Monthly journal “Voice” September Issue

Aug 10th, 2009

“My Political Philosophy”

Yukio Hatoyama

The Banner of Party Politician Ichiro Hatoyama

Among Japanese people today, "ai" is a particularly popular word which is usually
translated as ‘love’. Therefore, when I speak of "yuai", which is written with the characters
for ‘friendship’ and ‘love’, many people seem to picture a concept that is soft and weak.
However, when I speak of yuai, I am referring to a concept that is actually rather different.
What I am referring to is fraternity, as in liberté, égalité, fraternité, the slogan of the French
Revolution. When my grandfather Ichiro Hatoyama translated one of the works of Count
Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi into Japanese, he rendered the word fraternity as "yuai"
rather than the existing translation of "hakuai". Therefore, when I refer to yuai, I am not
referring to something tender but rather to a strong, combative concept that was a banner
of revolution. 85 years ago, in 1923, Count Coudenhove-Kalergi published his work Pan-
Europa, starting off the Pan-Europa Movement which eventually led to the formation of the
European Union. Count Coudenhove-Kalergi was the son of an Austrian noble, who was
posted to Japan as his country's minister, and Mitsuko Aoyama, the daughter of an
antiques dealer from Azabu, Tokyo. One of the count’s middle names was the Japanese
name Eijiro.

In 1935, Count Coudenhove-Kalergi published The Totalitarian State against Man. The
work includes severe criticisms of Soviet communism and Nazism as well as the reflections
on the self-indulgence of capitalism in leaving such ideologies to flourish. Coudenhove-
Kalergi believed that freedom forms the foundation of human dignity and that it is therefore
unsurpassed in value. In order to guarantee freedom, he advocated a system of private
ownership. However, he was despondent at how the severe social inequalities produced by
capitalism had helped give rise to communism by creating an environment in which people
aspired to equality, and also at how this had resulted in the emergence of national
socialism as an alternative to both capitalism and communism. "Freedom without fraternity
leads to anarchy. Equality without fraternity leads to tyranny"(Translation of the quote in
Japanese). Coudenhove-Kalergi discussed how both totalitarianism, which tried to achieve
equality at all costs, and capitalism, which had fallen into self-indulgence, resulted in
disregard for human dignity and as such resulted in the treatment of human beings as a
means instead of an end. Although freedom and a quality are important for human beings,
if they are followed to fundamentalist extremes, they can both result in immeasurable
horrors. Therefore, Coudenhove-Kalergi recognized the necessity of a concept that could
achieve a balance and maintain respect for humanity. That is what he sought in the idea of
fraternity.
"Man is an end and not a means. The state is a means and not an end". These are the first
lines of The Totalitarian State against Man. At the time Coudenhove-Kalergi was putting
ideas together for this publication, two different forms of totalitarianism were prominent in
Europe, and his home country of Austria was being threatened with annexation by Hitler's
Germany. Coudenhove-Kalergi traveled all around Europe advocating the cause of Pan-
Europeanism and criticizing Hitler and Stalin. However, his efforts were in vain. Austria fell
to the Nazis and Coudenhove-Kalergi was forced to flee in disappointed exile to the United
States. The movie Casablanca is said to be based on his flight. When Coudenhove-Kalergi
talks of a "fraternal revolution", he is referring to the combative philosophy that supported
the fierce fight against both the left-wing and right-wing totalitarianism of that age. After the
war, Ichiro Hatoyama, who was exiled from public office just as he was on the point of
becoming Prime Minister, read the works of Count Coudenhove-Kalergi as he was living his
enforced life of leisure. He was so struck by The Totalitarian State against Man that he took

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it upon himself to translate it into Japanese. His translation was published under the title
Jiyu to Jinsei (Freedom and Life).

For Ichiro, who was an ardent critic of both communism and military led planned
economies, The Totalitarian State against Man seemed to provide the most appropriate
theoretical system for fighting back against the popularity of Marxism that began to swell in
post-war Japan (the Socialist party, Communist party and labor movements) and for
building a healthy parliamentary democracy. While fighting against the growing influence of
the socialist and communist parties, Ichiro Hatoyama used word yuai (fraternity) as a
banner in trying to bring down the bureaucrat-led government of Shigeru Yoshida and
replace it with his own administration of party politicians. This was expressed succinctly by
Hatoyama in the Yuai Seinen Doshikai Kouryo (Young People’s Fraternal Association
Mission Statement), which Ichiro Hatoyama wrote in 1953. "Under the banner of liberalism,
we will devote ourselves to a Fraternal Revolution, avoid extreme left wing and right wing
ideologies, and work steadfastly to achieve a healthy and vibrant democratic society and
build a free and independent cultural nation."

