PALEMBANG AND SRIWIJAYA: AN EARLY MALAY HARBOUR-CITY REDISCOVERED!

by PIERRE-YVES MANGUIN

The existence of a polity centred in Insular Southeast'A~i'a that thrived between the 7th and the 13th centuries AD and carried the name Sriwijaya was first postulated by George Coedes three quarters of a century ago, on the basis of textual studies.2 Controversy soon developed and a broad variety of cases were made to defend or refute Its location in Sumatra or in the Malay Peninsula, on either side of the Thai-Malaysian border.? Coedes maintained to the end his earliest assumption, based on a commonsensical interpretation of written sources: Sriwijaya, in its early phase at least, could only have been where the late 7th century inscriptions bearing its own name and a broad variety of Buddhist statues were still to be found, that is at Palembang (presently the capital of the South-Sumatra province). Meanwhile, Oliver W. Wolters had published his trend-setting book on Early Indonesian Commerce which tackled the problem of Sriwijaya from a totally different angle, viz. that of the economic history of the polities that thrived in the early centuries of the first millennium AD in the western part of Insular Southeast Asia. Il established that the foundation of Sriwijaya, astride the main trans-Asian maritime route, was the logical conclusion of several centuries of a stale formation process that took place among trade oriented polities in the straits area of Southeast Asia (encompassing the Malay Peninsula, Sumatra and west Java)." The precise location of the political centre of Sriwijaya was not the focus of his study, but Coedes' assumption was then renewed and, in fact, strengthened by O.W. Wolters' innovative approach.

Coedes had died when, in the early 1970's, the most serious blow against a location in Palernbang was delivered: for the first time ever, intensive archaeological work was then carried out in situ by a joint team of the Indonesian Dinas Purbakala and the University of Pennsylvania. For a variety of reasons - among which looms large a pre-conceived theoretical model on the lateness of urbanisation in Insular Southeast Asia - one of the co-leaders of the project published a few short articles (including only

1 The contents of this article Were first presented; with some modifications, .L the Annual Lecture of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society on 16th October, 1992. I wish to thank Professor Khoo Kay Kim and Tan Sri Data' Dr. Mubin Sheppard, President and Vice-President of this institution. for their invitation to present this Iecture and for their kind hospitality while in Kuala Lumpur. I also wish to express my gratitude to the Museums Department for having allowed me to spend 3 few days, On this same occasion, on the Sriwijayan sites of Kedah and to examine U1C ceramics collected from Kampung SWiger Mas.

2 For a recent publication (in English translation) of Coedes' main articles on Sriwijaya, see the Monograph 20 of the Malaysian Branch published under the title Sriwijaya: History, religion and language of all early Malay poJily, collected studies by G. Coedes and L.·Ch. Damais (1992). An Indonesian version of this same collection of articles was jointly published by the Pusat Pcnclitian Arkeologi Nasional and the Ecole francaise d'Extreme- Orient tKeaatuan Sriwijaya, Jakarta 1989).

3 This is not the place to get involved, once more, into the details of this debate. The main arguments for other sites and Coedcs' answers shall be found in the recent MBRAS monograph quoted in the previous note. For further references to literature on the subject. one may refer to my Bibliography for Sriwljayan Studies (Manguin 1989a).

4 Wolters 1967.

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succinct excavation reports) in which he released the information that no pre-14th century evidence had been found at all during excavations. He therefore concluded that Sriwijaya could not have been located at Palembang.i' Before the end of the decade, the SEAMEO Project on Archaeology and Fine Arts (SPAFA) was thus prompted to start organizing a series of four very successful Consultative Workshops on Research on Sriwijaya," Following the first meeting, field surveys were soon organised in Palembang under the auspices of the Pusat Penelitian Arkeologi Nasional of Indonesia. TIle first results were immediately published in the 1979 issue of the present Journal. E.E. McKlnnon confirmed that the surroundings of Palembang were in fact showing signs of producing enough 10th century ceramic material to revive interest in this South Sumatran city. Nik Hasan Shuhaimi looked at the problem from an art historian's point of view and firmly anchored the famous but controversial Bukit Seguntang Buddha into the 7th-8th century AD, thus into the early phase of Sriwijaya expansion and within the established relationship wi th the Indian Buddhist centres of Nalanda. Further reappraisals of textual material after field surveys by O.W. Wolters also lead to a rejuvenation of the Palembang hypothesis that empirically formulated the outline of a model for a riverine, trade-oriented harbour-city, fashioned following local standards (and therefore not 'necessarily producing in the archaeological field the traits scholars with a variety of biases were seeking)?

