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Cult Membership in the Roaring Twenties: Assessing Local Receptivity
Rodney Stark; William Sims Bainbridge; Lori Kent
Sociological Analysis
, Vol. 42, No. 2. (Summer, 1981), pp. 137-161.
Sociological Analysis
is currently published by Association for the Sociology of Religion, Inc..Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available athttp://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtainedprior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content inthe JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained athttp://www.jstor.org/journals/asr.html.Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printedpage of such transmission.The JSTOR Archive is a trusted digital repository providing for long-term preservation and access to leading academic journals and scholarly literature from around the world. The Archive is supported by libraries, scholarly societies, publishers,and foundations. It is an initiative of JSTOR, a not-for-profit organization with a mission to help the scholarly community takeadvantage of advances in technology. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.http://www.jstor.orgWed Jul 4 21:11:34 2007
 
Cult Membership in the Roaring Twenties:
Assessing Local Receptivity
Rodney StarkWilliam Sims BainbridgeLori Kent
Deparrmenr of SociologyUniversity of WashingtonSearrle, Washington
981
95
This paper extends our recent quantitative research on cults by examining data on cultmembership and on client cult practitioners in the United States during the 1920s. In
so
doingwe demonstrate the great utility of a series of strangely neglected nation-wide census studies ofreligion conducted by the U.S. Census Bureau during the first four decades of this century.These data permit examination of some rather remarkable aspects of the specific historical de-velopment of a number of important American cult movements. They also permit for the firsttime an analysis of cult
membership
rather than use of more inferential measures of cult activityand strength. Analysis of the data suggests which of these sets of membership statistics willserve as valid measures of the receptivity of local environments to cult recruitment. Use ofthese measures to test elements of our theory of religious movements is deferred to other pa-pers. Here our major concern is to discover some interesting historical generalizations aboutAmerican cult movements. Finally, we find amazing stability in cult activity over the
40
yearsbetween the 1920s and the 1970s. This suggests the need for more basic theories of cult forma-tion than those suggested by scholars who regard the rise of new religions as a
new
phenom-enon.This paper adds an historical dimension to the quantitative study of cults. We definecults as religious movements within a deviant religious tradition (Stark and Baindridge, 1979).In previous empirical work we developed means to study many aspects of cult strengthand activity in the contemporary United States (Stark, et al., 1979; Bainbridge and Stark,1981a). These data revealed marked geographic differences in receptivity to cults. In the1970s, the heaviest concentration of cults and occult activity was along the West Coast,the area where the conventional churches are weakest (Stark and Bainbridge, forth-coming).The fact that many different measures produce similar results lends confidence to ourconclusions. However, as is often the case in social science, the results were very circum-scribed in time and place. Our work has been guided by deductions from a general theoryof religion (Stark and Bainbridge, 1980b and forthcoming) that predicts that cults will al-ways be stronger where conventional religion is weaker, other things being equal. So gen-eral a theory demands testing in many times and places, not just in contemporary Amer-ica. In consequence, we have sought means to pursue our studies of religious movementsin other societies and at other times. Here we attempt to develop and assess measures ofcult strength and activity in the United States in 1926.Contemporary quantitative data on cults tend to come from questionnaires or from
 
geographic counts of cult groups-data on the number of people who belong to cult move-ments are seldom available. This study, however, will be based primarily on informationabout
cult membership.
While actual membership statistics might seem the ideal measure ofcult activity, this is not necessarily so because of idiosyncracies in the historical develop-ment of some cult movements. We will consider a variety of data in this paper, but willdemonstrate that only some of these data are useful as measures of
local receptivity to cults.
In evaluating the 1926 data, we also will contrast cults of the twenties with cults of the sev-enties, thus assessing the stability of basic patterns.Only in other papers will we use these data in attempts to replicate tests of our theory.Here we wish to demonstrate the validity of some measures of cult activity in the 1920s,and to contribute to historical understanding of certain significant cult movements. Fi-nally, a major purpose of this paper is to bring to the attention of social scientists the exis-tence of an extraordinary wealth of good data on religion-data that have languished rela-tively unused for many decades in university libraries.
Rediscove.ring
tk
Religious Census
After attempting less complete surveys in the nineteenth century, beginning in 1906 the
U.S.
Bureau of the Census conducted an elaborate census of religious bodies every decadethrough 1936. Painstaking efforts and systematic procedures produced data of very highquality and great completeness. These data make it possible to compute church-member-ship rates for every city over 25,000, for every county, and for every state in the nation.The denominational composition of these units is also reported in exquisite detail. Alsoavailable is such information as the number and size of congregations, when congrega-tions were founded, the number of ministers, annual expenditures, missionary activity,sex ratios of congregations, and a host of other interesting data. Moreover, for each reli-gious body included, the census provides a first-rate summary of its history, doctrine andrituals.Even more important, the Census Bureau took an unusually broad view of what consti-tutes a religion. Hence, they not only gathered data on a host of small Christian sects,they also included many cults. Membership statistics on these cults are the basic source ofdata for this paper.Each of these four voluminous census reports warrants extensive analysis. But, we haveconcluded that 1926 is the best of the four. There was modest improvement in the scopeand completeness of each of the reports through 1926. Then, the great social dislocationscaused by the Dust Bowl and the Great Depression were reflected in the 1936 census. Forexample, the number of Northern Baptist churches and church members increasedslightly between 1926 and 1936. But the number of Southern Baptist congregations de-clined by
40
percent between the two reports, and the number of Southern Baptists fell bynearly a million. This probably reflected the massive up-rooting of rural America, espe-cially in the Dust Bowl region. These missing Baptists were simply gone from the farmsand small towns where they had been in 1926 and had not yet showed up on the rolls ofBaptist churches elsewhere. How frustrating that the census ceased its studies ofreligion atthat point!For our purposes it seems best to use data for a relatively more settled and "normal" time.Thus we have coded data from the 1926 census to create a variety of rates.
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