Bilbao, Ann Gloria G. SocSci 2 Prof.

Molmisa INTRODUCTORY STATEMENT Liberalism, the principle of the Philipine democracy, is an ideology committed to the individual and a society in hich individuals can pursue and reali!e their interests. "o its right is conservatism hile socialism is in its left. #onservatism is a political attitude ith a strong desire to conserve and resist change. $t is manifested in the Philippines by the traditional politics of guns, goons and gold or %elite democracy&'. And this oligarchic rule roots from Political (ynasties, hich is defined as the concentration, consolidation or perpetuation of public office and political po er by persons related to one another.2 )sing other intellectual or*s of other scholars, the author ill try to analy!e the nature of the Philippine elite consolidated by families and clans. +rapping up, this essay aims to add to the academic discourse of elite democracy prevailing in the Philippines. ,ntitled the Philippine clandestine clan drive, the study ill be composed of four main sections discussing the -'. history of the issue, -2. effects of the issue, -/. efforts to address the issue and -0. recommendations and lessons from the issue. "he statements contained in the paper ill be highly informative and intend to suppose that the inefficient governance of elite can also be blamed from the electorate ho selected their leaders. Mar12s class antagonism ill also be implied through the course of the paper3 the political elite e1ploits the resources supposed to be for the masses. 4o ever, the deprived ma5ority in the Philippines seem to have not learned in their past e1periences, and continue on voting inept leaders.

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"eehan*e, 6ulio. Primer on liberalism. -Manila3 7ational $nstitute for Policy Studies, 2889. P(: file. 2 #asi;o , "eddy A., et al. House Bill No.3314, The Anti-Political Dynasty Act of 2 1 . -<ue!on #ity3 4ouse of =epresentatives, 28'8..

HISTORY/ORIGIN O THE ISSUE "he Philippine elite originated from the >uasi?feudal society of t o classes3 the small minority of landholding !atus, and a large ma5ority of landless tao. 4ere, %the products of the land, but not the land itself, could be o ned and sold.&' :armers only pay tribute to their !atu and render service to the upper classes. +hen the Spaniards came, the concept of land?o nership as introduced and ould later be e1ploited by different forces. Such po ers include the progenies of these datus@ by collaborating ith the coloni!ers, intermarriages and education, the ruling class of the pre?Spanish period became *no n as the Prici"alia or the principal citi!ens of the community. "heir offspring could be identified into t o mesti#o *inds3 the Spanish and the #hinese ones. %"hese "rinci"alia, encountering the ne land tenure concept, found it easy to claim as Aprivate property2 land earlier cultivated by their barangays, under the prete1t that it as land granted to them by the Spanish monarchy.&2 "hrough different means, legal or not, the principalia ac>uired lands and even built hacien!as. ,1ploitative usurious loans given to the middle income lando ning farmers in need, and ith overpriced interests, they eventually gave up their lands to pay their debts. =eligious orders also grabbed vast lands, and these scenarios aggravated the social ine>uality and debased the social order into a purely landlord?tenant relationship. 4o ever, these !atu descendants ere given less po er in the government, and ere only allo ed to be cabe#a !e baran$ays or $oberna!orcillos. "he "rinci"alia no bereft of their previous control, nurtured resentments to the current leadership. +ith their ealth they ere able to let their children attain tertiary and post?tertiary education locally and abroad, especially ,urope. ,ndo ed ith the liberal thoughts of those times, political resistance, through their ant of political po er through reforms, gre upon this class. $t ill be manifested by the Propaganda Movement of the illustra!os, their spo*esmen. %"he ilustrados too* advantage of the economic opportunity for them to study and to translate their *no ledge into access to political po er.&/ (espite their fruitless efforts against the Spanish government, their ideas inspired the masses ho ere much more a are of the grave abuse in the society. Bataas?taasang *agalang? galangang Batipunan ng mga Ana* ng Bayan, or simply Batipunan, is a radical social movement founded by the masses upon the ilustra!o2s ritings, especially of those of 6ose =i!al.0 "he elites2 economic and intellectual resources soon enabled them to get to the leadership pinnacle of the %ati"unan, and later on, the :irst Philippine =epublic.