This is where one stood in the mid-1980's. We were dealing with the first known large scale state - of world economic stature - to have prospered in Insular Southeast Asia. The wealth and prestige of its ruler, the regional eminence of its capital and harbour-city, irs role as a centre for the diffusion of Buddhism were acknowledged by the other world economies of the times, from the Arabs at Baghdad to the Tang and Song Chinese. A large and still growing body of evidence pointed towards Palembang having been, in its earliest stages at least, its political, religious and economic centre. Solid proof, however, had yet to be brought forward to decisively confirm irs South-Sumatran location.

This is when a joint program on Sourh-Sumatran archaeology was launched between the Pusat Penelitian Arkeologi Nasional and the Ecole francaise d'ExtremeOrient (with the financial assistance of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ford Foundation). In its first phases, further surveys in the semi-urban western suburbs of modem Palembang, on and around Bukit Seguntang, were carried out annually. These were followed, from 1988 to 1991, by a series of excavation campaigns.

At the time of writing this brief exposition, not all detailed analyses of artefacts gathered during these excavation campaigns are finalized. Some conclusions may already be drawn convincingly from the evidence at hand. Others are still only tentative and remain susceptible to partial revision. Furthermore, a few archaeological campaigns on a limited number of Sumatran sites only cannot answer all the questions raised in the past decades concerning the complex polity named Sriwijaya. In fact, the promising results reached so far, as is usual in such a research endeavor, are now raising more

5. Bronson 1975, 1979; Bronson and Wisseman 1976.

6 SPAFA 1979. 1982, 1983.1985; Pusat Penelirian Arkeologi N as ional1981.

7 Wolters 1979, 1983; Shuhaimi 1979; McKinnon 1979. Meanwhile. the: theory. based On erroneous geological arguments, that the Sumatran coastline was then situated some 80km further inland than today. and therefore that Palembang/Sriwij.ya would have been a sea-shore harbour, was also refuted (Wolters 19793; Manguin 1982).

24

PART 1,1993

questions than ever. The present article therefore only purports to present a broad outline of the evidence assembled so far in Palembang and South-Sumatra and of the problems posed at this point in Sriwijayan archaeology.! The reader will have gathered from its title that one solid conclusion at least has been reached so far: a Malay harbour-city has indeed been proved to have flourished for the past thirteen centuries - with ups and downs - on the banks of the Musi river, and the site of modem Palembang was therefore, for some time, that of Sriwijaya's capital.

Archaeological research in South Sumatra

The groundwork for excavation campaigns was laid down. by intensive surveying and mapping of the (by then) only slightly urbanized western suburbs of Palernbang. Hopes about the archaeological potential of the area were raised by a combination of factors, This is where the sacred hill of Bukit Seguntang stands, on which is still found a complex of Lambs said to contain the remains of the founding heroes of Palembang and the Melaka dynasty. The modern toponymy of the area situated in between the hill and the Musi River still is reminiscent of that found in the legendary period of Palembang/Andelas history narrated in the first chapters of the Sejarah. MelayIt,9 Seventh century AD inscriptions and contemporary statuary had been found earlier in this century in the immediate surroundings of Bukit Seguntang. The hill is also reputed to have then yielded large bricks from stllpa-like monuments that were reused for construction works by Dutch authorities. The quick urbanization of this sector also prompted us to intensify research there before it became too late. The study of aerial photographs of the flat stretch of land south of Bukit Seguntang (Karang Anyar) also revealed an intriguing group of large reservoirs linked together by canals, as well as to the Musi and Kedukan Bukit rivers (see Map 3).

