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The Last Civil Religion: Reverend Moon and the Unification Church
Thomas Robbins; Dick Anthony; Madeline Doucas; Thomas Curtis
Sociological Analysis
, Vol. 37, No. 2. (Summer, 1976), pp. 111-125.
Sociological Analysis
is currently published by Association for the Sociology of Religion, Inc..Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available athttp://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtainedprior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content inthe JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained athttp://www.jstor.org/journals/asr.html.Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printedpage of such transmission.The JSTOR Archive is a trusted digital repository providing for long-term preservation and access to leading academic journals and scholarly literature from around the world. The Archive is supported by libraries, scholarly societies, publishers,and foundations. It is an initiative of JSTOR, a not-for-profit organization with a mission to help the scholarly community takeadvantage of advances in technology. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.http://www.jstor.orgMon Jul 2 07:00:31 2007
 
Sociological Analysis
1976, 37, 2:
1
1 1-
125
The Last Civil Religion: Reverend Moon and the Unification Church* 
Thomas Robbins
Quernc College
CCr,L'Y
Dick AnthonyMadeline DoucasThomas Curtis
Unzrjerezt) of Sort11 Carolzna at Chapel HI//The zncreaszng domznatzon of the econom)
b)
corporate and goz~ernmmtalbztreaucraczee ulzthco?zcomztant rtntctztral dfferenttntzon and plzcralzon hue ztndermzned consensual cz~~tleltglon In thererzcltzng "rnaec corzet)" the nzrclearfamilq
zc
~ncreaccngl)colated becau~e fa lack ofcecondnn, groupclznkzng ~t o the largerpolzt) Hourever, rellg2on.c of thrlouth culture can functzon ac secondaq group\and cuppl> Irgzt~mtzonc ocnttng )oung people zczth~n he larger toczet) Some mouemenh do th~ethrough tolerant 'ynrtlal ~drologzes Otherc, such ac the I'nzficat~onChurch, attempt to reconctztute anorjerarchzng c\ntlw~rc ofthreatened patnotzc and thezcttc ~lnlues zthzn
nn
authorztartan and totaltstlrorganrzatzon-zn ~hort lzthln a
~~7111
sectel~g~ozis The exzstence ofazrthontanan c1111l rlzgzozic cectsprot'cdee come rrrzdencefor Bellah'c theczc that wrthout a revolntzonan, reconctructzon ofc~fz1rlzgzon,rrthrr toczrtal dlezntegratzon uitll Increate or the natzon uzll relapce znto artthor~tarzanzsm
Bryan LVilson
(1966)
has analyzed sectarianism as a response to secularization whichco~npels ersons committed to supernaturalistic belief systems to isolate themselves andcreate homogeneous spiritual cornrnunities or "sects" serving as plausibility structures forhard pressed belief' systems. It is our view that LVilson's thesis holds not only for purelysi~pernatitralmeaning systems but also for "civil religion."
4
decline in the plausibility ofchi1 religion will produce divisive and disciplinecl civil religious "sects." The contest of'secularization \\.ill exert pressure on those who remain faithful and on those who
vehemently
oppose traditional civil religious orthodoxy (in short, those who still
care
aboutcivil religion) to organize themselves comn~unallyn militant, sectarian fashion.
A
seculariz-ing civic milieu ma) produce mass apath) and privatization, but
on
the fringes of' thisapathy will be strident sects
of
civil religion, which will discipline and organize cognitiveminorities against
a
hostile or ilnconcerned environment.
Decline
of
the Arnericnn Ci71il Religion
The American "civil religion" has been defined by Bellah (1970) as the common, publicdimension of religious orientation \\.hich Americans share and which has imparted areligious significance to the whole fabric of American life. The "content" of the civilreligion while varying over time "has suffered various deforlnatio~ls nd demonic distor-tions," but
it
has generally involved a qualified sacralization of American political existenceand an assumption
thatl4rnerira
is
or shozild
br
an insti-zo~zetlt f dir~ineprollidence.
According toJohn Coleman (1970),who has
formalized
Bellah's concept of civil religion, there are three
*Thi$ research bvas supported
by
Public Health Service grant Number
5-R01-D.400407-04.
 
