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Cults of America: A Reconnaissance in Space and Time
Rodney Stark; William Sims Bainbridge; Daniel P. Doyle
Sociological Analysis
, Vol. 40, No. 4, Sects, Cults and Religious Movements. (Winter, 1979), pp.347-359.
Sociological Analysis
is currently published by Association for the Sociology of Religion, Inc..Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available athttp://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtainedprior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content inthe JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained athttp://www.jstor.org/journals/asr.html.Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printedpage of such transmission.The JSTOR Archive is a trusted digital repository providing for long-term preservation and access to leading academic journals and scholarly literature from around the world. The Archive is supported by libraries, scholarly societies, publishers,and foundations. It is an initiative of JSTOR, a not-for-profit organization with a mission to help the scholarly community takeadvantage of advances in technology. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.http://www.jstor.orgWed Jul 4 21:11:59 2007
 
Sociological Analysis
1979, 40, 4:347-359
Cults of America: A Reconnaissance in Space and Time
Rodney StarkWilliam Sims BainbridgeDaniel
P.
Doyle
University of WashingtonThis paper examines the geographic distribution of American cults based on 501 independent groupslisted in the
Encyclopedia of American Religions,
Vol.
2
(Melton, 1978). A third ofthe nation's cultsare in California. However, when population
is
taka
into account, Nevada and New Mexico exceedCalifornia in terms of cultsper million residents. Regionally, the Panficstates have the highest cult rate
(6.9
per million) and the Southern region
has
the lowest. The Eastern regions have a much larger proportion ofcults founded before I930 than do the southern and western areas. Considerable regional variation alsoexists in the kinds of cults that predominate. Examination of the dates when existing cults were foundedreveals there has been a massive decline over time in the proportion of cults that adopt Christian-soundingnames. Finally, trends in the birth dates in thirteen amilies of cults show signzficant variations. Implications
of
these indings are considered.
Since the Puritans first set foot on this continent, America has been a fertile ground fornew religions. Literally hundreds of new faiths have appeared here, and some of them,such as Christian Science and Mormonism, have achieved lasting success.New religions appear in several distinctive ways. The most common origin is throughs~hism-~rou~split from established religious bodies to found new groups. When suchschismatic groups remain within a dominant religious tradition, they are identified assects(Stark and Bainbridge, 1979). However, many new religions are genuinely new. They arenot part of the predominant religious tradition. Many such novel groups form becausesomeone had, or claimed to have had, a new revelation and successfully recruited others tothe new faith. Subsequently, additional new groups may break away from the original newfaith. So long as such religious groups are part of a deviant religious tradition, theyproperty are identified as cults. Cults also can appear in a society through importation fromanother society. Thus,Hinduism is a cult in the United States-where it forms anindependent and deviant religious tradition- while Christianity is a cult in India (Stark andBainbridge, 1979).This paper does not deal with sects. Instead, its focus is on cults-on the hundreds of newreligions that exist across the nation. Our primary concern is to locate cults in space andtime-iust where do cults of various kinds-find the most favorable climate in thk UnitedStates? And, what changes have occurred over time? One of our longer-range interests inthe temporal and spacial location of cults in America will be to test a theory concerning therelationship between secularization and the formation of new religions. Here, however, weshall devote our primary attention to description.The data we analyze are coded from the monumental new Encyclopedia
of
AmericanReligions just published by J. Gordon Melton (1978).The entire second volume of this workis devoted to groups which, except for Jewish organizations, lie outside the dominantreligious traditions of the United States. Having excluded the Jewish groups, and severalothers (as we explain later), we coded a preliminary set of data for each of
501
cultsreported in Melton's volume. The question arises, of course,just how complete a list of cultsin America Melton was able to assemble. Many cults are so obscure they attract little
 
attention even in their immediate surroundings. M'e have satisfied ourselves that this list isver) complete. The methods Melton employed to track down groups appear to beadmirable. Moreover, we knew of a number of very obscure cults of the kind Melton wouldhale been most apt to miss. Each of these is in fact on his list. Obviously, there must existgroups not included in this analysis, but we suspect they are very new and that their absencedoes not distort the picture of American cults we develop here.
Location
For
each cult, we coded the state where its headquarters is located. For most cults, this isalso the state where the group originated, and in which most, if not all, of its currentmembers reside. This is because many cults consist of a single group (or congregation)while many others consist of only two or three groups. However, because of a few largecults, such as Scientology, our coding tends to minimize the picture of cult activity across thenation. For example, a state might conceivably have ten Scientology Centers, and twooutposts of the Unification Church of Rev. Sun M. Moon, but still show up in our data ashaving no cults- because none is headquartered there. Obviously, it would be preferable tohave membership figures on each cult group and to be able to estimate the relative strengthof cults on the basis of proportions of the population who adhere to cult groups. Such dataare unlikely to be available any time soon, if ever, but the data in Melton's encyclopedia are avery good substitute. Since the overwhelming majority of cults are small, a state that doesnot harbor a home-grown cult group is less fertile soil for religious novelty than are statesthat produce such groups. Indeed, it is our impression that the large cults have their majoroutposts in places where there are also many other active cult groups. An additionalproblem is that cults sometimes move. An extreme instance is Scientology, whose worldheadquarters, for a number of years, has been at sea-aboard a
320
foot ship. In examininga number of cases, we concluded that where cults move
to
is perhaps even more diagnosticof the character of environments than is where they originate. Jim Jones did not move hisPeoples Temple from Indiana to California in pursuit of milder winters. He went to gaingreater freedom to develop the cult in more radical directions. That he later fled to thejungles of Guyana shows that even California places some limits on religious deviance.Therefore, while these are not perfect data with which to explore the location of Americancults, they are the best data, indeed the first data, available. And we think our findings canbe read with considerable confidence.Table 1 shows that states differ greatly in terms of cults.' Looking at absolute numbers,California is, as has long been believed, the cult capital. One of every three American cultgroups has its headquarters in the Golden State. Next highest is New York with
12
percent,Illinois \\,ith
7,
and Florida with 4. Cults are located in 41 of the
50
states, and in the Districtof Columbia. Seven states claim only one cult headquarters, while nine states have none.Obviously, population differences play an important role in where cults flourish.Presumably, the more people in an area, the greater the number of separate groups thatcan find a founding nucleus. Indeed, that is a major proposition in Claude Fischer's theoryof subcultural diversity within cities
(1975).
Therefore, we took population differences intoaccount by dividing the number of cults located in a state by its population, and expressingthe result as the
number
of
cults
per
million
residents.
These rates are also shown in Table 1.
'It must
be
recognized that the rates for many states are based on a very small number of cases. Hadwe located one less cult for Nevada, for example, its rate would have dropped from
10.0
to
8.3.
A
loss ofa cult or two in California, on the other hand, would make no difference in the rate. For this reason, theregional rates are probably somewhat more trustworthy. Yet, it is interesting to note the high similarityof rates among states making up given regions. This suggests that the rates for individual states arerelatively accurate.
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