Purposive sampling of surface finds was carried out as systematically as allowed by the alternatively marshy and raised environment of West Palembang, Most emerged stretches of land were intensively surveyed within a 7 km2 triangle having Bukit Seguntang at its northern tip, the Kedukan Bukit, the Lambidaro and the Musi rivers respectively forming its eastern, western and southern sides (Map 3). This sampling yielded some 1,500 surface finds of imported ceramics, 83% of which were pre-15th century (and 59% pre-lIth), with the majority of other finds dating back to the 18th century only.lO Finds of early artefacts were made on a number of emerged stretches of land, as well as from a few lower sites: ceramics, earthenwares, glass, beads, loose bricks, a bronze stupika mould (the second only found in Southeast Asiaj", a terracotta makara, two fragments of Old Malay inscriptions, a small bronze Buddha. Except for three sites, density of finds was disappointingly low. The trading and manufacturing site of Talang Kikim Seberang yielded a vast quantity of exclusively late Tang (8-9th century) wares, some of which were found in an occupational floor together with iron slag and some glass beads; a 14C analysis of the latter produced a late 6th to early 1O~1

8 Summary reports on early surveys and recent campaigns have been published elsewhere under a more substantial form (Barnbang Budi Utorno 1985. Mangum t987, 1992). A full report to 1991 is now being prepared and will be published jointly by the Pusat Penclitian Arkeologi N as ions] and the Ecole francaise d'Extrcrne-Orient,

Westencnk 1923, Manguin 1987: 352.

]0 Bambang Budi Utomo 19&5; Mangum 1987: 344ff.

11 See 0 'Connor 1975 for the other occurrence of such an artefact.

25

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century AD date.':' Lorang Jambu, a site as yet not fully understood, produced a sizable amount of 10th to 13th century wares. Karnbang Unglen and its surroundings, on the other hand, revealed the remains of a active bead manufacturing industry, aside from a series of other isolated, intriguing artefacts. Boat Limbers belonging to a large vessel built following the Southeast Asian sewn-plank and lashed-lug technical tradition were excavated at the southern foot of Bukit Seguntang (Kolam Pinisi) and produced a 5th·7th century AD 14C dateP

The excavation campaigns carried out in West-Palembang. as a whole, succeeded in confirming the occupation of the area in mainly early Sriwijayan times for seulernent, manufacturing, trade and religious purposes. However, due to the shallowness of deposits and to subsequent heavy man-made disturbances, only one fragment of a presumably Buddhist monument was unearthed on the slopes of Bukit Seguntang (Tanjung Rawa; ca. lOlh c. AD?). The hydraulic works around Karang Anyar (at least in their present condition) were proved to have been built (or rebuilt?) by a Palembang Sultan in much later times (late 18th or early 19th cent. AD), on top of an earlier occupational floor.

After exploiting the archaeological potenual of Bukit Seguntang and its surroundings, the focus of our research shifted to the centre of modem Palembang, with the difficulties inherent to carrying out archaeological work at the heart of a bustling city of 1,000,000 inhabitants. Positive test excavations had produced a ceramic sequence ranging from the 8-9th to the 19th centuries. It was thus decided in 1990 to start excavations in the few undisturbed areas in the centre: first in the yard of the Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin Museum (the former Dutch Residence, buill on top of the 18th century kraton, close to the northern bank of the Musi River); then around the 18th century burial complex of Candi Angsoka, known to have yielded in the 1930's terra cotta architectural artefacts stylistically datable to the 9-1 Oth century.

The results of the 1990 and 1991 campaigns may be said to be overwhelming, A total of 55,000 over artefacts were itemized (over 800 kg). Out of this total of 55,000 artefacts, we got some 10,000 imported ceramic sherds, as against more than 38,000 sherds of local wares. The deposits were some 3 metres thick and could be divided into 8 to 10 layers. Three main occupational floors were recognized. The top layers yielded complex brick and wooden architectural remains belonging to the Sultanate and Dutch phases (16th to 19th centuries). The lower floors, though in places disturbed by wooden poles driven down from the top layers, proved beyond any doubt that the area had been densely occupied in Sriwijayan times. Chinese ceramics on the site range from the 8-9th to the 19th centuries, with a good third belonging to Sriwijayan Limes, Pending full qualitative and quantitative studies of this vast amount of artefacts, it is premature to carry out a detailed analysis of the finds.

About 2 km further inland, at the extreme edge of the tertiary ridge overlooking the flood-plain, test pits were excavated around the modem tombs at Candi Angsoka, The 2m deep stratigraphic sequence revealed a clear occupational pattern. A [ower floor yielded few ceramics and much charcoal, the latter producing a 650 [0 850 AD calibrated date,14 It was filled in to stabilize the foundations of 11 brick building; some in[aCllayers

12 Gif-8482: 13 I 0±90 BP, C.I AD(57 I ,922).

13 Gif·8483: 1510±50 HP, Cal AD(434,631). Similar boat remains from smaller vessels UJ a bene, ;13[0 .)i preservation, had been salvaged in 1985 from a site some jQ krn downstream from Palernbang, at Sarnbirejo; these yielded a 7th·8th century AD date (Gif·7~J71. 13ir!±50 BP. Cal AD(61O.775».