Ichiro Hatoyama's concept of fraternity continued to have influence as an undercurrent

within Japan's post-war conservative political parties. Following the revision of the Japan-
US security treaty in 1960, the Liberal Democratic Party changed direction significantly and
began to prioritize policies of management-labor conciliation. These policies formed the
foundation for Japan's period of rapid economic growth and are best symbolized by the
LDP Basic Charter, a 1965 document which was written to serve as a kind of mission
statement. The first chapter of this charter, which is entitled "Human Dignity", states, "
human lives are precious, and are an end in and of themselves. The lives of human beings
must never become a means". A similar phrase can be found in the LDP Labor Charter, a
document which called for reconciliation with the labor movement. These phrases are
clearly borrowed from the work of Coudenhove-Kalergi, and were very likely influenced by
Ichiro Hatoyama's thinking on the subject of fraternity. These two charters contributed to the
establishment of the Hatoyama and Ishibashi cabinets, and were both drafted by Hirohide
Ishida, a politician who served as Labor minister in the Ikeda Cabinet and was responsible
for setting Japan on a course towards conciliatory labor-management policies.

The End of LDP One-Party Rule and the Announcement of the Democratic Party of
Japan
In the Post-War Period, the LDP confronted socialist forces inside and outside Japan and
dedicated itself to Japan's reconstruction and the achievement of high economic growth.
These were noteworthy achievements which deserve their place in history. However, even
after the end of the Cold War, the LDP fell into the trap of "the politics of inertia", and
continued to act as if economic growth in itself was Japan's national goal. The party
continually failed to adapt to the changing contemporary environment and shift towards
policies designed to qualitatively improve people's lives. At the same time, unhealthy ties
between politicians, bureaucrats and corporations continually led to political corruption, a
long-standing illness of the LDP. When the Cold War came to an end, I strongly felt that the
historical role the LDP had played in supporting Japan's rapid economic growth had come
to an end, and that the time had come for a new seat of political responsibility.

Therefore, I left the LDP, which had been founded by my grandfather, and after participating
in the establishment of the New Party Sakigake, I eventually became the founding leader of
the Democratic Party of Japan. The (former) DPJ was founded on September 11, 1996.
The following phrases were included in the statement released to mark the founding of the
party. "From today onwards, we wish to place the spirit of fraternity at the heart of our
society. Freedom can often result in an unrestrained environment where the strong prey

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upon the weak. Equality can easily result in a malevolent form of equality where all
differences are criticized. Fraternity is the power that can prevent such extremes of
freedom and equality yet over the past 100 or so years the power of fraternity has been
marginalized. Modern nations up until the 20th century rushed to mobilized their people and
in doing so tended to assess their worth as a single mass [rather than as individuals]. ……
We believe that each individual human being has a boundless, diverse individuality and
that each human life is irreplaceable. That is why we believe in the principle of ‘self
independence’ through which each individual has the right to decide upon their own destiny
and the obligation to take responsibility for the results of their choices. At the same time, we
also stress the importance of the principle of ‘coexistence with others’ under which people
respect each other's mutual independence and differences while also working to
understand each other and seek common ground for cooperative action. We believe that
we must steadfastly adhere to these principles of independence and coexistence not only
in the context of personal relationships within Japanese society but also in the context of
the relationships between Japan and other nations and the relationship between
humankind and the environment."

Author Saneatsu Mushanokoji wrote the famous words "I am me, you are you, yet we are
good friends". I think these words truly express the spirit of fraternity. Just as the ideals of
freedom and equality evolve with the contemporary environment, in terms of both their
expression and their content, the idea of ‘fraternity’, which calls on us to respect individuals,
also evolves with the times. When I saw the collapse of the totalitarian regimes that both
Coudenhove-Kalergi and my grandfather Ichiro Hatoyama had opposed, I redefined my
understanding of fraternity as ‘the principle of independence and coexistence’".

