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Catholics and the Christian Right: A View from Four States
Mary Bendyna; John C. Green; Mark J. Rozell; Clyde Wilcox
 Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion
, Vol. 39, No. 3. (Sep., 2000), pp. 321-332.
 Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion
is currently published by Society for the Scientific Study of Religion.Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available athttp://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtainedprior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content inthe JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained athttp://www.jstor.org/journals/sssr.html.Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printedpage of such transmission.The JSTOR Archive is a trusted digital repository providing for long-term preservation and access to leading academic journals and scholarly literature from around the world. The Archive is supported by libraries, scholarly societies, publishers,and foundations. It is an initiative of JSTOR, a not-for-profit organization with a mission to help the scholarly community takeadvantage of advances in technology. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.http://www.jstor.orgThu Jul 5 00:53:59 2007
 
Catholics and the Christian Right:A View from Four States
MARY BENDYNAJOHN
C.
GREEN
MARK
J.
ROZELLCLYDE WILCOX
Christian Right Organizations in the 1990s have tried to avoid the pilfnlkfor the religiozts particzrlarirmthat undermined the earlier eforts of such groups as .\4oral ,blajorih. to build long lasting political coalitions. Forman>.Christian Right leaders,
conservative
Catholics appear to be a particularl~ ppealing group to reach formembership recruitment andpolitical coalition-building. fit such leading groups as the Ch,i.~tian Coalition havelargeb: experienced disappointment ~,ithuch effortsThis essay presmt.7 data that o@r reasons 1r.h~.onservative Catholics might be \i>i/ling o form politicalcoalitions with activi.sts of the Christian Right but remain reluctant to join Christian Right organizations The,findings are based on a large sztrvej' ofRepublican par@ state convention delegates in our states. The data showthat Catholic delegates hold very conservative issue positions in line with Chri.7tian Right
organization.^,
and havepositive feelings toward Christian Right leaders and organizations. Itt Catholic delegates hold.~omeu.har istinctivepositions antong Republicans on certain issztes, and therefore remain relztctant to oin the Christian Coalition andother sztch groztps.
The Christian Right has undergone profound changes in the past two decades that have hadimportant consequences for the movement's continued political viability and influence. The MoralMajority, Christian Voice, and other groups of the 1970s and early 1980s attracted a great deal ofmedia attention, but ultimately were unsuccessful. These organizations failed for many reasons:they neglected to build grass roots organizations, their funding was limited to direct-mail appealswhich proved less successful by the mid- 1980s, and their leadership lacked political sophistication.Perhaps more importantly, these organizations were built upon networks of fimdamentalist churchesand their leaders were unwilling to build coalitions with Pentecostals, evangelicals, mainlineProtestants, and Catholics (Wilcox, 1992; Moen 1992; 1994; Rozell and Wilcox, 1996).The demise of the Moral Majority in the late 1980s occurred in a time of profoundtransformation for the movement. New organizations such as the Family Research Council (thenaffiliated with Focus on the Family) and the Christian Coalition sought to build grassrootsorganizations with dues, regular meetings, and communication networks (Moen, 1994). Survivingorganizations such as the Concerned Women for America (CWA) followed suit and expandedtheir network of local women's organizations. These organizations learnedfrom the failure of theMoral Majority, and sought to build a broader ecumenical base of support to achieve lastingviability and influence.'The organization that took most seriously the ecumenical cause was the Christian Coalition,formed in 1989 from the remnants of Robertson's failed 1988 presidential bid. The very name
Zlary Bendyna. RS.M C.4RA Institute. Georgetown L'niversitp;, IVashington. IIC 20057
(bendynamrujgunet,georgrto~rn.edu). 