14 Gif·8936: 1300±50 Br, Cnl AD(654,850).

27

JMDRAS VOL 66

Plate 1 - Candi Angsoka, 1991 excavation: temple floor on right; earliest occupational floor at bottom layer.

Plate 2 - Museum Badaruddin 1991, excavation square AI, excavated 10 layer 5 and 6 (Early Sultanate period, with remains of a wooden building on stilts),

28

I'ART1.1993

of bricks were still to be found I metre under the surface, covered by remains of a ruined structure. Caught in between the latter and the intact layers, a 10th century Chinese sherd of Yue-type ware provided us with a secure terminus a quo. This checks perfectly with the stylistic evidence from the terra cotta artefacts said to have come from this presumably Sivaite site. One may therefore assume that the site was occupied in early Sriwijayan times, and was later chosen for the building of a brick monument, some time around the 10th century.

The Musi River basin (58,000 km2), together with the smaller basins linked to it, is among the largest hydrological catchment areas in Indonesia. Palembang finds herself at the focal point of this far-reaching riverine network. So as to better understand the function and role of this city, it was decided that, apart from the excavations carried out inside her limits, exploration should be extended upriver and downriver, as far and as much as materially possible.

A topographical survey was carried out and three test pits excavated at the Sivaite temple complex of Tanah Abang, some 80 km upstream from Palernbang, on the Lematang River. The site had been known for almost a century and briefly surveyed in 1975.15 Four relatively well preserved brick structures were re-located, Surface finds of imported ceramics in the vicinity of these remains were all datable to the 10th century and terra cotta artefacts (antefixes, kala-heads, etc.) were found to be very similar in style to those from Candi Angsoka, hence presumably also from the 9th-10th century, One of these temple sites was since then cleared and excavated at Bumiayu by a team of the Pusat Penelitian Arkeologi Nasional and produced an impressive brick structure. Two more sites known from early 20th century reports in the Tanah Abang sector were surveyed: the one upstream from the above complex was totally obliterated by oil exploration; the downstream site was located from surface finds of ceramics only and appears to be rich in Sung to Ming wares.

Another three reported sites on the upper Kelingi, Rawas and Musi valleys were briefly surveyed at the end of the 1990 campaign. Some had been reported long ago (Bingin), others more recently as a consequence of intensive transmigration into hitherto isolated areas, usually after Buddhist or Hindu statuary was discovered (Tingkip), One new Sivaite site was discovered in the process near the Musi Rawas (Bukit Candi). A small temple site at Japara, near the banks of the Danau Ranau (upper Komering) had been visited by a team of the Pusat Penelitian Arkeologi Nasional, but so far yielded no ceramics, reliefs or statues that would facilitate its dating.

Basing ourselves on the evidence gathered during some ten years of surveys and excavations at Palembang and surroundings, as well as on the inventory of statuary and architectural artefacts simultaneously being carried out for South-Sumatra, it is therefore now possible to confirm Coedes' early assumption: the early capital of Sriwijaya was at Palembang. The sites in and around the modem city have by now yielded pre-14th century material evidence for settlement, manufacturing, commercial, religious and political hubs of activity at a level that can only. be reconciled with a focally situated settlement, in other words with the capital-city of the early Malay polity. Evidence from West Palembang suggest that some centres of activity were active there soon after the formative stages of Sriwijayan statehood in the late 7th century. It already appears that the city continued to be occupied and maritime trade carried out after the capital was

15 Brandes 1904; Knaap 1904; Surjan(o,Suroso& Subuh 1984.

29

Plate 3 - Museum Badaruddin 1990, excavation square AI, stratigraphy (artefacts dated to the Sriwijaya period come from (ayers 7 and 8 at bottom).

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PART 1,1993

presumably transferred to Jambi in the I lth century." The Museum Badaruddin site clearly indicates a densely populated and commercially active harbour-city at least as early as the 10th century and going on, seemingly uninterrupted, until modern times.

