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Devices and Desires: Population Policy and Gender Roles in the Islamic Republic
Homa Hoodfar
 Middle East Report 
, No. 190, Gender, Population, Environment. (Sep. - Oct., 1994), pp. 11-17.
 Middle East Report 
is currently published by Middle East Research and Information Project.Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available athttp://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtainedprior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content inthe JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained athttp://www.jstor.org/journals/merip.html.Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printedpage of such transmission.The JSTOR Archive is a trusted digital repository providing for long-term preservation and access to leading academic journals and scholarly literature from around the world. The Archive is supported by libraries, scholarly societies, publishers,and foundations. It is an initiative of JSTOR, a not-for-profit organization with a mission to help the scholarly community takeadvantage of advances in technology. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.http://www.jstor.orgThu Jan 31 05:38:37 2008
 
Devices
and
Desires
Population Policy andGender Roles
in
the
Islamic
Republic
Homa
hood fa^
The lively debates in Iran around the dynam-ics of population policy and women's rights andresponsibilities are further evidence that repro-ductive choices and strategies, whether the gov-ernment's or women's, are not decided by Islambut are the product of the political and economicrealities of a given society.
T
he development of population policy in theIslamic Republic of Iran provides fertile groundfor re-examining the widely held assumption thatIslamist ideology is the antithesis of modernity
"A
better life with fewer childpen."
WHONNFPA
and surely incompatible with any form of femi-nism. Recent strategies that the Islamic Republic hasadopted to build a public consensus on the necessity ofbirth control and family planning indicate the flexibilityand adaptability of that ideology in response toand economic realities.Family planning decision-making is closely associat-ed with socioeconomic status in society, and theirautonomy and security within conjugal bonds. Women'sadoption of smaller families is crucial to the success ofIran's population program because the Iranian govern-ment, like governments elsewhere, has shifted responsi-bility for birth control from men to women. Improvingwomen's economic and public involvement, as well as theirposition within the
marriage
institution, is crucial to thisprocess, but at the same time fundamentally challengesthe gender roles, and especially the idea of female domes-ticity advocated by the regime as a cornerstone of its envis-aged Muslim society. How has Iran's government recon-ciled these two different sets of priorities?For their part, Iranian women have individually and col-
Middle East Report
rn
September-October1994
lectively questioned the prescribed male interpretation ofthe Proper "Islamic" role for women. Women Islamistactivists have used the ambivalent and contradictory ide-ological positions of the government to launch their women-centered interpretation of appropriate gender roles. Adoptingnew and creative interpretations, they have encouragedthe government to introduce reforms in the areas of mar-riage, divorce and education, and are agitating for moreimprovement in women's kgal and social p0sition.l
Populaf on Pol cy Before and After
In 1967, Iran launched its first official population policy,and in 1970 announced the ambitious goal of reducing thepopulation growth rate to one percent within 20 Years.In 1973, the Pahlavi regime legalized abortion duringthe first trimester of Pregnancy, with permission of thehusband. Through a network of family planning clinics,the Ministry of Public Health made contraceptives avail-able. The national women's organization, along with other
11
 
