns_U. G. _Krishnamurtis_death)
[27] http:/ / the-natural-state. blogspot. com/
[28] http:/ / ug-k. blogspot. com/
[29] http:/ / sage. nu/
[30] http:/ / stopped. nu/
[31] http:/ / onlinebooks. library. upenn. edu/ webbin/ book/ browse?type=lcsubc& key=Krishnamurti%2C%20U.
%20G. %20(Uppaluri%20Gopala)
[32] http:/ / www. ugkrishnamurti. org/
[33] http:/ / www. well. com/ user/ jct
[34] http:/ / www. well. com/ user/ jct/ mahesh. html
[35] http:/ / www. metacafe. com/ watch/ 622460/ u_g_krishnamurti_parting_message/
481
Books and Movies
Against His-Story, Against Leviathan

Against His-Story, Against Leviathan!
1st edition cover

Author → Fredy Perlman
Cover artist William Blake
Country United States
Subject(s) History, anarchism
Publisher Black & Red
Publication date 1983
Media type paperback
Pages 302
OCLC [1]
184851382
Against His-Story, Against Leviathan! is a 1983 book by → Fredy Perlman, for which he
is best known.[2] It is a personal critical perspective on contemporary civilization and
society. The work defined → anarcho-primitivism for the first time,[3] and was a major
source of inspiration for anti-civilization perspectives in contemporary anarchism, most
notably on the thought of philosopher → John Zerzan.[4] A French language translation was
published in 2006 under the title Contre le Léviathan, contre sa légende.[5]
Against His- Story, Against Leviathan 482
External links
• Against His-Story, Against Leviathan! [6] complete text online
• Against His-Story, Against Leviathan [7] at the Natterjack Press
References
[2] Purkis, Jonathan (2004). Changing Anarchism. Manchester: Manchester University Press. pp. 237. ISBN
0719066948.
[3] Piper, Karen (2002). Cartographic Fictions. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press. pp. 177. ISBN
0813530733.
[4] Purkis, Johnathan (2004). "Anarchy Unbound". in John Moore. I Am Not a Man, I Am Dynamite! Friedrich
Nietzsche and the Anarchist Tradition. Brooklyn: Autonomedia. pp. 6. ISBN 1570271216.
[5] RA Forum (http:/ / raforum. info/ spip. php?article4044& lang=en)
[6] http:/ / noblesavagery. blogspot. com/ 2007/ 03/ fredy-perlmans-against-his-story. html
[7] http:/ / www. natterjackpress. co. uk/ books/ against-his-story-against-leviathan. php
Future Primitive and Other Essays 483
Future Primitive and Other Essays

Future Primitive and Other Essays
Author John Zerzan
Subject(s) → Anarcho-primitivism
Genre(s) Anthropology, political economy
Publisher Autonomedia,
Anarchy: a Journal of Desire Armed
Publication date December 1, 1994
Pages 192 pages
ISBN 1570270007
OCLC [1]
30630861
Preceded by Elements of Refusal
Followed by Running on Emptiness
Future Primitive and Other Essays is a collection of essays by → anarcho-primitivist

philosopher → John Zerzan published by Autonomedia in 1994. The book became the
subject of increasing interest after Zerzan and his beliefs rose to fame in the aftermath of
the trial of fellow thinker → Theodore Kaczynski and the 1999 anti-WTO protests in
Seattle.[2] It was republished in 1996 by Semiotext(e), and has since been translated into
French (1998), Spanish (2001), and Catalan (2002).[3] As is the case with Zerzan's previous
collection of essays, Elements of Refusal, Future Primitive is regarded by anarchists and
technophobes as an underground classic.[4]
Thesis
Future Primitive is an unequivocal assertion of the superiority of the → hunter-gatherer
lifestyle.[5] Zerzan rejects the thesis that time and technology are neutral scientific
realities, arguing instead that they are carefully constructed means of enslaving people.[6]
He cites as examples the computer and the Internet, which he maintains have an atomizing
effect on society, creating novel divisions of labour, demanding ever increasing efficiency
and portions of leisure time.[6] Life prior to domestication and agriculture, Zerzan argues,
was predominantly one of "leisure, intimacy with nature, sensual wisdom, sexual equality
Future Primitive and Other Essays 484
and health".[7] In the Paleolithic era, as The Wall Street Journal summarized Zerzan's
thesis, "people roamed free, lived off the land and knew little or nothing of private property,
government, money, war, even sexism. In the wild, the shackles of civilization weren't
necessary, as people were instinctively munificent and kind, the primitivist argument
[8]
goes."
Related topics
• Green anarchism
• → Marshall Sahlins
External links
[9]
• Future Primitive and Other Essays at the Natterjack Press
References
[2] Campbell, Duncan (April 18, 2001). " Anarchy in the USA (http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ world/ 2001/ apr/ 18/
mayday. features11)". The Guardian (Guardian Media Group). . Retrieved on 2008-10-06.
[3] Works by or about John Zerzan (http:/ / orlabs. oclc. org/ Identities/ lccn-n87-141887) in libraries (WorldCat
catalog)
[4] Noble, Kenneth B. (May 7, 1995). " Prominent Anarchist Finds Unsought Ally in Serial Bomber (http:/ / query.
nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage. html?res=990CE3DD113FF934A35756C0A963958260)". The New York Times (The
New York Times Company). . Retrieved on 2008-10-06.
[5] Gowdy, John (1998). Limited Wants, Unlimited Means. Washington: Island Press. pp. p.220. ISBN
155963555X.
[6] Veseth, Michael (2002). The New York Times Twentieth Century in Review: the Rise of the Global Economy.
New York: Routledge. pp. p.515. ISBN 1579583695.
[7] Bookchin, Murray (1995). Social Anarchism or Lifestyle Anarchism. Stirling: AK Press. pp. p.39. ISBN
187317683X.
[8] Waldman, Peter (Dec 6, 1999). " An Anarchist Looks to Provide Logic To Coterie Leading WTO Vandalism
(http:/ / www. infoshop. org/ octo/ wto_zerzan2. html)". The Wall Street Journal (Dow Jones & Company).
Archived from the original (http:/ / online. wsj. com/ article/ SB944436891605794366. html) on December 29,
2004. .
[9] http:/ / www. natterjackpress. co. uk/ books/ future-primitive. php
Against Civilization: Readings and Reflections 485
Against Civilization: Readings and

Reflections
Against Civilization: Readings and Reflections
Cover of the 2005 paperback edition

Author → John Zerzan
Illustrator R.L. Tubbesing
Language English
Subject(s) → Anarcho-primitivism
Genre(s) Political science
Publisher Feral House
Pages 275
ISBN ISBN 0922915989
OCLC [1]
58598894
Against Civilization: Readings and Reflections is a book edited by → John Zerzan. The
book provides an insight on the harmful effects of civilization and describes the ideas that
have given the rise to → anarcho-primitivism.
The book features writing by Henry David Thoreau, → Fredy Perlman, → Marshall Sahlins,
→ Chellis Glendinning, → Pierre Clastres, → Derrick Jensen, Frederick Jackson Turner,
Theodor W. Adorno, Max Horkheimer, Charles Fourier, → Ivan Illich, Ursula K. Le Guin,
Feral Faun, → Kirkpatrick Sale, Chrystos, Theodore Roszak, Rudolf Bahro and William
Morris.
Against Civilization: Readings and Reflections 486
See also
• Luddite
• AK Press
External links
• Publisher's page [2]
[3]
• Against Civilization: Readings and Reflections at the Natterjack Press
• Description of the book [4] in AK Press
References
[2] http:/ / feralhouse. com/ press/ againstcivilization/
[3] http:/ / www. natterjackpress. co. uk/ books/ against-civilisation. php
[4] http:/ / www. akpress. org/ 2005/ items/ againstcivilizationreadingsandreflections
Endgame (Derrick Jensen books) 487
Endgame (Derrick Jensen books)

Endgame
Endgame: Volume 1: The Problem of Civilization

Author → Derrick Jensen
Language English
Subject(s) Environment, Civilization
Publisher Seven Stories Press
Media type 2 vols. paperback.
Pages 931 combined
ISBN ISBN 1-58322-730-X and ISBN 1-58322-724-5
Endgame is a two-volume work by → Derrick Jensen, published in 2006, which argues that
civilization is inherently unsustainable and addresses the resulting question of what to do
about it. Volume 1, The Problem of Civilization, spells out the need to immediately and
systematically destroy civilization. Volume 2, Resistance, is about the challenging physical
task that dismantling civilization presents.
Style and structure

Jensen begins with a list of 20 premises, the most concise encapsulation of his ideas
published to date (see them in their entirety below).[1]
However, the bulk of the work is not written in such a highly structured, academic style. As
in his previous books, A Language Older Than Words and The Culture of Make Believe,
Jensen uses the first-person, interweaving personal experiences with cited facts to
construct his arguments. His books are written like narratives, lacking a linear, hierarchical
structure. They are not divided into distinct sections devoted to an individual argument.
Instead his writing is conversational, leaving one line of thought incomplete to move on to
another and returning to it later on. Jensen uses this creative non-fiction style to combine
his artistic voice with logical argument.
The books are addressed not to "fence-sitters," but to people who "already know how
horrible civilization is, and who want to do something about it."[2] The focus is on the
urgency of action, not on convincing the audience of basic axioms like "natural processes
are good." Nevertheless, Endgame includes many arguments for the validity of the book's
premises.
The two volumes were not written as separate and distinct parts of a work, but were
separated for practical reasons after the text was written. In Volume 1, Jensen argues for
premises 1 through 17, and he argues for the remaining three premises and their variations
in the first chapters of Volume 2.
Volume 1
Key arguments
Because civilization is not sustainable (premise one) and because civilization will not
undergo a voluntary transformation (premise six), activists should change the ways they
think about and work toward social change.
Because every living thing is inextricably dependent upon the rest of the natural world for
survival, sustaining the natural world is good.
Because civilization depends on widespread violence (premise three), all civilized people
(even dogmatic pacifists) are complicit in violence simply by their own participation in the
industrial economy.
Because civilization is not sustainable (premise one) and sustaining the natural world is
good, an act is good insofar as it decreases the ability of civilization to do violence.
Because the global economy is killing the planet before our eyes (premise one) and because
it is not redeemable (premise six), it is wrong to think that personal lifestyle changes we
make within the current system can save the planet. While we are not responsible for
existing in the current system because we did not create it, we are responsible for doing
our part to destroy the system, as this is the only way to stop the destruction of the planet.
Volume 2
Throughout much of Volume 2, Jensen recounts
numerous conversations with experts in various
fields. He asks fisheries biologists to weigh the
positive versus negative effects of catastrophic dam
failure. He talks to former members of the military
about the vulnerability of the modern industrial
infrastructure. He talks to hackers about the
dependence of industrial civilization upon
unsecured computer systems.
Pacifism
He also analyzes each of the following arguments
for pacifism, finding them invalid:
"Love leads to pacifism, and any use of violence
implies a failure to love. You can’t use the
master’s tools to dismantle the master’s house.
Endgame: Volume 2: Resistance
It’s far easier to make war than to make peace. We must visualize world peace. To
even talk about winning and losing (much less to talk about violence, much much less
to actually do it) perpetuates the destructive dominator mindset that is killing the
planet. If we just visualize peace hard enough, we may find it, because, as Johann
Christoph Friedrich von Schiller tells us, 'Peace is rarely denied to the peaceful.' Ends
never justify means, which leads to Erasmus saying, and pacifists quoting, 'The most
disadvantageous peace is better than the most just war.' Gandhi gives us some
absolutism, as well as absolution for our inability to stop oppressors, when he says,
'Humankind has to get out of violence only through nonviolence. Hatred can be
overcome only by love.' Gandhi again, with more magical thinking, 'When I despair, I
remember that all through history the way of truth and love has always won. There
have been tyrants and murderers and for a time they seem invincible but in the end,
they always fall—Think of it, ALWAYS.' Violence only begets violence. Gandhi again,
'We must be the change we wish to see.' If you use violence against exploiters, you
become like they are. Related to that is the notion that violence destroys your soul. If
violence is used, the mass media will distort our message. Every act of violence sets
back the movement ten years. If we commit an act of violence, the state will come
down hard on us. Because the state has more capacity to inflict violence than we do,
we can never win using that tactic, and so must never use it. And finally, violence
never accomplishes anything."[3]
Other arguments of Volume 2