+hen the Philippine?American ar as still raging, this class facilitated another betrayal and ent over to the American side. "hey ere able to convince the young =epublican government to surrender, asting the efforts of '0 generals, 2C colonels, 28 ma5ors, D chief guerillas, 0D captains, ''D lieutenants and 2D08 soldiers.9 +ith the use of their ealth, they2ve also impeded the total selling of friar estates to the landless peasantry by the ne colonial force, ).S.A and even obtained these lands. "rue agrarian reform as never enforced to lessen the idening social gap. En the epoch of American regime, ).S. as politically dependent on the :ilipino elite on implementing their interests in the country. After building a representative system of government, the ne colonial authorities supported the Prici"alia dominance in the country. $t as later strengthened through an electoral system of property and literacy >ualifications. See*ing the help of their American "a!rinos and their connections, the elites no garnered political po er3 $n the Philippine Assembly, a politician gained po er over the distribution of resources@ at home, his net or* protected his local turf and served as trusted lieutenantsF Eutside the Assembly, the sociali!ing continuedF "his formation of a %national elite& out of the gathered local po er?holders as another step in the reali!ation of %the Philippines& as it is today.D ,ver since then, the country as infused ith so much politics. A uni>ue political culture developed hich later on brought forth pervasive corruption. And "imberman observed it mainly involves %the -a. primary of *inship, the -b. influence of particularism and personalism, the -c. importance of reciprocity and patron?client relations, the emphasis on -d. smooth interpersonal relations, and the -e. effect of pervasive poverty on values and behavior.&G ,lite families continue to dominate Philippine politics up until today. And such families don2t only mean household or *inship, but a *inship net or*, of hich a or*ing coalition of a larger group, bound by different ties, actual or fictiveC. Politics then became a battlefield of different factions of elite personalities vying for elected positions. Political clans, then, are assumed to be the main form political organi!ation instead of political parties. "hese families constituted a political caste, and over the years members of each clan have been elected to at least one important position. "o maintain the po ers they are holding, they ma*e the #ongress resist la s that ould have enabled non?family, nontraditional representatives to be elected.H $n this scenario, there2s also a continuing trend of party s itching or political turncoatism, ith patronage and spoils, not

policies or programs, as their bind'8. Simply put, competing to get positions in the government, for holding public offices mean holding licenses and resources for monopolies of the mar*ets. Also, to ensure their success in the elections, many resort to political violence, alliances and marriages to other political families, the accumulation of ealth and influence and the diversification of economic interests.'' As analy!ed by Mc#oy, this %rent?see*ing& attitude of the political elites enriched themselves not only ith po er but also ith more connections. $n local levels, some of them ould purchase instruments of coercion such as private armies. "his is commonly done to protect their interests from rival families and other competing forces. ,specially e1ercised during elections in provinces, these families have created their o n %de facto autonomy& using political violence ith their paramilitary units. "his phenomenon, called % arlordism& merely helps these families gain a more secure tenure over local elected offices. And to sustain and ensure political survival, local arlords ill compromise -such as guarantees of votes from their units. ith the national elites to see* rents.'2 "hrough the years, different avenues of influence, such as media, ere employed to gain seats in government offices. Philippine #enter for $nvestigative 6ournalisms sums these up into G Ms, namely3 Money, Machine, Media andIor Movies, Marriage, Murder and Mayhem, Myth and Mergers. Money, in massive amounts, used in costly elections, can easily be compensated by the profits of government positions. Local net or*s of campaigners or political Machines are set up by the candidates to ensure victory. Also, popular Media andIor Movie personalities have been either hired to endorse or become politicians themselves. Murder and Mayhem mar*s political *ingpins rise to governance. Lasting Myths of heroism, humble origins, honesty, potency, generosity or credibility, passed do n to generations, are used to heighten electoral appeal. Politics as addition ta*es place via Mergers or manipulative Alliances of different clans ith those ho either in great po er -such as the President., or could grant them ith great po er themselves - ell?off sponsors in elections..'/ "hrough these trends, many politicians transform electoral offices into lasting family assets or family dynasties. And this constituted the so?called elite democracy in the Philippines, herein citi!ens have e>ual political rights -through voting., yet ruled only by the selected elite.