13 years have now passed since we formed of the former Democratic Party of Japan.
During the time since then, post-cold war Japan has been continually buffeted by the winds
of market fundamentalism in a US-led movement which is more usually called globalization.
Freedom is supposed to be the highest of all values but in the fundamentalist pursuit of
capitalism, which can be described as ‘freedom formalized in economic terms’, has resulted
in people being treated not as an end but as a means. Consequently human dignity has
been lost. The recent financial crisis and its aftermath have once again forced us to take
note of this reality. How can we put an end to unrestrained market fundamentalism and
financial capitalism that are void of morals or moderation in order to protect the finances
and livelihoods of our citizens? That is the issue we are now facing. In these times, I
realized that we must once again remember the role for fraternity identified by
Coudenhove-Kalergi as a force for the moderating the danger inherent within freedom. I
came to a decision that we must once again raise the banner of fraternity. On May 16,
2009, in the run-up to the DPJ leadership election, I made the following statement: "I will
take the lead in coming together with our friends and colleagues to overcome this difficult
situation and ensure that we achieve a change of government in order to bring about a
fraternal society based on coexistence." What does fraternity mean to me? It is the
compass that determines our political direction, a yardstick for deciding our policies. I
believe it is also the spirit that supports our attempts to achieve ‘an era of independence
and coexistence’.

Restoring the Weakened Sphere of Public Service

In our present times, fraternity can be described as a principle that aims to adjust to the
excesses of the current globalized brand of capitalism and make adjustments to
accommodate the local economic practices that have been fostered through our traditions.
In other words, it is a means of building an economic society based on coexistence by
switching away from the policies of market fundamentalism and towards policies that
protect the livelihoods and safety of the people.

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It goes without saying that the recent worldwide economic crisis was brought about by the
collapse of market fundamentalism and financial capitalism that the United States has
advocated since the end of the Cold War. This US-led market fundamentalism and financial
capitalism went by many names including the "global economy", "globalization" and
"globalism". This way of thinking was based on the principle that American-style free-
market economics represents a universal and ideal economic order and that all countries
should modify the traditions and regulations governing their own economy in order to
reform the structure of their economic society in line with global standards (or rather
American standards). In Japan, opinion was divided on how far the trend towards
globalization should be taken on board. Some people advocated the active embrace of
globalism and supported leaving everything up to the dictates of the market. Others favored
a more reticent approach, believing that effort should be made instead to expand the social
safety net and protect our traditional economic activities. Since the administration of Prime
Minister Koizumi, the LDP has stressed the former while we in the DPJ have tended
towards the latter position.

The economic order or local economic activities in any country are built up over long years
and reflect the influence of each country's traditions, habits and national lifestyles.
Therefore, the economic activities of individual countries are very diverse due to many
factors including the differences of history, tradition, habits, economic scale and stage of
development. However, globalism progressed without any regard for various non-economic
values, nor of environmental issues or problems of resource restriction. The economic
activities of citizens in small countries were severely damaged, and in some countries
globalism has even destroyed traditional industries. Capital and means of production can
now be transferred easily across international borders. However, people cannot move so
easily. In terms of market theory, people are simply personnel expenses, but in the real
world people support the fabric of the local community and are the physical embodiment of
its lifestyle, traditions and culture. An individual gains respect as a person by acquiring a job
and a role within the local community and being able to maintain their family's livelihood.

If we look back on the changes in Japanese society that have occurred since the end of the
Cold War, I believe it is no exaggeration to say that the global economy has damaged
traditional economic activities and market fundamentalism has destroyed local
communities. For example, the decision to privatize Japan's post office placed far too little
weight on the institution’s long history and the traditional role that its staff held in the local
community. It also ignored the non-economic benefits of the Post Office and its value in the
community. The logic of the market was used to justify taking such a drastic step.

Under the principle of fraternity, we will not implement policies that leave economic
activities in areas relating to human lives and safety, such as agriculture, the environment
and medicine, at the mercy of the tides of globalism. Rather, we need to strengthen rules
governing the safety of human lives and stability of people's livelihoods. Our responsibility
as politicians is to refocus our attention on those non-economic values that have been
thrown aside by the march of globalism. We must work on policies that regenerate the ties
that bring people together, that take greater account of nature and the environment, that
rebuild welfare and medical systems, that provide better education and child rearing
support and that address wealth disparities. This is required in order to create an
environment in which each individual citizen is able to pursue happiness.