The civilized, like all abusers, rarely stop their destructive behavior, so they will not change
because we talk to them. They will only change when they have no other choice.
A truly anthropocentric environmental ethic is necessarily biocentric as well because,
ultimately, humans are utterly dependent on the environment to live. If one group of
humans can live in a place for a thousand years, it doesn't matter which perspective
enabled them to do so.
Premises
• Premise One: Civilization is not and can never be sustainable. This is especially true for
industrial civilization.[4]
• Premise Two: Traditional communities do not often voluntarily give up or sell the
resources on which their communities are based until their communities have been
destroyed. They also do not willingly allow their landbases to be damaged so that other
resources—gold, oil, and so on—can be extracted. It follows that those who want the
resources will do what they can to destroy traditional communities.
• Premise Three: Our way of living—industrial civilization—is based on, requires, and
would collapse very quickly without persistent and widespread violence.
• Premise Four: Civilization is based on a clearly defined and widely accepted yet often
unarticulated hierarchy. Violence done by those higher on the hierarchy to those lower is
nearly always invisible, that is, unnoticed. When it is noticed, it is fully rationalized.
Violence done by those lower on the hierarchy to those higher is unthinkable, and when it
does occur is regarded with shock, horror, and the fetishization of the victims.
• Premise Five: The property of those higher on the hierarchy is more valuable than the
lives of those below. It is acceptable for those above to increase the amount of property
they control—in everyday language, to make money—by destroying or taking the lives of
those below. This is called production. If those below damage the property of those
above, those above may kill or otherwise destroy the lives of those below. This is called
justice.
• Premise Six: Civilization is not redeemable. This culture will not undergo any sort of
voluntary transformation to a sane and sustainable way of living. If we do not put a halt
to it, civilization will continue to immiserate the vast majority of humans and to degrade
the planet until it (civilization, and probably the planet) collapses. The effects of this
degradation will continue to harm humans and nonhumans for a very long time.
• Premise Seven: The longer we wait for civilization to crash—or the longer we wait
before we ourselves bring it down—the messier will be the crash, and the worse things
will be for those humans and nonhumans who live during it, and for those who come
after.
• Premise Eight: The needs of the natural world are more important than the needs of the
economic system.
• Another way to put premise Eight: Any economic or social system that does not benefit
the natural communities on which it is based is unsustainable, immoral, and stupid.
Sustainability, morality, and intelligence (as well as justice) requires the dismantling of
any such economic or social system, or at the very least disallowing it from damaging
your landbase.
• Premise Nine: Although there will clearly some day be far fewer humans than there are
at present, there are many ways this reduction in population could occur (or be achieved,
depending on the passivity or activity with which we choose to approach this
transformation). Some of these ways would be characterized by extreme violence and
privation: nuclear armageddon, for example, would reduce both population and
consumption, yet do so horrifically; the same would be true for a continuation of
overshoot, followed by crash. Other ways could be characterized by less violence. Given
the current levels of violence by this culture against both humans and the natural world,
however, it’s not possible to speak of reductions in population and consumption that do
not involve violence and privation, not because the reductions themselves would
necessarily involve violence, but because violence and privation have become the default.
Yet some ways of reducing population and consumption, while still violent, would consist
of decreasing the current levels of violence required, and caused by, the (often forced)
movement of resources from the poor to the rich, and would of course be marked by a
reduction in current violence against the natural world. Personally and collectively we
may be able to both reduce the amount and soften the character of violence that occurs
during this ongoing and perhaps longterm shift. Or we may not. But this much is certain:
if we do not approach it actively—if we do not talk about our predicament and what we
are going to do about it—the violence will almost undoubtedly be far more severe, the
privation more extreme.
• Premise Ten: The culture as a whole and most of its members are insane. The culture is
driven by a death urge, an urge to destroy life.
• Premise Eleven: From the beginning, this culture—civilization—has been a culture of
occupation.
• Premise Twelve: There are no rich people in the world, and there are no poor people.
There are just people. The rich may have lots of pieces of green paper that many pretend
are worth something—or their presumed riches may be even more abstract: numbers on
hard drives at banks—and the poor may not. These “rich” claim they own land, and the
“poor” are often denied the right to make that same claim. A primary purpose of the
police is to enforce the delusions of those with lots of pieces of green paper. Those
without the green papers generally buy into these delusions almost as quickly and
completely as those with. These delusions carry with them extreme consequences in the
real world.
• Premise Thirteen: Those in power rule by force, and the sooner we break ourselves of
illusions to the contrary, the sooner we can at least begin to make reasonable decisions
about whether, when, and how we are going to resist.
• Premise Fourteen: From birth on—and probably from conception, but I’m not sure how
I’d make the case—we are individually and collectively enculturated to hate life, hate the
natural world, hate the wild, hate wild animals, hate women, hate children, hate our
bodies, hate and fear our emotions, hate ourselves. If we did not hate the world, we could
not allow it to be destroyed before our eyes. If we did not hate ourselves, we could not
allow our homes—and our bodies—to be poisoned.
• Premise Fifteen: Love does not imply pacifism.
• Premise Sixteen: The material world is primary. This does not mean that the spirit does
not exist, nor that the material world is all there is. It means that spirit mixes with flesh.
It means also that real world actions have real world consequences. It means we cannot
rely on Jesus, Santa Claus, the Great Mother, or even the Easter Bunny to get us out of
this mess. It means this mess really is a mess, and not just the movement of God’s
eyebrows. It means we have to face this mess ourselves. It means that for the time we
are here on Earth—whether or not we end up somewhere else after we die, and whether
we are condemned or privileged to live here—the Earth is the point. It is primary. It is
our home. It is everything. It is silly to think or act or be as though this world is not real
and primary. It is silly and pathetic to not live our lives as though our lives are real.
• Premise Seventeen: It is a mistake (or more likely, denial) to base our decisions on
whether actions arising from these will or won’t frighten fence-sitters, or the mass of
Americans.
• Premise Eighteen: Our current sense of self is no more sustainable than our current
use of energy or technology.
• Premise Nineteen: The culture’s problem lies above all in the belief that controlling and
abusing the natural world is justifiable.
• Premise Twenty: Within this culture, economics—not community well-being, not morals,
not ethics, not justice, not life itself—drives social decisions.
• Modification of Premise Twenty: Social decisions are determined primarily (and often
exclusively) on the basis of whether these decisions will increase the monetary
fortunes of the decision-makers and those they serve.
• Re-modification of Premise Twenty: Social decisions are determined primarily (and
often exclusively) on the basis of whether these decisions will increase the power of
the decision-makers and those they serve.
• Re-modification of Premise Twenty: Social decisions are founded primarily (and often
exclusively) on the almost entirely unexamined belief that the decision-makers and
those they serve are entitled to magnify their power and/or financial fortunes at the
expense of those below.
• Re-modification of Premise Twenty: If you dig to the heart of it—if there were any heart
left—you would find that social decisions are determined primarily on the basis of how
well these decisions serve the ends of controlling or destroying wild nature.
Awards
Jensen was named "Person of the Year" by Press Action for publishing Endgame, which they
called "the most important book of the decade."[5]
External links
[13]
• The official website for Endgame, which includes numerous online excerpts
References
[1] V.1, pp.ix-xii
[2] V.1, p.345
[3] V.2, p.675
[4] He defines a civilization as "a culture—that is, a complex of stories, institutions, and artifacts—that both leads
to and emerges from the growth of cities (civilization, see civil: from civis, meaning citizen, from latin civitatis,
meaning state or city), with cities being defined—so as to distinguish them from camps, villages, and so on—as
people living more or less permanently in one place in densities high enough to require the routine importation
of food and other necessities of life." (V.1, p.17)
[5] Press Action ::: Press Action Awards 2006 (http:/ / www. pressaction. com/ news/ weblog/ full_article/
awards12292006/ / )
The Society of the Spectacle (film) 493
The Society of the Spectacle (film)

La Société du spectacle
Directed by → Guy Debord
Written by Guy Debord
Release date(s) 1973
Running time 90 min.
Country France
La Société du spectacle (Society of the Spectacle) is a 1973 film by Situationist → Guy

Debord based on his 1967 book of the same title. It was Debord’s first feature-length film.
The 90 minute film took a year to make and incorporates footage from The Battleship
Potemkin, October, Chapaev, The New Babylon, Shanghai Gesture, For Whom the Bell
Tolls, Rio Grande, They Died With Their Boots On, Johnny Guitar, and Mr. Arkadin, as well
as other Soviet films, industrial films, news footage, advertisements, many still
photographs, and footage of semi-naked women.[1] Events such as the murder of Lee
Harvey Oswald (who assassinated U.S. President John F. Kennedy in 1963), the Spanish
Civil War of 1936-1938, the 1956 Hungarian Revolution and the Paris riots in May 1968 are
represented, and people such as Mao Zedong, Richard Nixon, and the Spanish Anarchist
Durruti. Throughout the movie, there is both a voiceover (of Debord) and inter-titles from
"Society of the Spectacle" but also texts from the Committee of Occupation of the
Sorbonne, Machiavelli, Marx, Tocqueville, Emile Pouget, and Soloviev. Without citations,
these quotes are hard to decipher, especially with the subtitles (which exist even in the
French version) but that is part of Debord’s goal “to problematize reception” (Greil and
Sanborn) and force the viewer to be active.
In 1984, Debord withdrew his films from circulation because of the negative press and the
assassination of his friend and patron Gerard Lebovici. Since Debord’s suicide in 1994,
Debord’s wife Alice Becker-Ho has been promoting Debord’s film. A DVD box set titled Guy
Debord: Oeuvres cinématographiques complètes came out in 2005 and contains Debord’s
seven films.
Sources
• Marcus, Greil and Sanborn, “On the films of Guy Debord”, Keith; Feature; Artforum;
February 2006
• Bracken, Len; Guy Debord: Revolutionary; Feral House; 1997; California
• Knabb, Ken; Guy Debord’s Complete Cinematic Works; AK Press; 1978; Canada
• Marshall, Peter; Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism; Fontana Press;
1992; London
• Lasn, Kalle; Culture Jam: How to Reverse America’s Suicidal Consumer Binge- And Why
We Must; Quill; 1999; New York
The Society of the Spectacle (film) 494
External links
• The Society of the Spectacle on UbuWeb [2]
• Society of the Spectacle on google video [3]
• La Société du spectacle [4] at the Internet Movie Database
• Observations on the English translation of Guy Debord's Oeuvres Cinématographiques
Completes [25]
This article related to a French film of the 1970s is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by
expanding it [5].
References
[1] The pussies of Guy Debord (http:/ / video. google. com/ videoplay?docid=-6113599464218751854), selected
excerpts from the film
[2] http:/ / www. ubu. com/ film/ debord. html
[3] http:/ / video. google. com/ videoplay?docid=5776914999756420568
[4] http:/ / www. imdb. com/ title/ tt0070712/
[5] http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ w/ index. php?stub& title=The_Society_of_the_Spectacle_%28film%29& action=edit
Surplus: Terrorized into Being Consumers 495
Surplus: Terrorized into Being

