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AIR FORCE REVIEW
Vol2,No1
 
THEECONOMICSOFAIRPOWERINEXTERNALSECURITY
LTCELMERRAMONPAF
The security environment in the Asia- Pacific remainsvolatile and uncertain because of various factors including theoverlapping claims in the South China Sea. Most if not all of the six countries claim ownership of part or of the wholeSpratly Island Group are relentlessly pursuing their ownrespective interests. These countries include a hegemonicgiant, considered to be pushing its position in spite bilateraland multilateral accords such as the UNCLOS. The pronouncedinterest of the United States to stay in the region is consideredby other countries as constant. There is a perception that theirpresence will guarantee protection to its long-standing ally,the Philippines. On the contrary, even with the benefit of aMutual Defense Treaty of 1947, there is no help expected based on experience in thepast.Learning from the neglect of the country’s external capability, the AFPModernization program, enacted in 1995, was envisioned to enhance the capability of the AFP to be a credible force that can defend the sovereignty and territorial integrityof the country. The law outlines the principles of total defense, defense-in-depth andan active defense as strategies for national defense. It calls for the enhancement of the capability of the air force and the navy as well as the army to address both theexternal and internal security concerns of the country.Recent world developments after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attack,makes security concerns a priority endeavor for most nations. In the local front, thecommunists, terrorists, the secessionist rebels, the Abu Sayaff bandits, as well as theperpetrators of transnational crimes continue to inflict a heavy toll on the economy. As a result, the AFP has stepped up its security measures to respond to this new waveof terrorism as well as to avert the international terrorist organization establishmentof links with the local rebel groups.Nevertheless, the external situation has remained an immediate concern of the AFP. As the priority policy in the modernization procurement and equipmentupgrade have been affected, there are quarters in the establishment that believe ashift is forthcoming in the emphasis from external to internal. However, that remainsdebatable since the overall outlook in the Asia- Pacific remains uncertain to thewhole region.The expected vast mineral and oil reserves in the disputed territory and itsimportance as a navigational sealane are the primary interest for claims on theislands. For example, the Malampaya Project is a 4.5 billion-dollar project that has anundersea pipeline that delivers gas to power plants in Batangas province south of Manila. Malampaya has a confirmed reserve of 78 billion cubic meters of gas and 85
 
million barrels of condensate. Aside from the Malampaya site the Department of Energy announced last quarter 2001 the approval for drilling of at least seven oilwells in the country. In 2002, there are at least six ongoing offshore oil drillingprojects including three in Palawan, one in Mindoro, one in Sulu and another inCotabato. The recent completion of the Malampaya Project off the coast of Palawan,renews the importance of the security requirements in the western front. While itmay not be the only site of oil and natural gas reserves in the disputed area, it is stillone of the most important considerations. It is no wonder then that the claimantcountries adamantly hold on to their interest in these islands and is likely to remainso for long.The Philippines continues to recognize the dangers that are posed by disputesover South China Sea, and the economic opportunities of a peaceful and secureenvironment. It is then strategically sound to defend these economic projects, as,mandated by our constitution. These reasons make it imperative for our governmentto do whatever it takes to address the issue. It is completely irrational to leave it tochance, and risk a security lapse. While diplomatic means could be an option to easetension in the area, adequate force capability is needed to back-up the diplomaticinitiatives.The question is, how then are we going to defend ourselves? And with what?It is disadvantageous if the Philippines downgrades the country’s defenses in thewestern front, because other claimant countries could take advantage of theweakened security posture. If the imbalance is not corrected, dire consequenceswould include an easy kill for the enemy and a loss by default by the country. As aconsequence of a weak air force, whatever political, military and economic gains wehave achieved, will be all for naught. Is this what our country deserves? Certainly notand we are not about to give up!Credible Air Power stands as the one option that will project defense-in-depthor the main attack platform for air defense. For instance, a squadron composed of 8single-seat and four dual-seat f-16s, a land based radar and twosurveillance/reconnaissance aircraft could also be used for command and control.The requirements are surveillance and reconnaissance aircraft, for the meantime, willbe beefed up with our present attack helicopters and transport aircraft. By the timewe are engaged in the defense acquisitions would be forthcoming.On the whole, the cost of this fleet of aircraft is modest, considering the needto guard the 4.5 billion dollar project and similar other projects underway worth anestimated 26.3 trillion dollars. If this falls on deaf ears, are we then willing to takethe risk? Either waywe are already taking great risk. Until we are able to address ourimmediate concern of external defense, we cannot hope to achieve peace as well assecure environment for economic growth. It is imperative to address the immediatethreats to our economic assets through well-considered but decisive and credible airpower development.
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