As Magali Sarfatti Larson argues, professionsare social entities whose power can fluctuate: pro-fessions can both gain and lose their autonomy.
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This means that professionals can make conscious(and unconscious) attempts to direct this process.In the postwar years, American architects wereacutely aware of a professional crisis.The GreatDepression and the wartime economy, when mostconstruction all but ceased, had done more thandeprive architects of work. Organized in smallprivate offices, most architects were ill prepared tocontract with public agencies.Workingon New Dealand defense projects, architects found themselvescollaborating more than before (work was divviedso that more architects would be paid) as well asengaging in new types of building assignments,particularly housing and community planning.Although the postwar building boom alleviated thearchitects’ most pressing problem—findingwork—it was clear that it would not reverse thenew social and economic conditions of practice.Many advocates of research, moreover, were com-mitted, ideologically and politically, to the contin-ued involvement of architects in public work.Thecall for a research-based architecture was clearlyconnected to a call for a new (research-based)
architect
and a reprofessionalization of the pro-fession.Subscribing to research, however nebulositydefined, was the most expedient way to placearchitecture firmly within the American cultureof professionalism.
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Science, broadly defined,has always played a crucial role in the Americanprofessions’ struggles over power, since—unliketheir counterparts in Europe—American profes-sions could not rely on guild traditions as a sourceof authority.
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And now military victory, the productin part of the American technological superiority,served to consolidate and intensify a widespreadAmerican consensus in which scientific investiga-tion was seen as crucial for further progress anda better societal order.This consensus was the basisfor wide-spread investment in research throughoutwhat Oliver Zunz has called an ‘‘institutional matrixof inquiry’’ that linked scientists in research uni-versities, institutes of technology, corporate labo-ratories, and private and public foundations.
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Often, it was enough to describe something asresearch to be able to command resources. Archi-tecture schools, moreover, especially those locatedin the growing research universities, had to conformto some degree to the restructuring in their parentinstitutions.Advocating a research-based profession wasalso a way to make a statement about the impor-tance of housing as a topic for the profession.Housing, conceived as both a social and a technicalproblem, was a topic of research and fact finding asearly as the late nineteenth century, and the con-nection between good housing and scientific (orquasiscientific) knowledge was further consoli-dated in the twentieth century. Architects had notignored this development: as early as 1927, the
Architectural Record
advised its readers to adopt‘‘the research method of science—observation,hypothesis, education, experimental verification.’’
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Housing, however, remained on the periphery of the profession’s interest, and only a few (albeitprominent) academic programs included the topicin their curriculum.The Depression and especiallythe New Deal forced architects to reframe theirrelation to the problem. Emphasizing research asa general field of inquiry over the more specific
housing
research was a way to further appropriateand ‘‘gentrify’’ the problem and place it squarelywithin architecture.This focus on the social and communityaspects of housing also reconnected architects withthe postwar scientific disciplines of city andregional planning and landscape architecture.Similarly, the emphasis on the technical aspects of housing as a topic for research in architectureaffirmed a connection between the architects andthe building industry—the amalgamation of pro-ducers of materials, building systems, and prefab-ricated components. Research, particularly thedevelopment of new materials and systems, playeda key role in advances in the building industry fromthe early twentieth century, and several of the moreprogressive industrialists were quick to establishresearch units dedicated to the development of new and more efficient building materials andsystems.
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Many individual architects wereinvolved in this development as both employeesand entrepreneurs. In 1933, for example, theaforementioned Robert McLaughlin establisheda company named American Houses, Inc., whichbecame one of the leading prefabricators in theUnited States.
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Finally, for many of the proponents of anarchitecture based on research (and its corollary,collaborative practice), research was a way to
3. The Texan Architect, William W. Caudill, was a founding partner of thefirm CRS and strongly supported research in the firm and at TAMU. He didnot, however, conflate research with design but rather saw them asdistinct and complementary professional practices. (Courtesy of the CRSCenter, TAMU.)
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SACHS
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