More evidence will be needed to precisely document both the pre-Hth century and the following phases of Palembang history: the comprehensive analysis of data gathered so far is not yet complete and many potential sites still await excavation, not to speak of the considerable amount of work that remains to be done at the Museum Badaruddin location. However, some specific questions should be raised today, so that other teams carrying out research work in other sites associated with Sriwijayan history, in Indonesia as well as elsewhere in Southeast Asia, start addressing them. In most cases, only comparative work will provide answers to the problems submitted below. Many other sites that joined in Sriwijaya's economic and possibly political initiatives in Southern Thailand and Malaysia are still in need of being intensively excavated. When much of this archaeological research is concluded, and then only, shall we be in a position to understand what reality lay behind the name Sriwijaya.

Religion in Early South-Sumatra

A variety of orthodox tantric Buddhism is known to have been the state religion at foundation times. This is attested by the text of the 7th century Old Malay inscription of Talang Tuo found at Palembang and by Chinese sources that bear testimony to Sriwijaya's role as a centre of learning, where Buddhist pilgrims spent years deepening their knowledgeP Buddhist statues, in bronze and stone, large and small, form the majority of those found so far both in Palernbang and elsewhere in South-Sumatra. Suggested stupa structures further confirm the presence of a Buddhist cult in Palembang.

Archaeological evidence has now revealed, however, that Hinduism has also been regularly practised in South Sumatra. Unfortunately, most statues (lingga, Siwa, Wisnu, Ganesa, etc.) were collected outside of any clear archaeological context and are difficult to date with any precision. The only temple complex of any importance is only now being exposed at Tanah Abang, and suggests that a cult to Siwa was practised there around the 10th century. However, slightly upstream from this site, another one, now vanished, also yielded a statue ofWisnu.18

The evidence gathered so far (most of it in a haphazard way over the past century) is too flimsy for any conclusion to be drawn yet on these matters. It needs to be reconsidered as a whole, from a variety of angles, so that an array of pending questions can be addressed: were Buddhism and Hinduism practised simultaneously or at different times and was Hinduism ever a state religion in South-Sumatra? Was religion an integrating factor among the various polities that once composed Sriwijaya, within as well as outside Sumatra? This in tum leads to a problem of art history: is there an art of Sriwijaya, are there styles that can be specifically attached to this polity (as, for instance, in Central or East Java); or is the suspected broad variety of styles the outcome of the absence of state centralisation, or else again a corollary of the cosmopolitanism that one

16 Wolters 1966. 1967.

17 Sec Coedes' translation and analysis of this inscription in Coedes & Dumais 1992: 48-52. 18 Kxl3PP 1904.

1MBRAS VOL 66

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would normally associate with an essentially trade-oriented polity controlling a panAsian sea route?19

Palembang as a Malay World harbour-city

The civilisation of Southeast Asian trade-oriented harbour polities is best known during the post-15th century period: Melaka, Aceh, Makassar, Demak, Banton, etc., among many other such harbour-cities, grew during the Islamic "Age of Commerce". The emergence, during this Islamic moment of Southeast Asian history, of a new body of sources written in Malay (in Arabic script) and soon in Western languages has given historians enough solid data to describe these settlements in detail: a relatively dense population gathered around centres of political and economic power within a loosely knit, semi-rural urban environment, dissolving into the countryside at the peripheries, with wood providing .the essential part of, if not all building rnaterialsr" This urban pattern has been said to be typical only of the post-1400 period, but this, I believe, is more a reflection of the scarcity of earlier sources than of any critical argumentation.