ECTS O THE ISSUE "heoretically, given the nature of elites, Philippine politics should have been progressive.

"hey could have access ith the best >uality of education, locally and abroad, and be filled ith great ideas as to ho the country be properly managed. ,ven 6ean 6ac>ues =ousseau sho ed preference for an elective aristocracy.'0 But Philippine e1perience proved other ise. "he t o orst Philippine presidents'9, Marcos and Arroyo, ere both educated in the top academic institution of the country, )niversity of the Philippines, ith the latter having a Ph( degree in ,conomics.'D Local corruption monitors confirm that graft and bribery in the Philippines remain rampant. #orruption has penetrated every level of government, from the Bureau of #ustoms do n to the traffic police officers ho pull over motorists to demand bribes. 7early J2 billion dollars, or roughly '/ percent of the PhilippinesK annual budget, is lost to corruption in the country each year, according to the )nited 7ations (evelopment Program.'G Moreover, political dynasties could have a causal effect on socio?economic outcomes through policy choices and implementation made by incumbents lin*ing ith their dynastic rule and ho the implications of chosen policies on poverty and ine>uality reduction.'C Eften, elite politicians serve the interests of themselves and their families. #omprehensive Agrarian =eform -#A=P., legislated in the time of President #ora!on A>uino, a member of the lando ning #o5uangcos, epitomi!ed this grave reality. Another study of P#$6 sho ed ho congressmen ho came from different big industries tend to legislate for themselves. %Several members of the 4ouse of =epresentatives have filed out bills that could benefit their enterprises but many have avoided sanctions because of legal loopholes in the conflict?of?interest rule.&'H According to some analysts, economic stagnation may be related to the focus on elite representation ith its parliamentary mechanisms to further its class interests, instead of social reformation and progressive developmental programs.28 :urthermore, a paper made by the Asian $nstitute of Management found out that %measures for poverty incidence, poverty gap, and poverty severity are consistently higher in districts ith dynastic legislators compared to other areas. Specifically, 5urisdictions ith dynastic legislators tend to have poverty incidence of five percentage points, poverty gap that is one percentage point and poverty severity that is half a percentage point higher than other areas.2' "his table22 from the same study represents their statistical findings of

legislators in the '9th #ongress ith *inship lin*s to at least one legislator in the '2th, '/th, '0th, or '9th #ongress, or at least one local government official elected in 288', 2880, 288G or 28'83

!""# Per Capita Inc$%e& P$vert' Incidence& Gap and Severit' ($r D'nastic and N$n) D'nastic Districts
Per Capita Inc$%e Php2/,2G9.0/ PhP2D,CG2./C ?PhP/,9HD.H9 ?/.9D9 -8.888/LLL. P$vert' Incidence 20.'9 'C.H9 9.2 2.D8D -8.88/HLLL. P$vert' Gap D.'C 0.H/ '.29 2.'8G -8.8'G0LL. P$vert' Severit' 2./' '.CD 8.09 '.GH0 -8.8/DGLL.