Consumers
Surplus: Terrorized Into Being Consumers
DVD cover
Directed by Erik Gandini
Produced by Erik Gandini
Written by Erik Gandini
Music by David Österberg

Johan Söderberg
Cinematography Lukas Eisenhauer Carl Nilsson
Editing by Johan Söderberg
Release date(s) 21 November, 2003
Running time 54 min. (approx.)
Language Swedish
Spanish
English
Surplus: Terrorized Into Being Consumers is a 2003 Swedish documentary film on

consumerism and globalization, created by director Erik Gandini and editor Johan
Söderberg. It looks at the arguments for capitalism and technology, such as greater
efficiency, more time and less work, and argues that these are not being fulfilled.
Plot
Opening
• Footage of the protests at the 27th G8 summit in Genoa.
• Fidel Castro gives a speech.
John Zerzan
• → John Zerzan is interviewed.
RealDoll
• RealDoll manufacturer gives a tour of his warehouse, showing the variety and cost of the
sex-dolls.
Cuba
• Mirta Muñes shows the Cuban ration card, Cuban toothpaste.
• Pre Fidel Speech Parade, Fidel going up to the pulpit.

• Tania speaks about having gone out of Cuba, amazed by supermarkets, McDonald's, and
gaining a lot of weight.
Internet
• Internet-wealthy Svante says he hates money, feels empty.
• John Zerzan on emptiness in consumer society.
• Balmers monkeyboy dance and then "I love this company" statement intermixed with
workers stretching, then Fidel Castro lip-synched to "I love this company".
• footage from Alang, India where it says 40,000 workers scrap ships to recycle steel.
• John Zerzan speech saying violent protesting is better than peaceful protesting,
intermixed with a car show, and protesting.
New Ethic
• John Zerzan says corporate property of Starbucks or similar is the main target of his
criticism due to being understood as destructive and wiping out freedom and diversity.
• footage of primitive man.
• landfills, with conclusion: there is a paradigm shift coming where people will not want
corporate products and will desire a simple, fulfilling life. This can be understood
ironically.
Credits
Views
It prominently features the views of anarcho-primitivist John Zerzan.
Talking Heads
• → John Zerzan, anarcho-primitivist writer, author of Against Civilization: A Reader (1998)
• Fidel Castro, President of Cuba
• Kalle Lasn, from Adbusters
• Svante Tidholm, from Stockholm, Sweden, a wealthy web-designer of Spray and author of
the autobiographical novel Loser (Wahlström & Widstrand, 1998, Swedish)
• Carlo Giuliani, Activist and anarchist killed during Anti-G8 demonstrations in Genoa,
2001
Criticizes
• George W. Bush, President of the United States
• Steve Ballmer, CEO of Microsoft since 2000
• Bill Gates, Chairman of the Board and Chief Software Architect of Microsoft
Style
Surplus uses many montages.
Lip-synching
Surplus overtly uses lip-synching to put words in the mouth of people who hold similar
world powering positions.
Examples of this are George W. Bush speaking for Adbusters, Fidel Castro mouthing the
words of Microsoft CEO Steve Ballmer: "I love this company! Yeah!"
Soundtrack listing
• Gotan Project - Triptico
• Tosca - Orozco
• Aphrodelics - Aphrodelics – Rollin' on Chrome (Wild Motherfucker dub)
• Marc O´Sullivan (The Mighty Quark) - Smokescreen
• Marc O´Sullivan (The Mighty Quark) - Theme from Good People
• Johan Söderberg and David Österberg - No-tech-no
• Johan Söderberg and David Österberg - Rice&Beans
• Johan Söderberg and David Österberg - 18 Miljener
Locations
• Genoa, Italy - 27th G8 summit (2001)
• Shanghai, China - Stock Exchange
• Alang, India - Metal reclaiming
• USA / Cuba / Hungary / Sweden / Canada
External links
[1]
• () Official website
• Surplus: Terrorized into Being Consumers [2] at the Internet Movie Database
• Surplus: Terrorized Into Being Consumers [3] at the Internet Movie Database
• Surplus: Terrorized into Being Consumers [4] Direct download
References
[1] http:/ / www. atmo. se/ ?pageID=4& articleID=382
[4] http:/ / www. theyliewedie. org/ ressources/ videos/ videos-en. php#surplus
What a Way to Go: Life at the End of Empire 498
What a Way to Go: Life at the End of

Empire
What A Way To Go: Life at the End of Empire
Directed by Timothy S. Bennett
Produced by Sally Erickson
Written by Timothy S. Bennett
Narrated by Timothy S. Bennett
Starring Thomas Berry, William Catton, Gerald Cecil, Douglas

Crawford-Brown, Sally Erickson, Lyle Estill, → Chellis
Glendinning, Otis Graham, → Richard Heinberg, → Derrick Jensen,
→ Jerry Mander, Richard Manning, Stuart Pimm, Ran Prieur, →
Daniel Quinn, Paul Roberts, William Schlesinger
Music by Original score by Chamber Corps (Chris Rossi and James Hepler)
“Let’s Build a Boat” Written and Performed by Brian Hall
Distributed by VisionQuest Pictures
Running time 123 min
Language English
What A Way To Go: Life at the End of Empire is a 2007 documentary film about the
current situation facing humanity and the world. It discusses issues such as → peak oil,
climate change, → population overshoot and species extinction, as well as how this situation
has developed. The documentary features current data and recent interviews of → Daniel
Quinn, → anarcho-primitivist → Derrick Jensen and academics such as → Richard Heinberg
and many others.
External links
• Official site of the documentary [1]
• Trailers [2] and Reviews [3]
[4]
• "Meet the Filmmakers", interview of Sally Erickson and Tim Bennett.
Related films
• List of related films [5]
[6]
• Arithmetic, Population, and Energy, Dr. Albert Bartlett (Google video)
What a Way to Go: Life at the End of Empire 499
References
[1] http:/ / www. whatawaytogomovie. com/
[2] http:/ / www. whatawaytogomovie. com/ trailers/
[3] http:/ / www. whatawaytogomovie. com/ reviews/
[4] http:/ / www. peakmoment. tv/ conversations/ 72. html
[5] http:/ / www. whatawaytogomovie. com/ links-and-resources/ documentaries-and-videos/
[6] http:/ / www. guba. com/ watch/ 3000053112
Earthlings (documentary) 500
Earthlings (documentary)
Earthlings
Nature – Animals – Humankind – Make the Connection

Directed by Shaun Monson
Narrated by Joaquin Phoenix and Persia White
Music by Moby
Distributed by Nation Earth
Running time 95 minutes
Language English
Earthlings is a 2003 multi-award winning documentary[1] written, produced and directed

by Shaun Monson and co-produced by Persia White. The film was narrated by Hollywood
actor and animal rights activist Joaquin Phoenix. Earthlings also features an original score
by musician and activist Moby.
Synopsis
Earthlings is a documentary about human dependence on non-human animals for pets,
food, clothing, entertainment, and use in experimentation.
Phoenix has commented on the documentary that "Of all the films I have ever made, this is
the one that gets people talking the most. For every one person who sees Earthlings, they
will tell three." [2]
Peter Singer said "If I could make that everybody see a film, I would make them see
Earthlings".[3]
Earthlings (documentary) 501
External links
• Official documentary website [4]
• Nation Earth [5] - Organization responsible for Earthlings
• Earthlings [6] at the Internet Movie Database
• Veg-TV on earthlings [7]
See also
• Animal rights
• Animal product
• Animal testing
References
[1] Presentación del documental "Earthlings" (http:/ / traficantes. net/ index. php/ trafis/ libreria/ noticias/
presentacion_del_documental_earthlings) ()
[2] New Zealand debut screening a sell-out success! (http:/ / www. safe. org. nz/ Education/ Earthlings/ ) SAFE
[3] Terráqueos (Earthlings) (http:/ / vista-se. com. br/ site/ terraqueos-earthlings) ()
[4] http:/ / www. earthlings. com/
[5] http:/ / www. nationearth. org/
[7] http:/ / veg-tv. info/ Earthlings
502
Organizations and Resources
Green Anarchy
Type Political philosophy
Format Biannual magazine
Owner n/a
Founded 2000
Political allegiance → Anarcho-primitivism
Language English
Headquarters Eugene, Oregon
Website [1]
greenanarchy.org
Green Anarchy is a magazine published by a collective located in Eugene, Oregon. The

magazine's focus is on → primitivism, → post-left anarchy, radical environmentalism,
anarchist resistance, indigenous resistance, earth and animal liberation, anti-capitalism and
supporting political prisoners. It has a circulation of 8,000.[2]
The subtitle of the magazine is "An Anti-Civilization Journal of Theory and Action".
According to their web site,[3] Green Anarchy was established in the summer of 2000 by
one of the founders of → Green Anarchist, "a similar, yet more rudimentary, publication
from the United Kingdom" and "began as a basic introduction to eco-anarchist and radical
environmental ideas, but after a year of limited success, members of the current collective
took on the project with an enthusiastic trajectory."
Author → John Zerzan is currently one of the publication's editors.
See also
• EnDehors
• Green anarchism
• Rewilding
• → Species Traitor
Green Anarchy 503
External links
[4]
• Official website
References
[1] http:/ / greenanarchy. org/
[2] http:/ / www. cparchives. com/ archive. cfm?type=Main%20Feature& pagenum=2& action=getComplete&
ref=6426
[3] Green Anarchy (http:/ / greenanarchy. org)
[4] http:/ / greenanarchy. org
Green Anarchist
The magazine Green Anarchist was for a while the
principal voice in the UK advocating green anarchism,
an explicit fusion of libertarian socialist and ecological
thinking.
Early years
Founded after the 1984 Stop the City protests, the
magazine was launched in the summer of that year by
an editorial collective consisting of Alan Albon, Richard
Hunt and Marcus Christo. Albon had been an editor of
Freedom whilst Hunt had become frustrated with the
more mainstream green magazine Green Line for which
he had been writing. The younger Christo had come
from a more anarcho-punk background – he was also a
member of Green CND, and had been involved in the
blockade of Ronald Reagan's car at the 1984 Lancaster Cover of the first issue of 'Green
House summit meeting. Anarchist' magazine (Summer 1984),
featuring artwork by then editor
Early issues featured a range of broadly anarchist and Richard Hunt
ecological ideas, bringing together groups and

individuals as varied as Class War, veteran anarchist writer Colin Ward, anarcho-punk band
Crass, as well as the Peace Convoy, anti-nuclear campaigners, animal rights activists and so
on. However the diversity that many saw as the publication's greatest strength quickly led
to irreconcilable arguments between the essentially pacifist approach of Albon and Christo,
and the advocacy of violent confrontation with the State favoured by Hunt.
Albon and Christo left Green Anarchist shortly afterwards, and the magazine saw a
succession of editorial collectives, although Hunt remained in overall control. During this
period he published articles which were increasingly alienating much of the magazine's
readership. Matters came to a head after Hunt wrote an editorial which expressed support
for British troops in the Gulf War and extolled the virtues of patriotism. Hunt has stated
that the rest of the editorial collective wished to bring to Green Anarchist a more left-wing
political approach, while Hunt wanted it to remain non-aligned.[1] Shortly afterwards he left
to start another magazine Alternative Green, which continued to promote his own
Green Anarchist 504
particular view of green anarchism, and eventually became closely linked to the
National-Anarchist movement from the mid-90s onwards.
Into the Nineties

