UFPPC (www.ufppc.org) — Digging Deeper XCIX: October 12, 2009, 7:00 p.m.

Eugene Jarecki,

The American Way of War: Guided Missiles, Misguided Men,and a Republic in Peril

(New York: Free Press, October 2008).

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Thesis.

This politically moderate workdeepens the exploration of the origins of American militarism Jarecki undertook in hisfilm "Why We Fight" (2005), arguing that themilitary-industrial complex has become aMadisonian "majority faction" that poses adanger to the republic and that needs to becurbed.]

Introduction: Mission Creep.

Originsof book (1-3). Historical warnings by James Madison, George Washington,Dwight Eisenhower (3-5). George H.W.Bush on the danger of "mission creep"(5-6).

Ch. 1: The Tip of the Spear.

"Shockand awe" airmen attacking Iraq in 2003were unaware of the significance of theiracts (7-10). The Project for a NewAmerican Century (11-18). Origins of neoconservatism (18-25). Americanexpansionism has deep roots (25-29).Historical parade of U.S. foreign policydoctrines (29-32). Fukuyama broke withneoconservatives over naïve regimechange doctrine (32-24). Jarecki gentlypushes away the 9/11 Truth Movement(35-36). This history makes soldiers'idealism seem "poignant" (37).

Ch. 2: The Arsenal of Democracy.

Franklin D. Roosevelt and foreign policy(39-43). 1940 memo from Cdr. ArthurMcCollom, declassified only in 1994, andmuch other evidence indicates that theU.S. sought to have Japan attack (43-50). The historical debate on these points, inthe aftermath of Robert Stinnet's

Day of Deceit

(2000), has become caricatured(50-51). D.W. Brogan coined the term"the American way of war" in 1944,giving it a laudatory significance (52-54).But WWII may have made of the U.S. awarfare state (54-55). Hollywood ("WhyWe Fight" films) was enlisted (55-57).Ironically, the corporatist society createdto defeat fascism resembles it (54-55).Franklin D. Roosevelt expandedpresidential powers—e.g. ExecutiveOrder 9066, interning JapaneseAmericans (60-62). The history of Truman's decision to drop the bombs wasshaped by wartime concentration of executive power and U.S. geopoliticalexpansionism (62-71).

Ch. 3: Fear in the Night.

Fearunderlay the adoption of the TrumanDoctrine (U.S. should support freedommovements anywhere) (73-77). Col.Laurence Wilkerson's account of howpolitical pressures perverted the nationalsecurity system created in 1947 (78-92).Lt. Col. Karen Kwiatkowski's account of the role intelligence manipulation played(92-97). Chalmers Johnson's account of the CIA and blowback (97-103). The postof national security adviser facilitated theconcentration of executive power (103-10). Creation of the Air Force went in thesame direction (111-12). NSC-68 hasbeen more widely discussed than the"sea change" of these developments(112-13). Wilkerson says George W.Bush was involved in the details of AbuGhraib and that Colin Powell was orderedto resign in November 2004, probably byDick Cheney (113-17).

Ch. 4: Big White Men.

In 2004 DwightEisenhower's son John called the BushRepublicans "the party of big white men"and said they're the men "most to befeared in the world" (121; 119-21).

Pace

skeptics, Eisenhower was "activelyinvolved" in drafting his January 17,1961, Farewell Address on the military-industrial complex (121-24). DwightEisenhower's mother was a Mennonitepacifist, according to his granddaughterSusan (124-25). WWII was a baptism of fire for Eisenhower; he disapproved of

the atom bomb (126-29). After the warEisenhower moved into the circles of thepowerful and the wealthy (129-32). Aspresident of Columbia University,Eisenhower developed a sophisticatedconcept of the values of citizenship buthad poor relations with academe (132-36). In 1950 Eisenhower becameSupreme Commander of NATO anddeveloped internationalist views (136-39). As president, he retrained militaryexpenditure but embraced reliance onnuclear deterrence (139-44). Hisindulgence in covert action (Guatemala,Iran) was a "dark underside" to hispresidency (144-48). Democratic use of the spurious "bomber gap" and "missilegap" shows how national securityinterests had perverted public policy(148-56). The Farewell Addressrepresents the sum of Eisenhower'spolitical wisdom (156-58). Eisenhower'saddress has proved to be prophetic (158-60).

Ch. 5: John Boyd, Donald Rumsfeld,and the Meaning of Transformation.

The problem of interpreting Rumsfeld'sIraq war plan (161-62). Col. Richard Treadway, defender, views it as thetriumphant culmination of the American"way of making war" (162-64). Rumsfeldpresented the campaign as an exampleof "transformation" (164-69). John Boydrevolutionized air dogfight tactics anddeveloped an Energy-Maneuverability Theory that influenced aircraft design(169-73). Boyd was involved inbureaucratic infighting required to getthe superior F-16 built (173-77). On11/26/06 the Iraq war exceeded WWII inlength (177). But to consider Rumsfeld'sIraq war strategy an application of Boyd'sconcepts is a travesty because it ignoreshis principle of "people first, ideassecond, hardware third" (178-80). Boydbecame an eccentric recluse in 1975-1982 and from this period emerged theOODA loop concept (Observe-Orient-Decide-Act), now "a fixture in U.S.military planning" (182; 180-83). TheIraq war represents "phonytransformation" (Franklin 'Chuck'Spinney), not Boyd's approach (183-87).

Ch. 6: The Missing "C": An Insider'sGuide to the Complex.

In coverage of military-industrial complex scandals, themedia particularizes instead of analyzingmore deeply (189-91). Eisenhoweroriginally called it the "military-industrial-congressional complex"; the phrase

irontriangle

expresses the same idea (191-93). Some see the complex asintentionally designed; others assomething that has evolved inaccordance to the interests of participants; Spinney is among the latter(193-95). Spinney joined the USAF in1967 and earned a reputation as asmartass (195-98). Spinney's workgained national attention in the early1980s (198-203). He retired only in 2003(203-04). Front-loading and politicalengineering are used to game thesystem (204-10). Jarecki connectsMadison's analysis of the dangers of a"majority faction" to defense spending(210-14). The modern domination of theexecutive permits the president tosubordinate Congress (214-18). Thesystem is inherently "tilted toward war"(218-21).

Ch. 7: Shock and Awe at Home.

"[M]ilitarism and corporatism" producedthe Patriot Act (223-26), the doctrine of preemptive war (226), the lies on whichthe Iraq war was founded (227-28), theAbu Ghraib scandal (228-29), the"Torture Memo" of August 2002 (229-32),the attack on habeas corpus (232-34),the firing of U.S. attorneys (234-36), theshort-circuiting of FISA (236-38), abuse of the stop-loss program (238-40), internalattacks on whistleblowers (240-41), theabuse of executive privilege (241-44),and in 2006 the empowerment of thepresident to declare martial law (244-47).Congress has abdicated (247-49). Thecourts have abdicated (249-54).Halliburton and KBR as an example of