The settlement pattern revealed so far in Sriwijayan sites at Palembang confirms the evidence provided by the very few contemporary sources available, both Arabic and Chinese." A riverine pattern, as expected, is by now clearly discernible. Multiple hubs of activity (some of them seemingly short-lived) have been found scattered along some 12 ken on the northern bank of the Musi river and its smaller tributaries. Religious sites tend to have been located on higher, dry land. All centres of activity, though, are situated either on the Mus! river bank or clearly within reach, by water, from the main river and thus from the sea, downstream from Palembang. Judging from the quantity of finds on some of the excavated sites, population density must have been high in some places. Many of these finds clearly indicate active, long-distance trade and the role of merchants and ship-masters ivaniyaga, puhavam} is underscored in local inscriptions.P Though no ruler's residence has been located so far, the Sebokingking (or Telaga Batu) inscription in Bast Palembang clearly must have found itself at the hub or close to such a political centre (the kadatuan, literally the "place of the datu", in this same inscription).23 The location of Palembang some distance upstream from the coast is no different from that of later harbour-cities that grew in similar coastal environments, in Sumatra (Siak, Jambi or the Palernbang Sultanate itself) or in Kalimantan (Kota Waringin, Banjarmasin, Kutei, etc.). The distribution of religious sites on the river network of the Musi River Basin, many of them in areas still known to have yielded alluvial gold, conforms nicely to the functional upstream-downstream model adapted by Bennet Bronson to a Southeast Asian context (Map 2).24 Considering the fact that other structural elements of pre- modern Southeast Asian harbour-cities such as military organization or religious and cultural dissemination are also prominent in Sriwijayan times, it appears that the sites in

19 Many of those problems have already been addressed by Nik Hassan Shuhaimi in Ius PhD dissertation (1984). It focused on Kcdah sites and, for Sumatra, WaS men necessarily based on the evidence of statuary and leXIS alone,

20 Reid 1980; Kathiritharnby-Wells & Villiers (eds.) 1990. 21 Wolter. 1979, 1983. 1986; Kulke, in pro, s,

22 Manguin 1991.

23 Kulkc, in press.

24 Bronson 1977; Kulke, in press; see also McKinnon 1985 for on overall introduction 10 such sites in SouthSumatra.

33

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JMBRAS VOL. 66

Palembang fit in nicely within the pattern defined for later times.

One cannot therefore escape the conclusion that these harbour polities, together with the settlement pattern associated with them, which have in the past decades become a sort of trademark of Islamic Insular Southeast Asia, have been mutatis mutandis a feature of the region from much earlier times than was earlier thought. Recent interpretations of still earlier archaeological sites on the Malay Peninsula would in fact push the formative period of such trade-generated settlement patterns back another five or more centuries.25

The acceptance of this conclusion in turn provides a sound (if incomplete) explanation for the paucity of solid monumental remains in such a large harbour-city, one of the arguments often put forward to refute its location at Palembang. Harbourcities of the post-1400 century period such as Melaka or Aceh have left only meager archaeological traces of their original grandeur, due to the little emphasis that was put on stone buildings (and 10 the reusing of the little there was in later buildings ... ).

Archaeological assemblages and Sriwijayan sites

During the 8th-10th centuries, Chinese ceramics started being exported in relevant quantities to overseas countries. This is the period during which they start appearing in archaeological sites ranging from Southeast Asia to East Africa and Madagascar, 'along most shores of the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean. By then, these exports comprised only a limited range of wares and shapes. After the Song unified China in 960 AD, ceramics became a major component of most sites and variety is then the rule. Their prominence (at least in archaeological sites) prompted scholars to name the routes along which they were found the "ceramic road".26

The early, formative period of this ceramic route happens to be a crucial one for Asian history: it is a time when Islam was all powerful in the Middle East under the Abassids (founding of Baghdad in 762); when the Sri Langkan polity had its capital at Anuradhapura; and when, in Southeast Asia, the Sailendras and the Sanjayas shared considerable power in Java and Sumatra (Borobudur - to quote only the best known monument - dates from the late 8th century). On the eastern shores of the African Continent, all the way south to Madagascar, this is also a time when data gathered from the rare sites that have been properly investigated points to an.increasing participation in long-distance trade. For the whole Indian Ocean, this is no doubt an "age of commerce" in which many participants played a dynamic role, prominent among which we find Sriwijaya.

The study of ceramic assemblages recovered in the South-Sumatran sites described above therefore raises many questions concerning the production and export of 8th to 10th century Chinese wares, the trade routes along which they were carried and their Southeast Asian and Indian Ocean markets.

One essential deduction from the archaeological research carried out in SouthSumatra since 1979 is that the ceramic assemblage for the Early Sriwijaya period in Palembang (8th-10th centuries) is surprisingly homogenous. If the pre-10th century period only is considered, the only family represented is that of the coarse proto-celadon stoneware from Guangdoog kilns that had until recently been classified as "olive-

25 Leong Sau Heng 1991; Christie 1991.

26 This problem of ceramic assemblages has been addressed in more general terms in an earl ier paper by the present author eM anguin, in press/a).