associations, promoted and distributed contraceptives. made in the major cities, where shortages and failure toDevices and techniques such as the IUD, tuba1 ligationmeet basic needs could have severe consequences.and vasectomy were introduced but, given the overall lack Pressure from more enlightened segments of the reli-of resources, the pill became by default the contraceptivegious and political leadership resulted in an explicit pro-of choice.nouncement that the use of pills and other contraceptivesThere was already considerable demand, particularly which would temporarily stop the creation of a fetus wasamong urban middle income groups dissatisfied with tra-not
haram
(prohibited).The announcement, justified inditional methods. Though there was little effort to extendtheological terms, paved the way for the reformulationfamily planning to the rural population, nationally an esti-of population policies over the next few years. By 1988,mated
11
percent ofwomen of child-bearingage used somethe question of over-population and its danger, on theform of contraceptive.2national and international scale, had found its way intoDespite considerable improvement in the GNP and perthe political speeches of various leaders. After Ayatollahcapita income, infant mortality remained
T
Khamene'i discussed the necessity ofvery high due to the inequitable distrib-introducing family planning in a Fridayution of public services. But several
he government en-
sermon, the government issued achanges were introduced to improvenational birth control policy, whichwomen's status both within the family
gender
Ayatollah Khomeini ratified shortlyand in the public arena, including efforts
that do not correspond
before his death in 1989. A Board ofto include women in the labor market.Family Planning, directly under the con-The legal age of marriage for women was
with
those
Of
Islam-
trol of the Minister of Health, startedincreased to 18,and in 1975marriage and
iSt women who vie
its activities at once.divorce law was reformed to limit men'sThe population policy of the Islamicarbitrary right to divorce and to enter into
much of what is pre-
Republic differs from the pre-revolutionpolygamous marriages.. Although imple-
Sented
as
patriarchy in
program in many important ways. Thementation was problematic, the symbol-Islamic Republic has achieved consid-ic value of these moves was considerable,
'~sh'?'LiCnOStUme.
erable success in convincing the popu-and conveyed to women and to the gen-lation to accept and practice family plan-era1public that women's rights were officially recognized.ning through a powerful consensus-building campaign andWith the establishment ofthe Islamic regime, the fam-by establishing an effective network to provide afford-ily planning program fell into disarray. The new regimeable and reliable contraceptive means.did not formulate an explicit population policy. Many con-servative leaders continued to insist that contraceptive
Building National Consensus
devices had been developed by Western powers in order tosubjugate oppressed nations and to limit the number ofThe most outstanding innovation in the Islamic Republic'sMuslims. The government officially encouragedearly andfamily planning policy has been the way in which theuniversal marriage, and further lowered the minimumgovernment has tried to raise general knowledgeand under-marriage age. Contraceptives became difficult to obtain,standing of population questions rather than limit its focusas the stock of modern devices, primarily imported, wasto promoting contraceptives. Political and religious lead-soon depleted. The side-effects of contraceptive pills anders frequently address the importance of family planningIUDs on women's health became a popular subject of dis-in nationally televised speeches, and particularly in Fridaycussion, particularly in women's religious gatheringssermons which publicly define the government's political
(sofreh)
where issues of marriage and family are tradi-and ideological lines.5 The government has also support-tionally discussed.4 Iran's fertility level, not surprising-ed research and publication on the question of popula-ly, increased immediately after the revolution.tion and Islamic family planning, including a compila-A 1986 national survey estimated Iran's population attion of medieval writings which demonstrate that familyover
50
million, and had a sobering impact on the more planning has been a concern of Islamic societies long beforeastute members ofthe government. The high birthrate andit was a Western interest.increase in population, together with the depressed econ-A number of broad and overlapping themes haveomy and massive migration from the war zones to Tehranemerged.6 First, the talks raise the question of whetherand other major cities, placed considerable demands onthe world can continue to support an ever-increasing pop-the government. The government of the oppressed, as itulation, using concrete examples drawn from China, theportrayed itself, had committed itseif ideologicallyand con-Philippines, India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and other devel-stitutionally to the provision of basic amenities and equal oping nations. Another technique examines, in simple andopportunity in order to move toward a just Islamic society. accessible language, the consequences of increased popu-The leadership was also conscious that Iranian politics is lation for domestic food production and dependency, andeducation and health care costs. By contrast, Western coun-
Homa Hoodfar
teaches anthropology at Concordia Uniuerszty in Montreal.This text is adapted from a paper prepared for the Population Control
tries,
with
their
low
rates
of
growth
and much
bal-
conference on Fonily, Gender and Population Pol~cyn Cairo, February
1994.
anced population pyramids, can provide education and
12
Middle East Report September-October 1994
of 00

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