During the 1990s Green Anarchist came under the helm of an editorial collective that
included Paul Rogers, Steve Booth and others, during which period the publication became
increasingly aligned with → primitivism, an anti-civilization philosophy advocated by writers
such as → John Zerzan, → Bob Black and → Fredy Perlman.
During this period the magazine expressed sympathy for the Unabomber actions of Ted
Kaczynski and published a notorious article entitled "The Irrationalists" that apparently
supported actions such as the Oklahoma City bombing and the sarin gas attacks carried out
by the Tokyo based Aum cult. This once again alienated much of the UK anarchist
movement, and led to strong criticism of the magazine by Stewart Home , Counter
Information, the Anarchist Communist Federation [2] [3] [4] and others. Steven Booth, the
writer of the article, has since renounced the views expressed in it, as well as the primitivist
movement altogether.
The GANDALF trial

Starting in 1995, Hampshire Police began a series of at least 56 raids, code named
'Operation Washington', that eventually resulted in the August to November 1997
Portsmouth trial of Green Anarchist editors Booth, Saxon Wood, Noel Molland and Paul
Rogers, as well as Animal Liberation Front (ALF) Press Officer Robin Webb and Animal
Liberation Front Supporters Group (ALFSG) newsletter editor Simon Russell. The
defendants organised the GANDALF Defence campaign. Three of the editors of Green
Anarchist, Noel Molland, Saxon Wood and Booth were jailed for 'conspiracy to incite'.
However, all three were shortly afterwards released on appeal.
Booth and Rogers' Green Anarchists

In the late 1990s there was a further split amongst the GA collective, leading to the
existence of two entirely separate magazines using the Green Anarchist title. These are
respectively published by an editorial team that includes Paul Rogers and 'John Connor'
(who subtitle their version of the paper as the original and best), and Steve Booth, who has
publicly renounced some of his earlier published views and expressed a wish to 'return to
the magazine's roots'.
Green Anarchist 505
See also
• Green Anarchism
References
[1] An Interview with Richard Hunt (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20050306231050/ http:/ / www.
national-anarchist. org/ articles/ INTERVIEWHunt. html)
[2] Green Anarchist Documents (http:/ / www. stewarthomesociety. org/ ga/ )
[3] Counter Information on Green Anarchist (http:/ / www. counterinfo. org. uk/ ga. htm)
[4] http:/ / autonomous. org. uk/ ace/ aceonga. htm
Species Traitor
1. REDIRECT Template:Article issues
Species Traitor is a sporadically published journal of insurrectionary →
anarcho-primitivism. It is printed as a project of Black and Green Network.
ST was initially labeled as a project of the Coalition Against Civilization (CAC) and the Black
and Green Network (BAG). The CAC was started towards the end of 1999 in the aftermath
of the massive street protests in Eugene (Reclaim the Streets) and in Seattle (WTO) of that
year. That aftermath gave a new voice and standing for green anarchist and
anarcho-primitivist writers and viewpoints within both the anarchist milieu and the culture
at large. Particular media attention turned to writer → John Zerzan, the Unabomber Ted
Kaczynski, and critical views of technology. But within this media frenzy, a number of
ecological minded anarchists began to draw critical lines between each other and stepped
up on their own.
This was the beginning of the new wave of green anarchism which gave rise to the CAC, ST,
BAG, as well as → Green Anarchy (originally a U.S. distributor of the premier green
anarchist journal, → Green Anarchist turned into its own project and now the largest
anarchist publication).
The first issue came out in winter of 2000-2001 (currently out of print) and contained a mix
of reprints and some original articles from → Derrick Jensen and → John Zerzan among
others. Issue two came in the following year in the wake of Sept. 11 and took a major step
from the first issue in becoming something of its own rather than another mouthpiece of
green anarchist rhetoric. The articles took a more in depth direction opening a more
analytical and critical draw between anarchy and anthropology, attacks on Reason and the
Progress/linear views of human history and Future that stand at the base of the ideology of
civilization.
Early 2003 saw the release of Number Three which further reflected the growth of ST in
both ideas and format. At just over 100 pages, this issue began to focus upon more
particular issues, primarily on a critique of symbolic culture, a further look at the
relationship between anarchy and anthropology, and opened up a critical look at the
concept and form of revolution. Thematically this would be the establishment of what ST
has been known for: the primary source for critical and analytical anarcho-primitivist
critique and praxis. In seeking out the limits and failures of revolution and revolutionary
Species Traitor 506
thinking, the turn looked more towards insurrection, rewilding and a deeper understanding
of the collapse of civilization and what that means in terms of resistance. Though
containing no articles or references to the CAC, this would be the last issue published by
the CAC as such. Recognizing the long overdue necessity to move beyond an unused name,
the CAC was formally collapsed in 2005 to put more attention where it belonged and give
Tucker more time to devote immediately towards the more important projects of the Black
and Green Network and ST.
Two and a half years later (Fall 2005) brought Issue No. 4, which really represents the
fruition of the past years' experience and questioning. Again taking new steps in terms of
presentation (now a nearly 200 page book) and in terms of concepts, this issue gave a more
complete merging of what No. 3 was heading towards: a fusion of critical theory (looking at
the relationship between sedentism and domestication with the formation of hierarchies,
coercive power and its other side effects), the relationship between rewilding and
resistance, delving into primitive skills and more in-depth glances at what a non-revolution,
anti-civilization resistance might look or aim at, attempts to rescue animal liberation from
animal rights, and much more.
See also
• rewilding
• Neo-luddism
External links
[1]
• Insurgent Desire - The Online Green Anarchy Archive
References
[1] http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/
Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed 507
Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed
Anarchy magazine logo

Type Political philosophy
Format bi-annual
Publisher Columbia Anarchist League
Editor Jason McQuinn
Founded 1980
Political allegiance Anarchism
Language English
Headquarters Berkeley, California
ISSN [1]
1044-1387
OCLC [2]
11733794
Website [3]
anarchymag.org
Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed is a North American anarchist magazine, and is one
of the most popular anarchist publications in North America. It could be described as a
general interest and critical, non-ideological anarchist journal. It was founded by members
of the Columbia Anarchist League of Columbia, Missouri, and continued to be published
there for nearly fifteen years, eventually under the sole editorial control of Jason McQuinn
(who initially used the pseudonym "Lev Chernyi"), before briefly moving to New York City in
1995 to be published by members of the Autonomedia collective. The demise of
independent distributor Fine Print nearly killed the magazine, necessitating its return to
the Columbia collective after just two issues. It remained in Columbia from 1997 to 2006.
As of 2006[4] it is published bi-annually by a group based in Berkeley, California.[5] [6] The
magazine accepts no advertising. It has serially published two book-length works, The
Papalagi and → Raoul Vaneigem's The Revolution of Everyday Life.
Perspective and contributors

The magazine is noted for spearheading the → Post-left anarchy critique ("beyond the
confines of ideology"), as articulated by such writers as Lawrence Jarach, → John Zerzan, →
Bob Black, and → Wolfi Landstreicher (formerly Feral Faun/Feral Ranter among other noms
de plume). Zerzan is now best known as the foremost proponent of → anarcho-primitivism.
The magazine has been open to publishing the primitivists, which has caused leftist critics
and academics like Ruth Kinna (editor of Anarchist Studies) to classify the magazine as
primitivist, but McQuinn, Jarach and others have published critiques of primitivism there.
Bob Black is best known for "The Abolition of Work" (1985), a widely reprinted and
translated essay (first widely circulated, in fact, as an insert in Anarchy in 1986), but for
Anarchy he has mainly contributed critiques of leftists and anarcho-leftists such as Ward
Churchill, Fred Woodworth, Chaz Bufe, Murray Bookchin, the Platformists and most
Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed 508
recently AK Press. Wolfi Landstreicher now writes from the "insurrectionalist" perspective
of Renzo Novatore and Alfredo Bonanno (he has translated both) which combines a
sympathy for generalized, spontaneous, unmediated uprising with the egoism of Max
Stirner. Other Anarchy contributors also often try to reconcile an egoist valorization of
desire and the renunciation of any sacrificial moralism with aspirations for the collective
transformation of everyday life.
External links
• Anarchy magazine's official website. [3]
• North American Anarchist Thought Since 1960 [7]
[8]
• Institute for Anarchist Studies: Post-Left Anarchy: Leaving the Left Behind
References
[1] http:/ / www. worldcat. org/ issn/ 1044-1387
[3] http:/ / www. anarchymag. org
[4] http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ wiki/ Anarchy%3A_a_journal_of_desire_armed
[5] Feeney, Mary K. (November 22, 2001). "Voices You May Not Want to Hear". Hartford Courant.
[6] " Embattled prof files complaint against himself (http:/ / www. msnbc. msn. com/ id/ 8437578/ )". MSNBC.
Associated Press. July 1, 2005. .
[7] http:/ / www. northamericananarchist. org
[8] http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ postleft. htm
Fifth Estate (periodical) 509
Fifth Estate (periodical)