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PART I, 1993

green":". Practically no other sherds of Chinese ceramics of better quality that could be ascribed to the 9th century were found yet in Palembang. Not one single Changsha and practically no White wares were found. Better quality ceramics only appear in relevant quantities with the Yue-type southern green wares dated to the Five Dynasties (10th century), in sites such as Bukit Seguntang where, again, no Changsha or White wares are present Most contemporary sites in neighbouring Southeast Asia and along the whole length of the "ceramic road" yielded a broader variety of ceramics, the commonest assemblage being a combination of Guangdong, Yue, Changsha and White wares." Deposit foundations of Javanese temples and coastal sites in Central or West Java produced assemblages that included White and/or Changsha wares in association with Guangdong pieces.29 Similarly, no Xicun pieces were found in Palembang whereas these can usually be found, in association with Yue and/or Yue-type wares in sites in Kalimantan or in the Philippines (at Butuan).30

Early Kedah sites, in tum, present a different assemblage, rich in Zhejiang wares, with seemingly only a few Changsha sherds.31 Southern Thai-sites that have been associated with Sriwijaya on epigraphic and artistic grounds (Takuapa, Chaiya, Nakhon Si Tharnmarat, etc.) also yielded a complete assemblage of 9th century wares, together with a strong presence of low-fired blue-green Islamic glazed wares. A succinct but very interesting article by Ho Chuimei presented a summary classification of Chinese ceramics recently excavated at Ko Kho Khao (off Takuapa) and Laem Pho (near Chaiya), based on recent data from kiln studies in Guangdong and Zhejiang, She concludes that the site is a Single period, 9th century site. The assemblage found there is typical of Southern Thailand: "olive- green" family of wares (given better, more precise appellations after production sites in Guangdong), Changsha, While wares, SassanoIslamic wares, etc.n These balanced assemblages are in strong contrast to those at Palembang dated to the earliest phase (8th-9th century), rich in olive-green Guangdong wares only (but covering the whole range of this production, including a large variety of bowls), and where only half-a-dozen isolated sherds of Middle-Eastern origin were found.

Other contemporary sites situated along the Indian Ocean "ceramic road" also produced assemblages more complex than that of Palembang. Anuradhapura, Bhambore, Siraf, Suhar, Fustat and a variety of sites in East Africa, to name only a few, produced

27 Adhyatrnan 1983. The late Tang olive-green jars have aha been termed "Dusun jars" by some archaeologists after Tom Harrisson (1965) identified them among those rhat were still used by the Dusun people of Kalimantan.

2& Mikami 1978. On Sumatran sites, sec McKinnon 1975-7. 1976. 1979; WaH 1984; Rhido 1979, 1982; Ambary 1981, 1982.

29 Adhyatrnan 1981, 1983, 1987; Guy 1986, 1987; Soekrnono 1979; Orsoy de Nines 1941-47; Tit; Surti Nastiti & Nurliadi [988.

30 Moore 1968, 1970; Harrisson [965; O'Connor & Harrisson 1964,1969; Zainie & Harrisson 1967; Brown [989; Locsin & Locsin 1967: Roxas-Lim 1987.

31 Until recent research walk, most Malaysian sites in Kedah were thought 10 date from the 1 [-12th century onwards; however. the new sites at Kampung Sungei Mas have been found to date back 10 the 8-9lh and 101h centuries (ASEAN 1985; Leong Sau Hcng 1973, 1985. 1990; Othman 1978. 1978a, 1984, 1988; Shuhaimi 1985, 1986; Shuhairni & Othman [989, 1990; Lamb 1960, 1961: 21.37, 1961 a, 1964).

32 Department of Fine Arts 1981; Khemehati 1983. 1983.; Ho Chuimei Ct at. 1990; Ho Chuimei 1992, 1992.; Shuhaimi & Othman 1989.

