to navigate the sacred dimensions of human relationships. From the Mapuche in Chile, to the Naga inIndia and the Sami in Sweden, the World Indigenous Movement -- catalyzed thirty years ago by First Nations in British Columbia -- is now gaining recognition in international fora like the EU, UN, andInternational Criminal Court; how we respond to this moral challenge will determine whether our future is one of rapprochement and coexistence, or one of violence and misery.The World Indigenous Movement is now fighting what Fourth World nations perceive as the final battles to protect their lands, knowledge, and ways of life from total annihilation. All the world’snatural resources, governing institutions, and economic structures are involved in this conflict. Absentsatisfactory resolution of this fundamental disagreement, no modern societies will long be able to meettheir basic needs in terms of mobility, energy, security, food, or water. As Dr. Ryser of the Center for World Indigenous Studies put it, “What the people in the Fourth World nations think, decide and do ontheir own behalf will decide much of the world’s international policies for generations to come.”On the whole, Americans are morally unfit for self-governance. Raised, trained, and educated to beacquiescent, the activism required to lead an independent democratic way of life is a practice in whichthey are utterly unskilled. Authentic, consensual, social democracy is entirely outside their personal political experience.The Civil Rights Movement was co-opted by state and market interests. The human rights movement,likewise, was defeated by international institutions -- such as the UN and World Bank -- that servethese same interests. The indigenous movement, however -- united by relationships and values that precede states, markets, and institutions -- remains a viable social phenomenon, offering an authenticcounter-narrative to the synthetic corporate message. Whether the latter can endure long enough toattract sufficient support from civil society to affect a change to a sustainable way of life, remains to beseen.When the Nazis marched into Oslo in April 1940 on the heels of the
Blitzkrieg
that knocked out allmajor communication, transportation, and defense infrastructure, the Norwegian people knew theywere in trouble. And while resistance to the conquerors and collaborators was initially haphazard, thevolunteers of what became the Home Front committed themselves to what they realized was going to be a long process of liberation through combined efforts of civil and military organizations.When the fascists returned to power in Washington with the 12/12/2000 imprimatur of the U.S.Supreme Court, many Americans likewise knew they were in trouble, and, like the Norwegians,realized the process of liberation was going to take a long time. Perhaps, though, because of the media-induced subversion of the American public mind and the collusion of national political leadership thatlegitimized the occupation of the seats of power in the American capitol by a government of traitors,the process of liberation has itself been subverted less by bewilderment than by a failure of imagination.As Tore Gjelsvik observed in his book
Norwegian Resistance 1940-1945
, "The occupation did not onlycall forth self-sacrifice and patriotism; it was also fertile soil for egotism and greed for gain." Leaderslike Norwegian Supreme Court Chief Justice Paal Berg -- similar to American whistleblowers SibelEdmonds and Ambassador Joseph Wilson -- gave his nation a dawning self-respect, but the war of liberation was won by a combined will to resist sustained by professors and students, shipowners andsailors, connected through an underground press and maintained by funds raised to help those keepingthe front line intact.
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