Categories Anti-authoritarianism, anarchism
Frequency Three issues per year
First issue 1965
Country United States of America
Website [1]
fifthestate.org
Fifth Estate (FE) is a US periodical, originally based in Detroit, Michigan but now
produced in a variety of locations. Its editorial collective shares divergent views on the
topics the magazine addresses but generally shares an anti-authoritarian outlook and a
non-dogmatic, action-oriented approach to change. The title presumably suggests that the
periodical is an alternative to the fourth estate (traditional print journalism).
Fifth Estate is frequently cited as the longest running English language anarchist
publication in North America.
History
Origin
Fifth Estate was started by Harvey Ovshinsky, a seventeen year old youth from Detroit. He
was inspired by a summer trip to California where he worked on The Los Angeles Free
Press, the first underground paper in the US. The name came from a coffee house he liked
to visit on the Sunset Strip.
The first issue was published on November 19, 1965 - "That's what we really are - the voice
of the liberal element in Detroit," it said. It was produced on a typewriter and then
reproduced by offset lithograph. It featured a critical review of a Bob Dylan concert, a
borrowed Jules Feiffer cartoon, alternative events listing and an announcement of a
forthcoming anti-Vietnam War march. None of these things would have been included in
contemporary newspapers.
In 1966 Ovshinsky moved the office from his parents' basement to a mid-town storefront
near Wayne State University. Here the paper was saved from extinction by the Detroit
Committee to End the War in Vietnam, John Sinclair's Artist Workshop, and other radicals.
Later in 1966 the paper moved to Plum Street where they also established a bookshop.
Fifth Estate thrived in the late sixties, a period when over 500 underground papers
emerged in the US. Thousands of copies were distributed locally with hundreds more being
sent to GIs in Vietnam. Fifth Estate openly called on soldiers to mutiny. In 1967 the Fifth
Estate offices were tear-gassed by the National Guard during the 12th Street riot. In this
period the print run reached 15,000 - 20,000 copies.
1970s
By 1972 the optimism of the sixties had worn off and the tone of the paper became more
concerned with struggle than fun. Ovshinsky left, leaving a group of young people
(teenagers or in their early twenties) to run the paper. Some of their naïveté wore off as
they sent delegations to Vietnam, Cambodia and Cuba. With the massive defeat of George
McGovern and the election of Richard Nixon for a second term with an increased vote
damaged the movement - many underground papers stopped coming out and the
alternative news services such as the Liberation News Service, and the Underground Press
Syndicate had collapsed. The Fifth Estate was mentioned in the national press when one of
its reporters, Pat Haley, threw a shaving cream pie at Guru Maharaj Ji in 1973. Though the
guru forgave him publicly, two of his followers attacked Haley a week later and fractured
his skull.[2]
By 1975, Fifth Estate was lingering on - many staff had
burnt out through too much activism and they had their
share of internal disputes. The debts were mounting
up.In August, 1975 Vol. 11, No.1 declared "The issue
you are now holding is the last issue of the Fifth Estate
- the last issue of a failing capitalist enterprise…This is
also the first issue of a new Fifth Estate." This was the
first explicitly anti-authoritarian issue of Fifth Estate.
The paper had been taken over by the Eat the Rich
French postmodern philosopher Jean
Gang., a group that had successfully published several
Baudrillard, who influenced the
pamphlets and were particularly influenced by → Fredy periodical in its late 1970s anarchist
Perlman, → Jacques Camatte, Jean Baudrillard, Council phase.
communism, and Left Communism, as well as the
Situationists. They did not originally identify themselves as explicitly anarchist and had no
contacts with the anarchist currents of the 1930s. However, they were contacted by
veterans of that period who they saw as powerful role models. Those included Marcus
Graham (publisher of the 1930s anarchist periodical Man!) and Spanish and Italian
anarchist veterans. They also developed a close relationship with Black and Red, a radical
Marxist printers/publishers group with which Lorraine and → Fredy Perlman were involved.
1980s and 1990s

By 1980, the paper had become more anti-technological and anti-civilisation, something for
which it was well known throughout the '80's. It was the focal point for the development of
the political trend of → anarcho-primitivism. Long-time contributor → John Zerzan published
his seminal essays on time, language, art, number and agriculture in the magazine. His
articles were frequently accompanied by long critiques by George Bradford (nee David
Watson) or Bob Brubaker, who developed different versions of primitivism. After Zerzan's
1988 article on agriculture, he started publishing his new essays in → Anarchy: A Journal of
Desire Armed. Dismayed by what he saw as the excesses of Zerzan and others, Watson
eventually repudiated primitivism in his 1997 essay "Swamp Fever". [3]
2001 to present
In 2001, the center of the magazine shifted from Detroit, Michigan to Liberty, Tennessee
when long-time contributor Sunfrog Bonobo took over the main editorial duties of the
magazine, although long-time Detroit staffers like Peter Werbe remained involved. In 2006,
Fifth Estate decentralized their editorial group, and since then issues have been published
that were primarily produced in Michigan, Tennessee, New York and Wisconsin. The
current editorial collective has moved away from primitivism, does not endorse a specific
political line and welcomes voices from disparate strains of anti-authoritarian thought. The
group also continues to distance themselves from anarchism as a specific ideology,
embracing a more inclusive, yet still radical, anti-capitalist perspective. Continuing to cover
environmental and anti-capitalist resistance, articles have also appeared which address
immigration, race, feminism, queer sexuality and transgender issues.
In 2008, long-time contributor Marie Mason was arrested as part of what some call the
Green Scare. In February 2009, she was sentenced to almost 22 years for two acts of
environmentally-motivated property destruction. The Fifth Estate has run articles
protesting both the labeling of her actions as "terrorism" as well as the long sentence she
received.
Contributors
• Richard Mock, designer of many of the linocuts used
on Fifth Estate's covers.
• → David Watson, longtime Fifth Estate writer and
editorial collective member
• → Fredy Perlman, Fifth Estate writer
• Peter Werbe, longtime Fifth Estate writer and
editorial collective member
• → John Zerzan, Fifth Estate contributor from 1974 to
1988
External links
[1]
• Official website
[4]
• Fifth Estate on the website of Peter Werbe. Peter Werbe in 1983. Werbe has been
• Metro Times story on Fifth Estate's 40th anniversary a staff member of the periodical since
[5] shortly after its inception in 1965.
References
[1] http:/ / www. fifthestate. org/
[2] Moritz, Charles (ed.) (1974). Current Biography Yearbook.. New York: H.W. Wilson Company.
[3] "Swamp Fever: Primitivism & the Ideological Vortex", Fifth Estate #350 (vol 32, #2), Fall 1997. pp 15–25
[4] http:/ / www. peterwerbe. com/ estate. htm
[5] http:/ / www. metrotimes. com/ editorial/ story. asp?id=7348
CrimethInc. 513
CrimethInc.
CrimethInc. "hand" logo

Type Decentralized collective
Purpose/focus [1]
The "pursuit of a freer and more joyous world"
Membership Voluntary association
Website [2]
www.crimethinc.com
CrimethInc., also known as CWC ("CrimethInc. Ex-Workers Collective" or

"CrimethInc Ex-Workers Ex-Collective"[3] ), is a decentralized anarchist collective
composed of autonomous cells.[4] CrimethInc. emerged in the mid-1990s[5] – initially as the
hardcore zine Inside Front – and began operating as a collective in 1996.[6] It has since
published widely-read articles and zines for the anarchist movement and distributed posters
and books of its own publication.[7]
CrimethInc. cells have variously published books, released records and organized
large-scale national campaigns against globalization and representative democracy in favor
of radical community organizing. Less-public splinter groups have carried out direct action
(including arson and hacktivism), hosted international conventions and other events,
maintained local chapters, sparked riots and toured with multimedia performance art
and/or hardcore anarcho-punk musical ensembles. The collective has received national
media and academic attention, as well as strong criticism and praise from other anarchists
for its activities and philosophy. CrimethInc. has had a long association with the North
American anarcho-punk scene due to its relationship with notable artists in the genre and
its publishing of Inside Front. It has since expanded into nearly all areas of the
contemporary anti-capitalist movement.
Activities
Part of the Anarchism series on → CrimethInc.
Publications
Zines/journals
Inside Front
Fighting For Our Lives
Rolling Thunder
Harbinger
Books
CrimethInc. 514
Anarchy in the Age of Dinosaurs

Days of War, Nights of Love
Recipes for Disaster
The Secret World of Terijian
Expect Resistance
Letters series
Evasion
Off the Map
Rusty String Quartet
Stone Hotel
Film
CrimethInc. Guerilla Film Series, Volume One
Music
Discography
Catharsis
Requiem
Ümlaut
Zegota
Campaigns
Don't Just Vote, Get Active

Unabomber for President
Related subjects
Curious George Brigade
Anarchism Portal ·
Activities by CrimethInc. cells have included publishing radical literature and music, while
less-public splinter groups have carried out direct action, hosted international conventions
and other events, maintained local chapters, sparked riots and toured with multimedia
performance art and/or hardcore anarcho-punk musical ensembles.[8] In 2002, a cell in
Olympia, Washington staged a five-day film festival with skill-sharing workshops and
[9]
screenings. Cells have also supported various large-scale campaigns with publicity work,
including the "Unabomber for President" and the "Don't Just (Not) Vote" election campaigns
as well as the protests against the Free Trade Area of the Americas of 2003 in Miami,
Florida.[10] [11] Individuals adopting the CrimethInc. nom de guerre have included convicted
ELF arsonists,[12] as well as hacktivists who successfully attacked the websites of DARE,
Republican National Committee and sites related to U.S. President George W. Bush's 2004
re-election campaign.[13] [14] These activities have earned the collective irregular attention
from the mainstream news media.[15]
CrimethInc. 515
Publications
The creation of propaganda has been described as the
collectives' core function.[16] Among their best-known
publications are the books Days of War, Nights of Love,
"Expect Resistance", Evasion, Recipes for Disaster: An
Anarchist Cookbook and the pamphlet Fighting For Our
Lives (of which, to date, they claim to have printed
600,000 copies),[17] the hardcore punk/political zine
"Ne plus ultra" edition of Days of War, Inside Front, and the music of /hardcore punk bands.
Nights of Love, CrimethInc.'s 2001 Several websites are maintained by individual cells,
manifesto.
including Crimethinc.com, a clearing house for
CrimethInc. activities operated by the Far East Cell
which hosts excerpts from previously published works as well as a blog. CrimethInc. is
connected to publishing collectives/organizations with similar ideas, notably the Curious
George Brigade which has written a number of publications including Anarchy in the Age of
Dinosaurs. In 2005, they began publishing a half-gloss journal, Rolling Thunder, with the
byline "An Anarchist Journal of Dangerous Living", which released its sixth issue in 2008.
CrimethInc. texts have received wide coverage in the anarchist media and in academic
publications,[18] [19] and have been used as reading materials for university courses on
anarchism.[20]
Convergence locations
• Des Moines, IA (2002)

• Louisville, KY (2003)
• Des Moines, IA (2004)
• Bloomington, IN (2005)
• Winona, MN (2006)
• Athens, OH (2007)
• Milwaukee, WI (2008)
• Coraopolis, PA (2009)
Convergences
Since the Summer of 2002, CrimethInc. has hosted annual conventions, termed
"convergences", extending an invitation to all who wish to attend. Typically featuring the
performances of traveling theatrical troupes, musicians, direct-action and mutual-aid
workshops from individual participants, the few-days-long camping trips have attracted
coverage in newspaper articles,[21] initiated multiple Reclaim the Streets actions, mobilized
large Critical Mass events, and catalyzed many other activities.[22]
The 2007 convergence in Athens, Ohio saw an impromptu street party which resulted in a
few arrests on minor charges.[21] The Athens News characterized the convergence as "a
sort of networking, resume-swapping opportunity for would-be radicals, free-thinkers,
Levelers, Diggers, → Neo-Luddites and other assorted malcontents."[23] It is typical of these
gatherings to demand that all attendees have something to contribute to the momentum:
whether it's bringing food or equipment to share, leading a discussion group, or providing
materials with which to write to political prisoners. There has also been a pattern of
CrimethInc. 516
promoting convergences as festivals, reminiscent of barnstorming flying circuses and