D'nastic N$n)D'nastic Mean Di((erence Test Statistic

Besides the substandard governance that the oligarchic system elicits, political stability has also been sacrificed for years. "he %continuing domination of political clans as one of the most formidable obstacles that bloc* genuine democrati!ation from being implemented in the country&.2/ Political actors in grassroots level align themselves ith political clans that could best dispense patronage and access to po er, ith programs that respond to their interests. +ith the current practice of factionalism in the government, policy gridloc* arises, thereby aggravating the circumstances. +ithin this system, deal?ma*ing is inevitable and it produces political operators and not statesmen. Political parties only concern themselves ith the spoils of office hile individual politicians are the ones governing. %"he virtual absence of a party system also means our electorate gets no meaningful policy choices.&20 $n addition, members of the governing class have been traditionally e1empted from the rule of la . Legal immunity emanates from the informal and cultural obligations of alliances ithin the party the party of po er. %As a result, corruption pervades all levels of government and has crippled the government2s attempts to achieve fiscal stability.&29 +ith the failure of delivering economic prosperity, reducing mass alienation and the increasing social ine>uality, :ilipinos have e1ercised hat 6ohn Loc*e2s advocated in his time, %the right to resist the government.&2D =esistances came into different forms from various sectors of the society hich ill be discussed later on. "hese movements ere not directed to the government per se, but to those in po er, namely, the elites.

ORTS TO ADDRESS THE ISSUE %Fthe Philippines remains the classic e1ample of a fla ed attempt by a constitutional

order to achieve substantive democracy. $t has become the laboratory to test an! confirm the variety of regimes associated ith the ea* post?colonial state. Studies cover all levels of Philippine politics, although the sphere most e1tensively covered is the local level. +hile typologies differ, these studies generally agree that the e1ercise of po er by local strongmenI omen, bosses, and families has been in pursuit of selfish ends.&2G Bereft of their to right for public officers that are %accountable to the people, serving ith utmost responsibility, loyalty, and efficiency, acting ith patriotism and 5ustice, and leading modest lives&2C, :ilipinos have resorted into different proposals to remove the self?serving elites. "hese oppositions have varied from the most radical to self?conscious ones. And a prevailing character radiates over them3 none have been successful in eliminating the elites in either po er or e1pedient actions. "he most radical groups rise in the pre?martial la era3 the Stalinist PBP -Partido Bomunista ng Pilipinas. ho sought reform through legal means, and Mar1ist?Leninist? Maoist #PP?7PA -#ommunist Party of the Philippines M 7e People2s Army. ho see* after their goals by armed revolution.2H ,ven Martial La as seen at first to be a an address to fight %oligarchy& but later on reveal its true colors. %Martial la ,& according to Paul 4utchcroft, %created many ne opportunities for reform, but at the same time facilitated the capture of the state by ne Nand more centrali!edNregime interests. As Marcos2s chief ideologue remar*ed, Marcos Abelieved he could have a vision for society . . . and still loot it2&./8 After Martial La , social movements persisted. Some declined yet others ere strengthened and even propagated. "hese ere due to the problems the State, still governed by the elites, ere unable to address. Peace tal*s have failed and harassments, *illings of or*er?demonstrators -Mendiola Massacre. occurred. Several events and innovations made significant changes, such as3 the military supremacy of A:P over 7PA, the collapse of communism in the Soviet )nion, debate ithin the #PP hich led to its split and the rise of 7GEs, Because of these different factors, the armed struggle of #PP?7PA?7(:, hich as a dilemma since pro?martial la administrations, as eventually ea*ened. Social movements also challenged the po er of the State formally or informally. "he concerns of such groups ere not emphasi!ed on class?based issues, but more of