Over recent years, Japan's traditional public services have been eroded. The ties that bring
people together have become weaker and the spirit of public service has also dimmed. In
today's economic society, economic activities can be divided into four sectors:
governmental, corporate, non-profit and household. While the first, second and fourth

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categories are self-explanatory, by the third category I mean the types of mutual assistance
which were once provided by neighborhood associations and which are now also provided
through the activities of NPOs. As economic society becomes more advanced and
complicated, the scope of services that cannot be provided by the authorities, corporations
and family members grows increasingly wide. That is why the more industrialized a country
becomes the greater the social role played by NPOs and other non-profit organizations.
This is the foundation of ‘coexistence’. These activities are not recorded in the gross
domestic product, but when working to build a society that has truly high standards of living,
the scope and depth of such public services, as provided through non-profit activities,
citizen's groups and other social activities, are of great importance. Politics based on
‘fraternity’ would restore strength to Japan's depleted non-profit (public service) sector. It
would expand the non-profit sector into new areas and provide assistance for the people
who support these activities. In this way, we aim to build a society of coexistence in which
people can rediscover the ties that bring them together, help each other, and find meaning
and fulfillment in performing a useful social role.

It is of course true that Japan is currently facing a fiscal crisis. However, ‘fraternal politics’
aims cautiously yet steadily for the path that will achieve both the restructuring of
government finances and the rebuilding of our welfare systems. We reject the Ministry of
Finance-led theory of fiscal reconstruction that relies on the imposition of uniform
restrictions on, or the abolishment of, social welfare payments and which seeks to take
shortcuts by raising consumption tax. Japan's current fiscal crisis is the result of long years
of mismanagement by the Liberal Democratic Party. More specifically, it is a reflection of
the crisis affecting Japan's economic society which stems from the bureaucrat-led system
of centralized government and the indiscriminate spending facilitated by that system, from
the social safety net collapse and greater inequality of wealth that results from an uncritical
faith in globalism and finally, from the public loss of faith in politics following unhealthy
collusion between government, civil service and industry. Therefore, I believe that it will be
impossible to overcome Japan's fiscal crisis without devolving power to local authorities,
implementing thorough administrative reform and restoring public trust in the sustainability
of social security systems, particularly pensions. In other words, resolving our fiscal
problems is impossible without comprehensively rebuilding Japan's political systems.

Empowering Local Authorities within the Nation State

When I made a speech announcing my candidacy for President of the DPJ, I stated, "My
first political priority" is "reform to move away from a nation state based on centralized
power structures and create a nation based on devolved regional power." A similar view
was incorporated into the inaugural declaration when we formed the former DPJ 13 years
ago. Back then, our aim was to achieve a nation based on regional devolution and
empowered local authorities. We intended to achieve this by limiting the role of the national
executive and legislature and promoting efficient local administrations vested with
significant authority. Furthermore, based on this new system of government, we aimed to
establish wide ranging welfare systems based on citizen participation and mutual
assistance in the local community while also establishing fiscal, medical and pension
systems which do not force debts onto future generations.

Count Coudenhove-Kalergi's "The Fraternal Revolution" (Chapter XII of The Totalitarian

State against the Man) contains the following passage: The political requirement of
brotherhood is federalism, the natural and organic construction of the state out of its
individuals. The path from men to the universe leads through concentric circles: men build
families, families communes, communes cantons, cantons states, states continents,
continents the planets, the planets the solar system, solar system the universe. In today's
language, what Count Coudenhove-Kalergi described is the principle of ‘subsidiarity’, a

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modern political approach that has its roots in fraternity.

The truth is that in today's age we cannot avoid economic globalization. However, in the
European Union, where economic integration is strong, there is also a noticeable trend of
localization. Examples of this included the federalization of Belgium and the separation and
independence of the Czech Republic and Slovakia. Within a globalized economic
environment, how can we preserve the autonomy of countries and regions, which serve as
foundations of tradition and culture? This is an issue of importance not only for the
European Union but also for Japan as well.