traveling sideshows.[22]
Harper's journalist Matthew Power described the 2006 convergence in Winona, Minnesota
as follows:
Several hundred young anarchists from around the country had train-hopped and
hitchhiked there to attend the annual event known as the CrimethInc
Convergence…Grimy and feral-looking, the CrimethInc kids squatted in small groups
around a clearing.…[they] were in the middle of several days of self-organized
workshops, seminars, and discussions, ranging from the mutualist banking theories of
the nineteenth-century anarchist philosopher Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, to an
introductory practicum on lock-picking, to a class on making one’s own menstrual
pads.…CrimethInc’s adherents had come together there because they wanted to live
their lives as some sort of solution. They saw “the revolution” not as a final product but
as an ongoing process; they wanted not just to destroy the capitalist system but to
create something livable in its place.[16]
—Matthew Power, Harper's Magazine, March 2008
These convergences have been hosted by different groups within the collective each time,
typically based on the initiative of local enthusiasts. Every year a different set of policy
requests is released from locals in the field, typically encouraging a sober, consensus-based
space in which no financial transactions are made. The one firm rule always made clear has
been “No police informants.”, a regulation which has been ignored at least twice by the FBI
in Des Moines, Iowa in 2004 and in Bloomington, Indiana in 2005.[24]
CrimethInc. 517
Philosophy
Crimethought is not any ideology or value system
or lifestyle, but rather a way of challenging all
ideologies and value systems and lifestyles—and,
for the advanced agent, a way of making all
ideologies, value systems, and lifestyles
challenging.
—Crimethinc.com[25]
CrimethInc as a loose association represents a variety
of political views; the CrimethInc. FAQ asserts that it
has "no platform or ideology except that which could be
generalized from the similarities between the beliefs
and goals of the individuals who choose to be
involved—and that is constantly in flux."[5]
"CrimethInc." is an anonymous tag, a means of
constructing dynamic networks of support and
communication within the anarchist movement, and as
such anyone can publish under the name or create a
"Eclipse the past" inside front cover
image from CrimethInc.'s Days of War,
poster using the logo; each agent or group of agents
Nights of Love (2001). A philosophical operate autonomously.[26] As well as the traditional
theme of CrimethInc.'s writings is the anarchist opposition to the state and capitalism, agents
rejection of the "exclusive,
have, at times, advocated a straight edge lifestyle, the
anti-subjective" nature of history, and
the need to take active control of one's
total supersession of gender roles,[19] violent
own life. insurrection against the state,[27] and the refusal of
work.[28]
CrimethInc. is influenced by the Situationist International,[29] and has been described by

scholar Martin Puchner as "inheritors of the political avant-garde",[30] Situationist Ken
Knabb has criticized CrimethInc. for presenting simplistic and in some cases false accounts
of history in their manifesto Days of War, Nights of Love, and for mythologizing themselves
as "a pole of international subversion".[31] For their part, the authors of the book criticized
the "exclusive, anti-subjective" nature of history as "paralyzing", advocating in its place a
non-superstitious myth.[32] The collective has expressed a strident anti-copyright stance and
advocacy of the appropriation of texts and ideas of others, which has attracted criticism
from academic philosopher George MacDonald Ross as an endorsement of plagiarism.[33]
The active participants of CrimethInc. characterize it as a mindset and a way of life first
and foremost, rather than as an organization per se.[5] Its main goal is to inspire people to
take more active control of their own lives, becoming producers of culture and history
instead of passive consumers.[34] [35] Those who ascribe to the CrimethInc. philosophy
advocate radical ways of living one's life to the end of eliminating the perceived inequities
and tyrannies within society. Contributors to publications are generally not credited in
respect of an anonymity asserted by participants to be one of the organization's primary
values.[5] The name "CrimethInc." itself is a satirical self-criticism about the hypocrisy of
revolutionary propaganda (and other "margin-walking between contradictions"[5] ) and a
direct reference to the concept of "thoughtcrime" developed in George Orwell's Nineteen
Eighty-Four.[5]
CrimethInc. 518
Reception amongst radicals

Since its inception in the mid-1990s, CrimethInc.'s
activities and in particular its philosophy have proved
controversial among anarchists.[6] Anarchist
anthropologist David Graeber and Andrej Grubacic
lauded the collective in 2004 as "the greatest
propagandists of contemporary American
[36]
anarchism". Upon the release of CrimethInc.'s third
book, Expect Resistance (2007), Chuck Munson
identified the group as "one of the more important
anarchist projects happening in North America over the
past decade", asserting that in its activities the
collective had set the standard for "publishing,
organizing, instigating, and activism".[37]
The collective's perceived focus on the "terminal

boredom of consumer culture" at the expense of the
real world condition of the working class,[38] and
fetishizing of "the narcissistic side of the 1960s"
(Clamor)[7] has led others in the anarchist movement, "Usurp the future" inside back cover
such as Libcom.org, to decry the collective as image from Days of War, Nights of
"lifestylists".[39] Love featuring the anarchist
symbolism of the black flag.
CrimethInc begins with the brand name, and ends
with the relentless merchandizing of “radical” products on their website. In between
there is…an individualist, selfish, and inchoate rebel ideology that eschews work,
political organizing, and class struggle. In a world at war and facing terminal crisis,
CrimethInc’s transcendental philosophy and ahistorical lightness is a form of
intellectual masturbation. Like rootless ex-pats unconnected to the daily life around
them, CrimethInc’s lifestylism is a form of self-imposed exile within their own society.
—Ryan, Ramor, "Days of Crime, Nights of Horror", Perspectives on Anarchist Theory

(2004)[40]
Red Emma's infoshop has claimed that regardless of the group's politics, "you have to give
them credit for helping revitalizing two very vital traditions of radical writing: on the one
hand, they've kicked out enough all-encompassing, no-holds-barred, just barely still prose
polemical manifestos to make → Guy Debord proud, on the other hand, they've also
produced some stunning personal narratives of living free in the boxcars and margins of
late capitalism."[41]
CrimethInc. 519
External links
Cells
• CrimethInc.com [42] - maintained by the Crimethinc. Far East cell
• Boston Crimethinc [43] - maintained by the Crimethinc Ex-worker's Collective of Boston
• CrimethInc. Great Lakes [44]
• CrimethInc. NorthStar [45]
• CrimethInc. West Coast [46]
• CrimethInc. International [47]
• IdeozloCin [48] - based in Prague, Czech Republic
• Guerrilla Latina CrimethInc. [49]
Other
[50]
• CrimethInc. convergence - includes information concerning the 2009 Convergence in
Pittsburgh
[51]
• "Rethinking CrimethInc." - pseudonymous critical consideration published by
Anarkismo.net
• Interview [52] with self-identified CrimethInc. operative by Erika Ransom of the Bay Area
Anarchist Bookfair
References
[1] " CrimethInc. Ex-Workers' Collective : Home (http:/ / www. webcitation. org/ 5eVzkCwAW)". Crimethinc.com.
Archived from the original (http:/ / www. crimethinc. com/ ) on February 11, 2009. . Retrieved on 2008-04-07.
[2] http:/ / www. crimethinc. com
[3] The CrimethInc Ex-Workers Ex-Collective Revolutionary Task Force on Terrorism. " After the Fall: Analysis of
the Events of September 11th 2001 (http:/ / www. webcitation. org/ 5eW05mJBp)". Crimethinc.com. Archived
from the original (http:/ / www. crimethinc. com/ texts/ atoz/ afterthefall. php) on February 11, 2009. . Retrieved
on 2007-10-31.
• Gordon, Uri (27-28 May 2005). "Liberation Now: Present-tense Dimensions of Contemporary Anarchism".
Thinking the Present : The Beginnings and Ends of Political Theory. Retrieved on 2007-10-31.
• Thompson, Stacy (October 2004). " Crass Commodities (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20080101051714/
http:/ / findarticles. com/ p/ articles/ mi_m2822/ is_3_27/ ai_n6330582)". Popular Music & Society 27 (3):
307–322(16). doi: 10.1080/03007760410001733152 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1080/
03007760410001733152). Archived from the original (http:/ / findarticles. com/ p/ articles/ mi_m2822/
is_3_27/ ai_n6330582) on January 1, 2008. . Retrieved on 2007-07-08.
• Ludwig, Mike (2007-07-30). " Melee breaks out uptown at end of anarchist confab (http:/ / web. archive. org/
web/ 20070928130453/ http:/ / www. athensnews. com/ issue/ article. php3?story_id=28894)". The Athens
News. Archived from the original (http:/ / www. athensnews. com/ issue/ article. php3?story_id=28894) on
September 28, 2007. . Retrieved on 2007-08-01.
[5] " Frequently Asked Questions (http:/ / www. crimethinc. com/ about/ faq. html)". Crimethinc.com. . Retrieved
on 2007-10-31.
[6] Thompson, Stacy (2004). Punk Productions: Unfinished Business. Albany: SUNY Press. pp. 109. ISBN
0791461874.
[7] Brandt, Jed. " Crimethinc: In Love With Love Itself (http:/ / www. webcitation. org/ 5eW0gRYrS)". Clamor.
Archived from the original (http:/ / burning. typepad. com/ burningman/ 2006/ 03/ crimethinc_is_i. html) on
February 11, 2009. . Retrieved on January 14, 2008.
[8] Patterson, Jesse (2002-10-08). " Punk show rocks Student Union (http:/ / media. www. dailycampus. com/
media/ storage/ paper340/ news/ 2002/ 10/ 08/ Focus/ Punk-Show. Rocks. Student. Union-292057. shtml)". The
Daily Campus. . Retrieved on 2008-07-24.
[9] Raihala, Ross (2002-12-12). "The heArt and Film Festival". The Olympian.
[10] Days of War, Nights of Love (2001) , Crimethinc.Workers Collective, p. 221 ISBN 097091010X
CrimethInc. 520
[11] Andersen, Mark (2004). All the Power : Revolution Without Illusion. Punk Planet Books. ISBN
9781888451726.
[12] "3 plead guilty in attempts at arson". The Sacramento Bee. 2005-10-15.
[13] Schachtman, Noah (2004-08-17). " Hackers Take Aim at GOP (http:/ / www. wired. com/ politics/ law/ news/
2004/ 08/ 64602)". Wired. . Retrieved on 2008-02-22.
[14] Deagon, Brian (2004-10-22). "GOP Sites Hit By Denial Of Service Attack; Hard To Tell Who Culprits Are".
Investor's Business Daily.
• Whitehead, Chris (2007-04-13). " How do you say 'dese, dem, dose' in Chinese?; The Mayor's Office of (http:/
/ findarticles. com/ p/ articles/ mi_qn4155/ is_20070413/ ai_n19018352)". Chicago Sun-Times. . Retrieved on
2007-07-08.
• Childress, Sarah (August 2004). " 'Hacktivists' Log On (http:/ / findarticles. com/ p/ articles/ mi_kmnew/
is_200408/ ai_n6835339)". Newsweek. . Retrieved on 2007-07-08.
• Sege, Irene (2008-03-10). " Pay phones may appear to be gathering dust, but some still use them (http:/ /
www. boston. com/ lifestyle/ articles/ 2008/ 03/ 10/ busy_signals/ )". The Boston Globe (The New York Times
Company). . Retrieved on 2008-03-16.
[16] Power, Matthew (March 2008). " Mississippi Drift (http:/ / www. crimethinc. com/ blog/ wp-content/ uploads/
2008/ 03/ crimethinc_in_harpers. pdf)" (PDF). Harper's Magazine: 54–63. . Retrieved on 2008-03-10.
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Akalon, Akulina, Alai, Albamuth, AnagramMan, Anarcho hipster, AndrewFleming72, Anonywiki, Anorak00, Atreyu42, Atticmouse, Bachrach44, Beland,
Blahblahblahblahblahblah, Bobblehead, Bobo192, Boud, Brokendoor, C mon, Catch, Cbdorsett, Centrx, CesarB, Ceyockey, Che y Marijuana, Chowbok,
Closedmouth, Conway86, D-Rock, D.c.camero, DA3N, DanKeshet, Danno39, Dannyno, Dekimasu, Delicious carbuncle, Deville, Dialecticas, Dognsuds,
Duncancumming, ENeville, EamonnPKeane, Ecobio, Edcroft, Eduen, Edward, El C, Emperor Will, Epbr123, Estillings, Fang 23, Feezo, Fijal, Firsfron,
Formeruser-81, Fubar Obfusco, Gaius Cornelius, Geni, Ghost accounty, Gianluigi Tegazzi, Graft, Graham87, Gssq, Gurch, HarisX, Harrypotter, Henry W.
Schmitt, Hephaestos, Heyitspeter, Htfiddler, InShaneee, Isobelrosepa, Ithyphallic Giant, Jebrim, Jefgodesky, Jibbideejibbish, Jleon, Joeljoslin,
Johnpdeever, JonathanDLehman, Josh Parris, Jrtayloriv, Juggleandhope, Jumbolino, Jwh335, Keraunos, Kevehs, Khamm, Kisholi, Kristus, Kromsson, Kznf,
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ReyBrujo, Rich Farmbrough, Richard holt, Rjwilmsi, Roadcollective, ST47, Saline, Sam Hocevar, Sam Spade, Sardanaphalus, Sea creature,
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Hardy, Mikael Häggström, Misterx2000, Mlomize, Moink, Mombas, Monkeykiss, Moorlock, Mushroom, Mwanner, Nirvana2013, Nixeagle, Nlu, Nzd,
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MBDowd, Mana Excalibur, Markwalters79, Marnieglickman, Maziotis, Meidosemme, Mejink, Michael Hardy, Mikeybabel01, Mladifilozof,
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Epbr123, Erdal Ronahi, Eric Wester, Esdraelon, FKmailliW, Fang 23, Faustnh, FinnWiki, Foobar, Francisco Valverde, Full Shunyata, G716, Gaius
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Societal collapse Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=301348431 Contributors: Alexiab357, AllGloryToTheHypnotoad, Astronaut,