John C. Green, Cniversih of.dkron, Akron, Ohio 4433.5G;green(@iakron.e&. .\!ark
J
Rozell. Department ofpolitics. The Catholic C'niversi@ of..lnlerica, If?asi?ington.DC 20064 lrozell(~cua.edu). Clvde Il'ilcox, Deparrment of Government, Georgefolcn (,'niversity, Kashington. DC 20017 /~~ilcoxcrujerols.comj 
 
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JOURNAL
FOR THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RE1 IGION
Christian Coalition symbolized a commitment to building an organization with broad appeal toconservative Christians. The Moral Majority had built its organization through the hndamentalistchurches of Jeny Falwell's Baptist Bible Fellowship denomination (Liebman, 1983; Wilcox, 1992).In contrast, the Christian Coalition sought to recruit politically savvy local leaders bvho couldbuild truly interdenominational local organizations, and perhaps bridge the longstanding dividebetween pentecostals and fundamentalists, and attract support among neo-evangelicals and possiblyeven Catholics as well (Bendyna and Wilcox, 1997; Berkowitz and Green, 1997).There is some evidence that the Christian Coalition has succeeded in this effort (Wilcox,Rozell and Gunn, 1996; Green, Rozell and Wilcox, 1998; Wilcox, DeBell and Sigelman, 1999).Although the Christian Coalition managed to win the support of many orthodox Protestants, itexperienced difficulty in expanding beyond that base. Suneys showed that the Christian Coalitioncommanded the passive support of a narrow majority of white evangelicals, but that most otherevangelicals were unlikely to ever support the organization (Wilcox, 1996). Consequently, theorganization's leaders decided to make a focused attempt to broaden its appeal to consenlativeCatholics, mainline I'rotestants, African-Americans, orthodox Jews, and other groups (Appleby,1997; Bendyna and Wilcox 1997; Bendyna, Green, Rozell and Wilcox 1998; Wald and Sigelman,1997).The largest and most attractive of these target constituencies were Catholics. At its annual"Road to Victory" conferences, the Christian Coalition has routinely held workshops on buildingbridges to Catholics and has featured many Catholic speakers. It has also recruited Catholics inleadership and staffpositions in the national, state, and local organizations. In his book
PoliticullyIncorrect
former Christian Coalition leader Ralph Reed effectively apologized for the historicalanti-Catholicism among evangelical Protestants and he exhorted evangelicals to engage in a "newecumenism" with Catholics (Reed, 1994). Finally, in 1995, the Christian Coalition launched theCatholic Alliance in an attempt to attract Catholic members (Bendyna, 1996). That affiliated groupeventually separated from the Christian Coalition, evidencing the challenge that the organizationfaced in attracting the loyalty of Catholics.There are many reasons nonetheless to believe that the Christian Coalition and other ChristianRight organizations could potentially attract conservatibe Catholics. First, there are several issueswhere the official positions of the Catholic Church resemble those of the Christian Coalition,Family Research Council, and other groups
-
most notably on abortion and school bouchers(Cook, Jelen, and Wilcox, 1992; Jelen and Wilcox, 1995). Second, there are significant numbersof Catholics who are in substantial agreement with certain other issue positions of the ChristianRight. Third, Catholics habe historically comprised a significant part of earlier right-wingmovements and groups, including support for Father Coughlin, Senator Joseph McCarthy (R-Wisc.) and the John Birch Society (Wilcox, 199 I).' Fourth, there was cooperation in some diocesesbetween the Catholic Church and the Christian Coalition in particular, most notably in the Neu-York school board races in 1993. Finally, some Catholics have adopted evangelical styles ofreligiosity, and research suggests that these Catholics are more likely to share evangelical politicalattitudes on issues where the Catholic Church has not staked a position (Welch and Leege, 1991).Yet Catholic teachings and tradition, particularly as articulated by the American CatholicBishops, depart from Christian Right organization positions in several important areas. In contrastto Christian Right organizations, the Catholic Church has supported social welfare programs andexpanded opportunities for women, and has opposed the death penalty and nuclear weapons. TheBishops have also issued a critique of income inequality that is the inebitable result of unregulatedcapitalism. Even on moral issues, there are sometimes important difl'erences in ebangelical andCatholic teachings. For example, a recent statement by a committee ofthe National Conference ofCatholic Bishops called for acceptance, love and pastoral care of homosexuals. Although theChurch did not abandon its traditional prohibition against homosexual activity, it recognized thata homosexual orientation is a deep-seated dimension of personality that is not in itself sinful. Thestatement also reiterated traditional Catholic teaching about respecting the inherent dignity of
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