In response to the conflicting demands of globalism and localization, the European Union
has advocated the principle of subsidiarity in the Maastricht Treaty and The European
Charter of Local Self-Government. The principle of subsidiarity is not simply a rule that
declares that local authorities should always be prioritized, rather it is a principle that can
also be invoked to define the relationship between nation states and supranational
institutions. We can interpret the principle of subsidiarity from this perspective as follows:
Matters that can be dealt with by the individual should be resolved by the individual.
Matters that cannot be resolved by the individual should be resolved with the help of the
family. Matters that can not be resolved by the family should be resolved with the help of
the local community and NGOs. It is only when matters cannot be resolved at this level that
the authorities should become involved. Then of course, matters that can be dealt with by
the local government should be resolved by the local government. Matters that cannot be
resolved by the local government should be resolved by the next intermediate level of
government. Matters that the next level of government cannot handle, for example
diplomacy, defense and decisions on macroeconomic policy, should be dealt with by the
central government. Finally, even some elements of national sovereignty, such as the issue
of currency, should be transferred to supranational institutions like the EU.

The principle of subsidiarity is therefore a policy for devolution which places emphasis on
the lowest level of local government. As we search for ways to modernize the concept of
fraternity, we find ourselves naturally arriving at the idea of a nation based on regional
devolution built upon the principle of subsidiarity. When discussing reform of Japan's local
authority system, including the possibility of introducing a system of around 10 or so
regional blocs to replace Japan's 47 prefectures, we must not forget to ask the following
questions: What is the appropriate size for local authorities (which are embodiments of
tradition and culture)? What is the appropriate size of local authorities in terms of their
functional efficacy for local residents? During a speech I made at the time of the DPJ
Presidential Election, I made the following comments: "I propose limiting the role of central
government to diplomacy, defense, fiscal policy, financial policy, resource, energy and
environmental policy. I propose transferring to the lowest level of local government the
authority, taxation rights and personnel required to provide services closely related to
people's livelihoods. I propose creating a framework that will allow local authorities to bear
responsibility for making decisions and have the means to implement them. I propose
abolishing the current system of central government subsidies (which can only be used for
a particular stated purpose) and instead providing a single payment which the local
authorities can use at their own discretion. In other words, I will break down the de facto
master-servant relationship which exists between the central government and local
authorities and replace it with an equal relationship based on shared responsibilities. This
reform will improve the overall efficiency of the whole country and facilitate finely-tuned
administrative services that take into account local needs and the perspectives of local
citizens." The only way for regions to achieve autonomy, self responsibility and the
competence to make their own decisions is to transfer a wide range of resources and
significant power to the local authorities which are in closest contact with citizens, an
approach which also clarifies the relationship between citizens’ burdens and the services

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they receive. This approach will facilitate the invigoration of local economic activities. It is
also a path towards the construction a more distinctive, appealing and beautiful Japan. The
establishment of a nation based on empowered local authorities represents the
embodiment of a modern politics of fraternity and is highly appropriate as a political goal for
our times.

Overcoming Nationalism through an East Asian Community

Another national goal that emerges from the concept of fraternity is the creation of an East
Asian community. Off course, Japan-US Security Pact will continue to be the cornerstone of
Japanese diplomatic policy. Unquestionably, the Japan-US relationship is an important
pillar of our diplomacy. However, at the same time, we must not forget our identity as a
nation located in Asia. I believe that the East Asian region, which is showing increasing
vitality in its economic growth and even closer mutual ties, must be recognized as Japan's
basic sphere of being. Therefore we must continue to make efforts to build frameworks for
stable economic co-operation and national security across the region.

The recent financial crisis has suggested to many people that the era of American
unilateralism may come to an end. It has also made people harbor doubts about the
permanence of the dollar as the key global currency. I also feel that as a result of the failure
of the Iraq war and the financial crisis, the era of the US-led globalism is coming to an end
and that we are moving away from a unipolar world led by the US towards an era of
multipolarity. However, at present, there is no one country ready to replace the United
States as the world's most dominant country. Neither is there a currency ready to replace
the dollar as the world's key currency. Therefore, even if we shift from unipolar to multipolar
world, our idea of what to expect is at best vague, and we feel anxiety because the new
forms to be taken by global politics and economics remain unclear. I think this describes the
essence of the crisis we are now facing.

Although the influence of the US is declining, the US will remain the world's leading military
and economic power for the next two to three decades. Current developments show clearly
that China, which has by far the world’s largest population, will become one of the world's
leading economic nations, while also continuing to expand its military power. The size of
China's economy will surpass that of Japan in the not too distant future. How should Japan
maintain its political and economic independence and protect its national interest when
caught between the United States, which is fighting to retain its position as the world's
dominant power, and China which is seeking ways to become one? The future international
environment surrounding Japan does not seem to be easy. This is a question of concern
not only to Japan but also to the small and medium-sized nations in Asia. They want the
military power of the US to function effectively for the stability of the region but want to
restrain US political and economic excesses. They also want to reduce the militarily threat
posed by our neighbor China while ensuring that China's expanding economy develops in
an orderly fashion. I believe these are the instinctive demands of the various nations in the
region. This is also a major factor accelerating regional integration.