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WBardwin, WatermelonRat, WereSpielChequers, Will Beback, Wsiegmund, ZayZayEM, ^demon, 98 anonymous edits
Monkeywrenching Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=300316695 Contributors: -
Philosophy of technology Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=299202782 Contributors: Allen Riddell, AravindBalasubramaniam,

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Gage, Jahsonic, John Reaves, Macrakis, Maurice Carbonaro, Merosonox, Monmy, Mtevfrog, OpenToppedBus, PaulLev, Ptroxler, Qwerty18, RDT2, RedJ
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Technology and society Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=295218050 Contributors: Afafaafad, Alan Liefting, Alansohn, Alfinal,
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ZimZalaBim, 100 anonymous edits
Appropriate technology Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=301201876 Contributors: "alyosha", -Majestic-, Academic Challenger,

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278 anonymous edits
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Marx's theory of alienation Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=292473893 Contributors: 21655, Adhib, Alansohn, Amalas, Anarchia,
Andycjp, Anonymous101, Bartleby, Baywkooof, Bkwillwm, Breadandroses, Capricorn42, Causa sui, Charles Matthews, Cometman, Dylan Lake,
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Counter- Enlightenment Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=290305423 Contributors: Ahitler, Blainster, CapitalR, Charles Matthews,
Closedmouth, Corrado7mari, DanielCD, Demi, Donarreiskoffer, DragonflySixtyseven, EverSince, Fidalgom, FitzColinGerald, Foobaz, Geschichte,
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Conservatism Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=300941387 Contributors: 16@r, 1700-talet, 203.109.250.xxx, 209.20.225.xxx,

213.67.126.xxx, 2nd Piston Honda, 3.14159265, 7h3 3L173, 916highway, ABF, AC12637839207, ACDCPres, Abqwildcat, Acroterion, Adam931989,
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Leolaursen, Maester mensch, Maziotis, Mboverload, Otolemur crassicaudatus, Owen, P4k, Padense, Pierpontpaul2351, Plrk, Qwertyus, RHB, Rudá
Almeida, Semperf, Serouj, Skier Dude, Stefanomione, Supernumerary, The Transhumanist, Themepark, Vzsy, 49 anonymous edits
What a Way to Go: Life at the End of Empire Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=289828746 Contributors: GlamdringCookies,
JeremyLydellHaugen, Kollision, Maziotis, NeilFraser, Owen, Philosopher, Publicus, Ransu, ShelfSkewed, Teratornis, 9 anonymous edits
Earthlings (documentary) Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=300919644 Contributors: Ageekgal, Akhran, Arthur Warrington

Thomas, Aspalatus, BillShurts, Blueberrypie12, Cburnett, Comelloyellow, Debresser, E0N, Faincut, General Wesc, Glavin, Hg robs, J1.grammar natz,
Jeandré du Toit, Kayau, Lugnuts, MBisanz, MER-C, MPerel, Madlobster, MayaSimFan, Maziotis, Meegs, Migospia, PacificBoy, Rockpocket, Sherurcij,
Solar, Suasoria, The bellman, Ukexpat, Untileverycageisempty, Veratien, Whistling42, Yegorius, 65 anonymous edits
Green Anarchy Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=288161302 Contributors: Ajbenj, Bryan Derksen, Carabinieri, Cast, Cntspain,
Dyknowsore, Fétiche, Ghost accounty, Jmabel, Kate, Katr67, Lectricky, Lodé Thierry, Lquilter, MakeRocketGoNow, Malik Shabazz, Manchineel, Maziotis,
Meelar, Mujinga, Murderbike, N1h1l, Nihila, Otolemur crassicaudatus, Owen, P4k, Severinus, Skomorokh, Transform56, Tubeyes, Urbanscout, Viriditas,
Xyzzyplugh, 22 anonymous edits
Green Anarchist Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=248897109 Contributors: Antaeus Feldspar, Belzub, Geschichte, Ghost accounty,
Graham87, Harry Potter, Harrypotter, Hotdogs, John Eden, Lightmouse, Lquilter, Malik Shabazz, Manchineel, Maziotis, Mujinga, Niteowlneils, One
Night In Hackney, Quercusrobur, Sam Francis, Secretlondon, Sgt Pinback, Shadesman, SimonP, Skomorokh, TAS, Tom Radulovich, Tubeyes,
Warofdreams, Wik, 3 anonymous edits
Species Traitor Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=288377784 Contributors: Beland, D-Rock, D6, GK, Ghost accounty, L Trezise,
Libertyblues, Lquilter, MakeRocketGoNow, Malcomc, Malik Shabazz, Maziotis, Michael Snow, Neutrality, Open2universe, Richard Cane, Sardanaphalus,
Shubopshadangalang, Skomorokh, TexasAndroid, Writtenright, Αναρχία, 10 anonymous edits
Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=298348465 Contributors: AZ 1000, Aservant, Cast,
Ceyockey, Chris Roy, Chuck0, Eduen, Harry Potter, Harrypotter, Kathleen.wright5, Lquilter, Malik Shabazz, Minderbinder-de, N8chz, Nihila, Peter G
Werner, Rich Farmbrough, Sardanaphalus, Secretlondon, Sins We Can't Absolve, Skomorokh, Tothebarricades.tk, Tzartzam, Weenie Man, Wik, 15
anonymous edits
Fifth Estate (periodical) Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=292946864 Contributors: Athaenara, BTfromLA, Bearcat,

Brighterorange, Chairman S., Deidzoeb, Deus Homoni, Edivorce, Everyking, Feldmarshmellon, Glossolalia, Gorfuns, Harry Potter, Hephaestos, Hinrik,
Jahsonic, Kaldari, Kember, Llamadog903, Mais oui!, Malik Shabazz, Masondixon, Middle Aged, Murderbike, Nunh-huh, Peter G Werner, Peterkingiron,
Radagast, RedWolf, RepublicanJacobite, Rmhermen, Ropcat, Samaritan, Secretlondon, Sherurcij, SimonP, Skomorokh, Tovarich1917, Uri, Vonsnip,
Welsh, Wes!, WhisperToMe, Will Beback, 47 anonymous edits
CrimethInc. Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=297099322 Contributors: AZ 1000, Aesopos, Alan Liefting, Alphachimp, Altenmann,
Anarcho hipster, Anthony, Arch empire, Aryder779, Avriette, Beta m, Black Butterfly, Canasta Nasty, Cast, Charles Matthews, Che y Marijuana, Chuck0,
Clockwrist, Cloroxcowboy, Cyrius, Drumnbach, Dtasripin, Dumpster, Ecaepekam, Eduen, Emeraldcityserendipity, Fatal, Henryshrapnel, In the Stacks,
Inhumer, Jmanigold, Joel7687, John Vandenberg, Junipercwc, Kenyon, Kipukatehgreat, Klubbit, Koavf, Kozuch, LeSaint, Lightmouse, Lilac Soul,
Ling.Nut, Lir, M4r10, Maziotis, MeltBanana, Mgekelly, Michael Devore, Murderbike, N1h1l, Nihila, OleMaster, Oswax, P4k, Paul foord, Paxuscalta,
Pegua, Plasticup, Quite, Ramorx, Ransdy, Retired username, Rich Farmbrough, Rimbaud 2, Rjwilmsi, Rlquall, Roadcollective, Rosewoodtemplar, ST47,
Sardanaphalus, Sargoth, Secretlondon, Seicer, Skomorokh, Soja, Speck-Made, Spineandsensory, Spudtater, Stephen Compall, Tanthalas39, The
Ungovernable Force, The Wednesday Island, Theaterfreak64, Theoldanarchist, Tothebarricades.tk, Tualha, WhisperToMe, WorldDownInFire, Wytukaze,
Yuckfoo, 175 anonymous edits
Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors 532
Image Sources, Licenses and