people empo erment. "heir advocacies include helping the marginali!ed sectors of the community, environmental protection, human rights protection, and calls for accountable and good governance. :urther democrati!ation as also pushed, as opposed to elite democracy, by strategies other than armed struggle, through legal or e1tralegal means. ,lectoral politics, via marginali!ed representation in #ongress, become another avenue for the movements to further the interest of the masses. Also, emerging trends of information and communication technology ere also ta*en advantage, such as the massive te1t messaging during the ouster of President ,strada./' :reedom of e1pression ere commonly e1ercised by rallies of different advocate assemblages such as BAOA7 M)7A and League of :ilipino Students -L:S. and other groups commonly found in )niversities and #olleges. "hough the Philippines already had three ma5or post ar uprisings -,(SA, ,(SA 2 and ,(SA /., they ere only seen as insurrections used to achieve the political ends of competing elites./2 Seeing their efforts ineffective, many :ilipinos developed lethargic outloo* on demonstrations and rallies on the streets. "his %protest fatigue& and aning popular interest in alternative politics made mass mobili!ation less effective. As a result, party?list organi!ations such as A*bayan -#iti!en2s Action Party. and Sanla*as -Ene Strength. began to focus more on electing candidates and e1panding net or*s, and less on protests and pic*et lines.// +ith the efforts of these pro?poor party lists, a bill has been proposed to totally abolish the roots of the inefficient aristocrats, political dynasties. 4ouse Bill 7o.//'0, named as the Anti?Political (ynasty Act of 28'8, is set out to embody Section 2D of the Article 2 of the 'HCG #onstitution, herein %"he State shall guarantee e>ual access to opportunities fro public service, and prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by la .&/0 "he provisions of the bill prohibits the establishment of political dynasties in local government units and districts, ith a blatant case of daughter?father tandem serves as mayor and vice mayor respectively./9 $n spite of this grand attempt, the bill hast not been passed into la and dynasties still linger and intend to stay in the coming elections of 28'/. RECOMMENDATIONS AND *ESSONS "he most accepted model of democracy in the orld is generally termed as liberal democracy. $t is the e>uivalent of representative democracy here political e>uality is e1ercised and political office gained through regular elections/D and encapsulates the ideals of 6ean 6ac>ues

=osseau, herein sovereign po er of the people is inalienable, indivisible and cannot be represented by itself./G Supposed to be, this is the democracy :ilipinos should live through. And if one analy!es the activist groups here in the Philippines, it is a surprising fact to *no that they see democracy here in an elitist vie , and not really in a Mar1ist ay, as they prefer to believe. Most of their aims and calls are really for the pluralist and not really a classless society, even though they articulate repeatedly that their aim is communism and for communism. )nfortunately, the basic Loc*ean notion that %La s must apply e>ually to rich and poor&/C does not happen in this country, and this leads to hat Mc#oy used for a title in his boo* %an anarchy of :amilies.& "rapos, or traditional politicians have continued to rule the Philippines based on / different facts3 -'. their avo ed motives are fatally and un>uestionably accepted -2. they aren2t made truly accountable and -/. force of people po er is needed, more than the capability of only changing the leaders, but not their practice./H St. Augustine2s concept that %a bad government is a punishment for the people&08 applies, this time the conse>uence is not directly from God, but from the bad choices :ilipinos made. "he political culture persisting in the Philippines needs not only lead actors but also participants, to hich the masses have played ell. Beeping an eye on the ruling elite is the 5ob of the civil society and ma5ority of the :ilipinos are either too busy or apathetic to thoroughly chec* and redress their government2s grievances. Additionally, politics here is so personalistic and people base their party affiliations and candidate?preference not mainly on platforms, but on impressions. $n a pulse Asia survey on the last elections, DCP of the respondents agreed that media image is the ma5or influence on their votes.0' "he media has played a great role in informing the citi!ens the activities of the government, yet their coverage also has limits -and some biases.. Local government anomalies, if not big enough to cause public stir, are *ept secret ithin the alls of public offices. +ith the GH provinces, '/C #ities, ',0HD Municipalities, 02,829 Barangays, and 'G =egions that e have0', chec*s ill rather be a great responsibility. "here ould lots of actions that could be done to successfully address the prevailing elite democracy in the country. But before anything else, a changed mindset should 5ump start the changeNfor the better, that e need. :or e1ample, if the masses ould only be informed ho selling of their votes deprive them of proper social services entitled to them, then maybe they ould thin* t ice before accepting the money in e1change for their ballots. $nformation, a po er

held by the academe, should be disseminated to the electorate to arn them of the perils decided by their votes. Parado1ically, the problem in the Philippines is that the *no ledgeable people are so great that their greatness do not reach the underprivileged, hich are often s ayed by the populists2 appeals. (ata about the synergistic correlation of our corrupt elite democracy has al ays been presented in ays the masses do not understand. Because they can not relate their lives ith the statistics presented to them, they ould rather not care and continue living ith the rotten system. Given the faculties of discerning more, the academe can and should thin* of creative ays to reach the ma5ority. $f reforms be done, it should start ith the brains then circulate the body politic.