Today, as the supranational political and economic philosophies of Marxism and globalism
have, for better or for worse stagnated, nationalism is once again starting to have a major
influence on policy-making decisions in various countries. As symbolized by the anti-
Japanese riots that occurred in China a few years ago, the spread of the Internet has
accelerated the integration of nationalism and populism and the emergence of
uncontrollable political turbulence is a very real risk. As we maintain an awareness of this
environment and seek to build new structures for international cooperation, we must
overcome excessive nationalism in each nation and go down the path towards the rule-
building for economic co-operation and national security. Unlike Europe, the countries of

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this region differ in their population size, development stage and political systems, and
therefore economic integration cannot be achieved over the short term. However, I believe
that we should aspire to the move towards regional currency integration as a natural
extension of the path of the rapid economic growth begun by Japan, followed by South
Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong, and then achieved by the ASEAN nations and China. We
must therefore spare no effort to build the permanent security frameworks essential to
underpinning currency integration.

ASEAN, Japan, China (including Hong Kong), South Korea and Taiwan now account for
one quarter of the world's gross domestic product. The economic power of the East Asian
region and the mutually independent relationships within the region have grown wider and
deeper, which is unprecedented. As such, the underlying structures required for the
formation of a regional economic bloc are already in place. On the other hand, due to the
historical and cultural conflicts existing between the countries of this region, in addition to
their conflicting national security interests, we must recognize that there are numerous
difficult political issues. The problems of increased militarization and territorial disputes,
which stand in the way of regional integration, cannot be resolved by bilateral negotiations
between, for example, Japan and South Korea or Japan and China. The more these
problems are discussed bilaterally, the greater the risk that citizen's emotions in each
country will become inflamed and nationalism will be intensified. Therefore, somewhat
paradoxically, I would suggest that the issues which stand in the way of regional integration
can only really be resolved through the process of moving towards greater regional
integration. For example, the experience of the EU shows us how regional integration can
defuse territorial disputes.

When writing a draft proposal for a new Japanese constitution in 2005, I put, in the
preamble, the following words on the subject of Japan's national goals for the next half
century: We, recognizing the importance of human dignity, seek to enjoy, together with the
peoples of the world, the benefits of peace, freedom and democracy, and commit ourselves
to work continually and unceasingly towards the goal of establishing a system of permanent
and universal economic and social cooperation and a system of collective national security
in the international community, particularly in the Asia-Pacific region. I believe that not only
is this the path we should follow towards realizing the principles of pacifism and multilateral
cooperation advocated by the Japanese Constitution, I also believe this is the appropriate
path for protecting Japan's political and economic independence and pursuing our national
interest from our position between two of the world’s great powers, the United States and
China. Moreover, this path would represent a contemporary embodiment of the "fraternal
revolution" advocated by Count Coudenhove-Kalergi.

Based on this awareness of our intended direction, it becomes clear that, for example, our
response to the recent global financial crisis should not be simply to provide the kind of
limited support measures previously employed by the IMF and the World Bank. Rather, we
should be working towards a possible idea of the future common Asian currency.
Establishing a common Asian currency will likely take more than 10 years. For such a
single currency to bring about political integration will surely take longer still. Due to the
seriousness of the ongoing global economic crisis, some people may wonder why I am
taking the time to discuss this seemingly extraneous topic. However, I believe that the more
chaotic, unclear and uncertain the problems we face, the higher and greater are the goals
to which politicians should lead the people.

We are currently standing at a turning point in global history, and therefore our resolve and
vision are being tested, not only in terms of our ability to formulate policies to stimulate the
domestic economy, but also in terms of how we try to build a new global political and
economic order. I would like to conclude by quoting the words of Count Coudenhove-

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Kalergi, the father of the EU, written 85 years ago, when he published Pan-Europa.

"All great historical ideas started as a utopian dream and ended with reality".
"Whether a particular idea remains as a utopian dream or it can become reality depends on
the number of people who believe in the ideal and their ability to act upon it."

This text is a translation of an article published in Japanese in the September edition of the
magazine Voice.