Contributors
Image:Green and Black flag.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Green_and_Black_flag.svg License: Public Domain
Contributors: User:Rocket000
File:A sunflower-Edited.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:A_sunflower-Edited.png License: Public Domain Contributors:
Dschwen, E rulez, Franz Xaver, GavinAnderegg, Red devil 666, 4 anonymous edits
File:Recycling symbol.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Recycling_symbol.svg License: Public Domain Contributors:
User:Krdan
Image:Gletscherschmelze.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Gletscherschmelze.jpg License: GNU Free Documentation
License Contributors: Saperaud, W!B:, ZorkNika
Image:Knapp of Howar 2.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Knapp_of_Howar_2.jpg License: GNU Free Documentation
License Contributors: Cyr, Drewcorser, JeremyA, Kurpfalzbilder.de, Man vyi, Petrusbarbygere
Image:Molino neolítico de vaivén.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Molino_neolítico_de_vaivén.jpg License: Creative
Commons Attribution-Sharealike 2.5 Contributors: User:Locutus Borg
Image:ClaySumerianSickle.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:ClaySumerianSickle.jpg License: Creative Commons
Attribution 2.0 Contributors: Maksim, Phirosiberia, Wst, 1 anonymous edits
Image:Menare.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Menare.jpg License: unknown Contributors: User:Anthere
Image:Egyptian Domesticated Animals.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Egyptian_Domesticated_Animals.jpg License:
unknown Contributors: Unknown.
Image:Llama, peru, machu picchu.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Llama,_peru,_machu_picchu.jpg License: Creative
Commons Attribution-Sharealike 2.5 Contributors: User:Unununium272
File:Amurru.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Amurru.JPG License: unknown Contributors: Rüdiger Wölk, Sumerophile,
Zunkir
File:Fertile Crescent 7500 BC DAN.PNG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Fertile_Crescent_7500_BC_DAN.PNG License:
unknown Contributors: User:Bjoertvedt, User:Sten
Image:San tribesman.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:San_tribesman.jpg License: Creative Commons
Attribution-Sharealike 2.0 Contributors: Ian Beatty from Amherst, MA, USA
Image:Indig1.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Indig1.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Original uploader was Adam
Carr at en.wikipedia
Image:Shoshoni tipis.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Shoshoni_tipis.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors:
Himasaram, Jmabel, Rmhermen, 1 anonymous edits
Image:BlueMarble-2001-2002.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:BlueMarble-2001-2002.jpg License: Public Domain
Contributors: Natrij, Saperaud, 1 anonymous edits
Image:Sustainable development.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Sustainable_development.svg License: Creative
Commons Attribution-Sharealike 2.0 Contributors: User:Nojhan, User:Pro_bug_catcher
Image:Nested sustainability-v2.gif Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Nested_sustainability-v2.gif License: unknown
Contributors: User:Sunray
Image:Maquina vapor Watt ETSIIM.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Maquina_vapor_Watt_ETSIIM.jpg License: GNU Free
Documentation License Contributors: Nicolás Pérez
Image:Moody Sunburst.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Moody_Sunburst.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Sandia
National Laboratory
Image:Wind-turbine-icon.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Wind-turbine-icon.svg License: unknown Contributors:
User:Lukipuk
Image:Supermarket check out.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Supermarket_check_out.JPG License: Public Domain
Contributors: Original uploader was Velela at en.wikipedia
Image:Population curve.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Population_curve.svg License: unknown Contributors: w:Cser:El
TEl T
Image:Nitrogen_Cycle.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Nitrogen_Cycle.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Badseed,
Bahnmoeller, Cisco79, Kilom691, Nillerdk, Nishkid64, 4 anonymous edits
Image:Water cycle.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Water_cycle.png License: unknown Contributors: AdiJapan, Helt,
Marcbel, Masao jp, Saperaud, Slady, 3 anonymous edits
Image:Carbon cycle-cute diagram.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Carbon_cycle-cute_diagram.svg License: Public
Domain Contributors: User:FischX
Image:Oxygen Cycle.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Oxygen_Cycle.jpg License: unknown Contributors: Cbusch01
Image:phoscycle-EPA.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Phoscycle-EPA.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Vsmith, 2
anonymous edits
Image:Overall EPI Score by Country Quintile 2006.png Source:
http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Overall_EPI_Score_by_Country_Quintile_2006.png License: GNU Free Documentation License
Contributors: Yale Center for Environmental Law & Policy, Yale University
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http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Human_welfare_and_ecological_footprint_sustainability.jpg License: unknown Contributors:
User:Travelplanner
Image:Chicago Downtown Aerial View.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Chicago_Downtown_Aerial_View.jpg License:
unknown Contributors: Conscious, JeremyA, Leslie, Matt314, Quasipalm, 1 anonymous edits
Image:Googong Dam.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Googong_Dam.JPG License: GNU Free Documentation License
Contributors: User:Petaholmes
Image:Pieni 2 0139.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Pieni_2_0139.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Den fjättrade
ankan, Haplochromis, Kilom691, LA2, Nevit, Pengo, Red devil 666, Tmizuk, 5 anonymous edits
Image:River Fluvià at Olot 20060418 03.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:River_Fluvià_at_Olot_20060418_03.JPG
License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors: Pere prlpz, Pmmollet, Wamito
Image:Grib skov.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Grib_skov.jpg License: unknown Contributors: See below
Image:Rice Field.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Rice_Field.jpg License: unknown Contributors: SF007
Image:ExtinctDodoBird.jpeg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:ExtinctDodoBird.jpeg License: unknown Contributors:
ChrisRuvolo, Er Komandante, GeorgHH, Herbythyme, LSDSL, Pristigaster, Vaffel, 7 anonymous edits
Image:Kudzu on trees in Atlanta, Georgia.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Kudzu_on_trees_in_Atlanta,_Georgia.jpg

License: Public Domain Contributors: User:SCEhardt
Image:Helix of sustainability.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Helix_of_sustainability.png License: Creative Commons
Attribution 3.0 Contributors: Design: Lynn Tucker, Graphic art: Astrid Erasmuson
Image:Genomics GTL Program Payoffs.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Genomics_GTL_Program_Payoffs.jpg License:
Public Domain Contributors: Mdd
Image:Water droplet blue bg05.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Water_droplet_blue_bg05.jpg License: unknown
Contributors: Fir0002
Image:Foods.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Foods.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Abigail alderate, Dbenbenn,
Mattes, Maximaximax, Shizhao, Wst
Image:Vuilnis bij Essent Milieu.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Vuilnis_bij_Essent_Milieu.jpg License: unknown
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Image:Waste hierarchy.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Waste_hierarchy.svg License: unknown Contributors:
User:Stannered
Image:An Brueghel the Elder-Great Fish market.jpg Source:
http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:An_Brueghel_the_Elder-Great_Fish_market.jpg License: unknown Contributors: Jan Brueghel the Elder
Image:Recycling symbol.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Recycling_symbol.svg License: Public Domain Contributors:
User:Krdan
Image:Banknotes.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Banknotes.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Original uploader
was Although at en.wikipedia
Image:July 4 crowd at Vienna Metro station.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:July_4_crowd_at_Vienna_Metro_station.jpg
License: unknown Contributors: AgnosticPreachersKid, SchuminWeb, 1 anonymous edits
Image:Markt Banfora MS 2255.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Markt_Banfora_MS_2255.JPG License: unknown
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Image:Eolienne et centrale thermique Nuon Sloterdijk.jpg Source:
http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Eolienne_et_centrale_thermique_Nuon_Sloterdijk.jpg License: unknown Contributors: User:Aloxe
Image:Hubbert peak oil plot.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Hubbert_peak_oil_plot.svg License: unknown Contributors:
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Image:EIA petroleum consumption of selected nations 1960-2005.png Source:
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NJGW, Nehrams2020
Image:Oil consumption per day by region from 1980 to 2006.svg Source:
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User:84user
Image:US Oil Production and Imports 1920 to 2005.png Source:
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Domain Contributors: TastyCakes is the photographer, Jamitzky subsequently equalized the colour.
Image:Total World Oil Reserves.PNG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Total_World_Oil_Reserves.PNG License: unknown
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Image:MEESchart.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:MEESchart.png License: unknown Contributors: Lesqual,
Nehrams2020
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Image:Crude NGPL IEAtotal 1960-2004.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Crude_NGPL_IEAtotal_1960-2004.png License:
Public Domain Contributors: AndrasCz, Nehrams2020
Image:Montly world petroleum supply 1995-2010 (1-13-2009 data).jpg Source:
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US Energy Information Administration.
Image:Cincinnati-suburbs-tract-housing.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Cincinnati-suburbs-tract-housing.jpg License:
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Image:Hubbert US high.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Hubbert_US_high.svg License: unknown Contributors:
User:Sfoucher
Image:Canadian Oil Production 1960 to 2020.png Source:
http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Canadian_Oil_Production_1960_to_2020.png License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors:
User:RockyMtnGuy
Image:Mexican Petroleum Production.PNG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Mexican_Petroleum_Production.PNG License:
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Image:Oil Prices 1861 2007.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Oil_Prices_1861_2007.svg License: unknown Contributors:
User:TomTheHand
Image:World Energy consumption.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:World_Energy_consumption.png License: unknown
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Image:Population density.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Population_density.png License: Public Domain Contributors:
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Image:Fertility rate world map 2.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Fertility_rate_world_map_2.png License: Public Domain
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Image:Poulation-since-10000BC.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Poulation-since-10000BC.jpg License: Public Domain

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Image:Poulation-since-1000AD.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Poulation-since-1000AD.jpg License: Public Domain
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Image:World population (UN).svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:World_population_(UN).svg License: unknown
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Image:Food production per capita 1961-2005.png Source:
http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Food_production_per_capita_1961-2005.png License: Public Domain Contributors: Original uploader was
Ultramarine at en.wikipedia
Image:Percentage living on less than $1 per day 1981-2001.png Source:
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Image:Fertility_rate.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Fertility_rate.jpg License: unknown Contributors: Original uploader
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Image:IAO-logo.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:IAO-logo.png License: Public Domain Contributors: Original uploader was
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Image:Biometrics.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Biometrics.jpg License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors:
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Image:Biometric system diagram.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Biometric_system_diagram.png License: unknown
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Image:Lancaster I NG128 Dropping Load - Duisburg - Oct 14 - 1944.jpg Source:
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RAF crewmember
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Image:Pump-tah.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Pump-tah.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Original uploader
was Marian Gladis at en.wikipedia
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Contributors: Walter Hochauer http://www.hochauer.net
Image:Composting toilet ClivusMultrum.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Composting_toilet_ClivusMultrum.jpg License:
Public Domain Contributors: User:KVDP
Image:Ampoules.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Ampoules.jpg License: GNU Free Documentation License Contributors:
D-Kuru, Glenn, Saperaud, Severino666, 1 anonymous edits
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Public Domain Contributors: Original uploader was Tom Sponheim at en.wikipedia
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Anarchoprimitivsm

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Anarchoprimitivsm

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Anarcho-primitivism

for the collapse of civilization

Ideas and Issues

Early influences within anarchism

The domestication of life

Origins and dynamics of patriarchy

Division of labor and specialization

The problem of technology

Production and industrialism

According to primitivists a key component of the modern techno-capitalist structure is

Against mass society

Liberation and organization

Revolution vs. reform

Critique of symbolic culture

Rewilding and reconnection

Rewilding is also described as having an emotional component, which involves healing

Criticism from within anarchism

Use of Media Technology

Civilization and violence

The critique of language

• Eco-anarchism • Myth of Progress

• Ecofeminism • Primitive communism

• Green anarchy • Neo-Tribalism

• Hunter-gatherer • Simple living

• Earth liberation • Diogenes of Sinope

[47] http:/ / layla. miltsov. org/ introduction-to-z

Those that see Neotribalism as a political or quasi-political movement distinguish

Examples and experiments

Notes and references

[9] http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk

Deep ecology is a somewhat recent branch

Philosophical -- Spinoza and Deep Ecology

One of the topical centres of inquiry connecting Spinoza to Deep Ecology is

Misunderstanding scientific information

"Shallow" View superior

Deep ecology as not "deep" enough

Links with other movements

Notable advocates of deep ecology

• Thomas Berry • Freya Mathews

• Wendell Berry • Terence McKenna

• Leonardo Boff • W.S. Merwin

• Fritjof Capra • Arne Næss

• Michael Dowd • David Orton

• David Foreman • Daniel Quinn

• Vivienne Elanta • Theodore Roszak

• Warwick Fox • Savitri Devi (controversial)

• Edward Goldsmith • John Seed

• Felix Guattari • Paul Shepard

• Martin Heidegger (controversial: see Development above) • Gary Snyder

• Derrick Jensen • Richard Sylvan

• Dolores LaChapelle • Douglas Tompkins

• Pentti Linkola (controversial) • Oberon Zell-Ravenheart

• John Livingston • John Zerzan

• Coupled human-environment system • Negative Population Growth | Population Connection

• Earth liberation • Pathetic fallacy

• Ecopsychology • Systems theory | The Great Story

• Environmental psychology • Sustainable development

• EcoTheology • The Revenge of Gaia

• Gaia hypothesis • Voluntary Human Extinction Movement

• The Oasis Theory, originally proposed by Raphael Pumpelly in 1908, popularized by

selected for strains that retained their edible seeds

Figs, barley and, most likely, oats were cultivated in the