NOTES '. Abinales, Patricio 7. and (onna 6. Amoroso. &tate an! &ociety in the Phili""ines. -Pasig #ity3 Anvil, 2889., 2G. 2. $bid., 9G. /. "adem, "eresa ,ncarnacion. %Philippine Social movements before Martial La .& in Phili""ine Politics an! 'o(ernance) *hallen$es to Democarti#ation an! De(elo"ment ed. 7oel M. Morada and "eresa S. ,ncarnacion "adem. -<ue!on #ity3 (epartment of Political Science, #ollege of Social Sciences and Philosophy, )niversity of the Philippines, 288D., 9. 0. $bid., D. 9. Simbulan, (ante S. The +o!ern Prici"alia) the Historical ,(olution of the Phili""ine -ulin$ .li$archy. -<ue!on #ity3 )niversity of the Philippines Press, 2889., 2H0. D. Abinales and Amoroso, &tate an! &ociety, '/9?'/G. G. "imberman, (avid. A *han$eless /an!) *ontinuity an! *han$e in Phili""ine Politics. -Singapore3 $nstitute of Southeast Asian Studies and Manila3 'HH'., '9?G8. C. Mc#oy, Alfred +. %An Anarchy of :amilies3 "he 4istoriography of State and :amily in the Philippines& $n An Anarchy of 0amilies) The &tate an! 0amily in the Phili""ines,edited by Alfred +. Mc#oy, '?/2. <ue!on #ity3 Ateneo de Manila )niversity Press, 'HH0. H. #oronel, Shiela S. %Born to rule3 (ynasty,& in The -ulema1ers) Ho2 the 2ealthy an! 2ell-born !ominate the *on$ress, Shiela S. #oronel et al. -<ue!on #ity3 Philippine #enter for $nvestigative 6ournalism, 2880., 0D?9/. '8. Gutierre!, ,ric ). et al. %#lans as Primary political organi!ations& and %Analysis and prospects& $n All in the 0amily) A stu!y of elites an! "o2er relations in the Phili""ines, edited by 7oel ". Pangilinan, '?'9, '9D?'DD. <ue!on #ity3 $nstitute for Popular (emocracy, 'HH2. ''. #oronel, %Born to rule.& '2. Mc#oy, %An anarchy of :amilies.& '/. #oronel, Shiela S. %Born to rule3 "he G M2s of (ynasty Building,& in The -ulema1ers) Ho2 the 2ealthy an! 2ell-born !ominate the *on$ress, Shiela S. #oronel et al. -<ue!on #ity3 Philippine #enter for $nvestigative 6ournalism, 2880., 0D?9/. '0. Molmisa, =onald. 0rom Hobbes to -ousseau -synthesis of the ideas of political thin*ers.. -)P (iliman3 prepared for Social Science $$ course, 2nd semester AO 28''?28'2..