JMBRAS VOL. 66

part or all of the pieces available on the Chinese market for export.33 Other sites in the Maldives, East Africa, Comoros and Madagascar still need to be further investigated, but they are known to have produced some of the above mentioned ceramics.P'

Such contrasts or affinities in range and variety of ceramics in Sriwijayan sites within Southeast Asia and in contemporary sites ranging from the kilns of Southern China to Africa need to be explained and should therefore become a matter of serious comparative study. At this point, one can only submit some working hypotheses. Guangdong Olive-green wares started being produced and probably exported earlier than the rest of the routine assemblage described above. If this was confirmed, we would be in a position to establish that the West Palembang archaeological sites which yielded large amounts of these wares and only these would be earlier than those producing the complete assemblage. This in turn would substantiate our conclusions concerning the earliness of Pal em bang as a Sriwijayan harbour polity. If other sites in Southern Thailand comparable to Ko Kho Khao or Laem Pho are proved to have also been single period sites operating during several decades of the 9th century AD only, then one will be in a position to postulate a closing off, during this short period only and f.or presently undetermined reasons, of the Straits of Melaka and Bangka sea lanes. The transpeninsular route would have then maintained the traffic flow between the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean, an otherwise uneconomical solution considering the burden of unloading and reloading whole bulky cargoes off and on large sea-going ships.

Another possible explanation for the discrepancies in assemblages is the recognition of a second or alternative "ceramic road", with Sriwijayan shippers based in South Sumatra catering for a different market in the Indian Ocean. This admittedly very speculative hypothesis carries us far away from our Sriwijayan shores but it has to be kept in mind. This hypothetical route would have run farto the south of the main transAsian route that runs across the Bay of Bengal and the Sea of Oman. It would have been operated by Austronesian speaking people only, in a direct link leading from present day Indonesia across the Indian Ocean to Madagascar and East Africa, via the Maldives. There are solid indications in both local and Portuguese sources to documenr such a route in the first half of the 2nd millennium AD.35 If assemblages similar to those found at Palembang for the 8th-9th centuries could be documented along this route, some of the pending questions about the Austronesian settlement of Madagascar may well be answered. A rejoinder to this hypothesis is now being presented by linguists, who are proving that Austronesian speaking shippers and trade operators of the late first millennium AD must have been in some way connected to the Malay speaking world of the time, therefore, undoubtedly, to the Straits of Melaka area and Sriwijaya.36 Longdistance trade, as opposed to migration, is a factor that is increasingly put forward by scholars to explain the settlement process in Madagascar. To try and follow the Austronesian people into the Indian Ocean along archaeological sites could teach us a lot more on their precise role in this unique historical occurrence.

33 Roegculle 1991; Chittick 1966, 1974. 1984; Gunasekera cl al, 1971; Gyllens v aid 1973-75; Horton 1984, 1987, 1987a; Kawatoko 1983; Lamb 1964; Lane & Serjeant 1948; Li ZhiY.1l 1983; Mikami 1978. 1980-81, 1983,19833,1985; Pirazzoli-r'Sersre v ens 1985, 1988; Sasaki 1986; Whitehouse 1973. 1983; Willelts J960; Wright 1984, 1989.

34 Carswell 1975-77; Forbes 1967; Verin 1975, 1975.; Allibert in press; Alliben,Argant& Argant [990. 35 I tried to tackle this hypcehesis in a recent article (Mangum, in press/b).

36 Adelaar 1989,1990,1991; Dahl 199!.

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An improved knowledge of South-Sumatra, Kedah and Southern Thailand assemblages of 8th-10th century wares will also teach us a lot about the developing relationship'between those sites that operated within the Sriwijayan sphere of economic enterprise. It will first provide essential.data on the trade networks that linked these sites together and on the hierarchical position of trade operators within [hem. It will therefore also contribute in answering some of the more nagging questions about historical developments in the region between the 7th and the 131h centuries. Research in SouthSumatra is now starting to produce answers valid at regional level only. Sriwijaya, however, grew over the centuries into a political and economic system far greater than just the original Palembang kadatuan. On which principles did such a system operate? Did it grow into some sort of confederation of harbour polities? Did it ever possess any of the characteristics of a unified state? If not (which is most probable), how did it control and conduct the trade activities, regional and international, on which it clearly thrived, with ups and downs, during some six centuries of Southeast Asian history? Can one extrapolate from what is known for the pre-modem history of Southeast Asian harbour polities? Did the Sriwijayan rulers spin over Insular and Peninsular Southeast Asia a web of alternative and interchangeable associations based on direct kinship, matrimonial alliances, various degrees of military and economic pressure and patronclient ties? The key to these essential problems lies not only in increased archaeological research in Sriwijayan sites, but also in the proper coordination and cooperation between the various teams at work in the region.

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