1
12
SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS
central characteristics:
(1)
The nation is the primary agent of God's meaningful activity inhistory; (2) The nation is the primary society in which the individual American discoverspersonal and group identity;
(3)
The nation also assumes a churchly feature as thecommunity of' righteousness.'"Today,"ho\ve\.er, "the American civil religion is an ernpty and broken shell" (Bellah,1975: 142).
A
sense of collective identity as a unitary "people" seem to be declining whilepolitical cynicism and apathy are increasing. Szynianski
(1
973) reports that electoral parti-cipation is significantly down since 1960, while arm) desertion rates were substarltiallyhigher in the Vietnamese war than in the Korean war. A Crallup opinion index for .%pril1972 reports that younger citizens
(32%
between 18-20) are morr likely than older citizens
to
express a wish to move to another countrl-.
In
summarizing this evidence, Szymanski(1974: 11) comments, "On the political, cultural, f'amilial, economic, legal and personallevels, virtually all indicators point to the
i,acrea.ting alienation
of
thr Amrrican peoplefrom'4merican ;ialue,s and institutions
ant1 to the general decay of the moral fabric of -4rnericansociety" (our emphasis).,L\nalysts have focused upon Vietnam, Watergate and detente in accounting for thisdeterioration in civil religiosity. Moreover, longer range trends underlie this decline.Proponents ofthe "end of ideology" thesis argue that increasing structural differentiationand the growth of cultural pluralism have made a consensual civil religion supplyingcultural integration for the total society both impossible and unnecessary (Bell, 1960; Fenn,1972). 4s a result. "There is no dominant set of interests, values or meanings in our societytoday" (Douglas, 1974:95). The related tendency toward "privatization" of religion (Luck-rnann, 1966; Fenn, 1972) has also been seen as undermining civil religion and entailing apermanent withdrawal of supernaturalist sanctions from political institutions.The sec~tlarizingactors which have undermined symbolic integration have also createda
cri.sic
of
commltnity
associated with the onset of "mass society" (Kornliauser, 1959). Eri-hanced structural differentiation has resulted in the extreme isolation of the nuclearfamily-,which can no longer meet the expressive ancl com~nunal eeds of its members. Thebureaucratization in work and educztional milieux, the increase ir, geographical mobility,and other trends have diminished the communal viability of "secontlary groups" which areno longer capable of linking the individual to the total society.
A
need has arisen for newkinds of collectivities intermediate between atomized irldivicluals or primary groups andthe total society. S~rchollectivities would provide contexts for diffi~se onimunal intimac)-and would restx-ialize the individual away from exclusive dependence on the nuclear familyand orient him toward broader societal and universal
\.slues.
.I'l~e urrent comm~tnalbreakdo~vn aturally impinges most heavily on young persons who have left their family oforigin but have not yet created their own families and are therefore most susceptible tocommunal deprivation and anomie. Groups catering to the resulting conimunal depri\-a-tion, then, will recruit tnost heavily from young people..And yet t\vo different resolutions are possible. One can en\-ision a t-eco~~stit~ttionfpl~tralisn~hrough nev. groups and comnlunities. The erriergence of
new
"social inven-tions" such as communes or encouriter groups has recently been interpreted in these terms
(J.S.
Coleman, 1070; Marx and Ellison,
1975).
Religions of the youth culture may also be
'According to Bellah, the American Civil religion has traditionally involved conceptions of
Amer-
icans as the "chosen people" who are fulfilling a providential purpose in history. Bellah sometimeswrites as if the civil religion has been
explicit
in American culture. One does not, however, write anarticle to establish the existence of Catholicism or Presbyterianism. In general, assumptions of .4mer-ica-as-an-instrument-of-divine-Providence have been
implirit
in American political consciousness andhave not been routinely articulated in the twentieth century to legitimate particular national policiesand institutions.
of 00

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