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Towards the elections- International Crisis Group (ICG

Towards the elections- International Crisis Group (ICG

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Published by Jutta Pflueg
This report looks at the elections in the context of Myan mar's constitutional history. It examines key provisions of the 2008 constitution and shows how many of the controversial articles were simply taken from its 1947 or 1974 predecessors. Noteworthy new provisions include strict requirements on presidential candidates, the establishment of state/regional legislatures and governments, the reservation of legislative seats for the military, military control of key security ministries, the authority granted to the military to administer its own affairs (in particular military justice) and the creation of a constitutional tribunal. By ICG
This report looks at the elections in the context of Myan mar's constitutional history. It examines key provisions of the 2008 constitution and shows how many of the controversial articles were simply taken from its 1947 or 1974 predecessors. Noteworthy new provisions include strict requirements on presidential candidates, the establishment of state/regional legislatures and governments, the reservation of legislative seats for the military, military control of key security ministries, the authority granted to the military to administer its own affairs (in particular military justice) and the creation of a constitutional tribunal. By ICG

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Published by: Jutta Pflueg on Aug 21, 2009
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02/07/2013

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MYANMAR: TOWARDS THE ELECTIONS
Asia Report N°174 – 20 August 2009 
 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTSEXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS.................................................iI.
 
INTRODUCTION.............................................................................................................1
 
II.
 
BRIEF CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY........................................................................2
 
III.
 
THE 2008 CONSTITUTION............................................................................................6
 
A.
 
EY
P
ROVISIONS
.........................................................................................................................6
 
B.
 
H
ISTORICAL
I
 NFLUENCES
.............................................................................................................8
 
C.
 
C
RITICISM
....................................................................................................................................9
 
D.
 
W
HAT
S
TANDARD OF
J
UDGMENT
S
HOULD BE
U
SED
?.................................................................11
 
IV.
 
THE 2010 ELECTIONS.................................................................................................13
 
A.
 
P
REPARATIONS BY THE
M
YANMAR 
A
UTHORITIES
.....................................................................13
 
B.
 
P
REPARATIONS BY
E
THNIC
C
EASEFIRE
G
ROUPS
.........................................................................14
 
C.
 
P
REPARATIONS BY
O
PPOSITION
G
ROUPS
....................................................................................16
 
D.
 
T
HE
P
ARTICIPATION
I
SSUE
.........................................................................................................18
 
V.
 
PRELIMINARY QUESTIONS......................................................................................18
 
1.
 
How much scope remains to influence the process before the elections?.................................18
 
2.
 
How certain is the timeframe?...................................................................................................19
 
3.
 
To what extent will the outcome be manipulated?....................................................................19
 
4.
 
Who will fill the 75 per cent of non-military seats in the legislatures?.....................................19
 
5.
 
How diverse will ethnic representation be at the region/state level?.........................................20
 
6.
 
Who will occupy key posts?......................................................................................................20
 
7.
 
What will happen to Generals Than Shwe and Maung Aye?....................................................21
 
VI.
 
THREE SCENARIOS.....................................................................................................22
 
A.
 
S
TATUS
Q
UO
..............................................................................................................................22
 
B.
 
G
RADUAL
T
RANSITION
..............................................................................................................22
 
C.
 
C
HAOS AND
C
RISIS
....................................................................................................................23
 
VII.
 
STANCE OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY.........................................24
 
VIII.
 
CONCLUSION.............................................................................................................26
 
APPENDICES
A.
 
M
AP OF
M
YANMAR 
.........................................................................................................................27
B.
 
O
VERVIEW OF
EY
S
TRUCTURES
&
 
I
 NSTITUTIONS
E
STABLISHED BY THE
C
ONSTITUTION
................28
C.
 
S
UMMARY OF THE
C
ONSTITUTION
...................................................................................................29
D.
 
A
BOUT THE
I
 NTERNATIONAL
C
RISIS
G
ROUP
....................................................................................37
E.
 
C
RISIS
G
ROUP
EPORTS AND
B
RIEFINGS ON
A
SIA
S
INCE
2006........................................................38
F.
 
C
RISIS
G
ROUP
B
OARD OF
T
RUSTEES
................................................................................................41
 
 Asia Report N°174 20 August 2009 
MYANMAR: TOWARDS THE ELECTIONSEXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS
The bizarre prosecution and conviction of oppositionleader and Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi for violating her house arrest has returned attention to re- pression in Myanmar, as preparations were underwayfor the first national elections in twenty years, nowscheduled for 2010. This further undermined what littlecredibility the exercise may have had, especially when based on a constitution that institutionalises the mili-tary’s political role. The UN Secretary-General’s Julyvisit, which produced no tangible results, added to thegloom. But while the elections will not be free and fair  – a number of prominent regime opponents have beenarrested and sentenced to prison terms over the last year  – the constitution and elections together will fundamen-tally change the political landscape in a way the gov-ernment may not be able to control. Senior GeneralsThan Shwe and Maung Aye may soon step down or move to ceremonial roles, making way for a younger military generation. All stakeholders should be alert toopportunities that may arise to push the new govern-ment toward reform and reconciliation.At first glance, the obstacles to change seem over-whelming. The 2008 constitution entrenches military power by reserving substantial blocs of seats in thenational and local legislatures for the army, creating astrong new national defence and security council andvesting extraordinary powers in the commander-in-chief.It prevents Aung San Suu Kyi from standing for presi-dent, even if she were not imprisoned. It is extremelydifficult to amend. And while not all regulations relatingto the administration of the elections have been an-nounced, they are unlikely to offer much room for manoevre to opposition parties.But the elections are significant because the controversialconstitution on which they are based involves a com- plete reconfiguration of the political structure – estab-lishing a presidential system of government with a bi-cameral legislature as well as fourteen regional govern-ments and assemblies – the most wide-ranging shake-up in a generation. The change will not inevitably befor the better, but it offers an opportunity to influencethe future direction of the country. Ultimately, even as-suming that the intention of the regime is to consolidatemilitary rule rather than begin a transition away from it,such processes often lead in unexpected directions.This report looks at the elections in the context of Myan-mar’s constitutional history. It examines key provisionsof the 2008 constitution and shows how many of thecontroversial articles were simply taken from its 1947or 1974 predecessors. Noteworthy new provisions in-clude strict requirements on presidential candidates, theestablishment of state/regional legislatures and govern-ments, the reservation of legislative seats for the mili-tary, military control of key security ministries, theauthority granted to the military to administer its ownaffairs (in particular military justice) and the creation of a constitutional tribunal.Criticism of the constitution from groups within Myan-mar has focused on military control, ethnic autonomy,qualifications for political office, and the very difficultamendment procedures. The main reaction of the popu-lace to it and the forthcoming elections is indifference,rooted in a belief that nothing much will change. Someof the so-called ceasefire groups – ethnic minoritiesthat have ended their conflicts with the government – are endorsing ethnic political parties that will take partin the polls. These groups take a negative view of theconstitution but feel that there may be some limitedopening of political space, particularly at the regionallevel, and that they should position themselves to takeadvantage of this. There are increased tensions, how-ever, as the regime is pushing these groups to transforminto border guard forces partially under the commandof the national army.The National League for Democracy (NLD), winner of the 1990 elections, has said it will only take part if theconstitution is changed, and it is given the freedom toorganise. Assuming this will not happen, it is not yetclear if it will call for a complete boycott in an attemptto deny the elections legitimacy or urge its supportersto vote for other candidates. A boycott could play intothe hands of the military government, since it would not prevent the election from going ahead and would mainlydeprive non-government candidates of votes, potentiallynarrowing the range of voices in future legislatures.

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