'9. Both administrations ere mired ith the most massive corruption, e1tra?5udicial *illings and abuse of po er in the history of the Philippines. 'D. %Presidential Museum and Library&. Accessed March 29, 28'2, http3IImalacanang.gov.phIpresidentsIfifth?republicIgloria?macapagal?arroyoI 'G. #onde, carlos 4. %Philippines most corrupt, survey says,& The Ne2 3or1 Times, March '/, 288G, accessed March 29, 28'2. http3II .nytimes.comI288GI8/I'/IbusinessI orldbusinessI'/iht?peso.0CH'GH2.htmlQRrS' 'C. Mendo!a, =onald ). et al. An ,m"irical Analysis of Political !ynasties in the *on$ress. -Asian $nstitute of Management, 28''., http3IIssrn.comIabstractS'HDHD89. html. Accessed March G, 28'2. 'H. Gutierre!, ,ric. %A house for the elites& in Betrayals of Public Trust) 4n(esti$ati(e re"orts in *orru"tion, ed. Shiela S. #oronel. -Philippine #enter for $nvestigative 6ournalism, 2888., '8/?''0. 28. Bello, +alden. TH, ANT4-D,5,/.P+,NT &TAT,) The Political ,conomy of Permanent *risis in the Phili""ines. -Pasig3 Anvil Publishing, $nc. and +alden Bello, 288H.,'?9. 2'. Mendo!a, et al., %An ,mpirical analysis.& 22. $bid., 2G. 2/. Gutierre! et al. %All in the family&. 20. Almonte, 6ose ". %Leveling the Playing :ield3 =eforming our democracy of stalemate,& in To "ut our house in or!er 2e must /,5,/ TH, P/A34N' 04,/D, 6ose ". Almonte. -Metro Manila3 :oundation for ,conomic :reedom, $nc., 288G., 'H8. 29. =ogers, Steven. Philippine Politics and the =ule of La . 6ournal of Democracy, Tolume '9, 7umber 0 -Ectober 2880.3''G.Accessed :ebruary 2/, 28'2.(.4)1 .137389o!.2 2D. Molmisa, %:rom 4obbes to =ousseau.& 2G. Abinales, Patricio 7. %+ea* State, =esilient President,& &outheast Asian Affairs 5ol. 2 ;-288C.3 2H9. Accesed :ebruary 2/, 28'2. (.4)'8.'/9/Isaa.8.888G 2C. (e Leon, 4ector S. Te<tboo1 on the Phili""ine *onstitution 2 Boo*store, $nc., 288C., 0G2. 2H. "adem, %Philippine Social movements&. /8. Paul (. 4utchcroft >td. in Abinales and Amoroso, &tate an! &ociety, 2'/. ; e!ition. -Manila3 =e1 4. :1

/'. "adem, "eresa S. and 6orge T. "igno. %Philippine Social Movements after Martial La ,& in Phili""ine Politics an! 'o(ernance) *hallen$es to Democarti#ation an! De(elo"ment edited by 7oel M. Morada and "eresa S. ,ncarnacion "adem -<ue!on #ity3 (epartment of Political Science, #ollege of Social Sciences and Philosophy, )niversity of the Philippines, 288D., 0/?9C. /2. Bello, %"4, A7"$?(,T,LEPM,7" S"A",,& /29?//2. //. Abinales and Amoroso, %State and Society,& 2DG. /0. (e Leon, %"e1tboo*,& ''8. /9. Pertain to the case of (avao #ity, herein Sarah (uterte, current mayor is directly lin*ed to the Tice Mayor =odrigo (uterte, her father. (avao #ity +ebsite, 28''. Accessed March 29, 28'2. http3II .davaocity.gov.phIdavaoIdefault.asp1 /D. 4ey ood, Andre . %(emocracy&, in Politics, third edition. -London and 7e Oor*3 Palgrave, 288G., G2?CC. /G. Molmisa, %:rom 4obbes to =ousseau.& /C. $bid. /H. Taldehuesa 6r., Manuel ,. A Nation of =ombies) "o2erless $rassroots, clueless elites an! the cycle of corru"tion in the Phili""ines. -#agayan de Ero3 #apitol )niversity and Manuel Taldehuesa, 288H., 9?//. 08. "hompson Mar* =. %=eformism Ts. Populism in the Philippines.& 6ournal of Democracy, Tolume 2', 7umber 0 -7ational ,ndo ment for (emocracy and "he 6ohns 4op*ins )niversity Press, Ectober 28'8.3 '90?'DG. Accessed :ebruary 2/, 28'2. 0'. 28'8 figures in http3II .dilg.gov.phI

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