af r i c a
T O dA y 5 4 ( 3 )
T r a n s n a T i on a l i s l a Mi c n G o s i n c h a d
4
such as democratization and political and economic liberalization, are easingthe intervention o nongovernmental organizations—Christian, secular, and
Islamic. In addition, neoliberalism and associated developments, such asthe increasing gap between rich and poor, and state withdrawal rom social
service provision, are making interventions o such NGOs even more impor-
tant. At the same time, the work o Islamic NGOs can be seen as a reactionto neoliberalism, since they sometimes contest the inuence o “the West”
and secularized and Westernized elites (Ghandour 2002; International Crisis
Group 2005), including capitalist rent-seeking behavior, individualism, andlack o solidarity.In spite o this, Islamic NGOs do not appear in the literature on NGOsand neoliberal policies in Arica. Studies that ocus on local NGOs and civilsociety abound (Harbeson, Rothchild, and Chazan 1994; Igoe and Kelsall2005; Marcussen 1996; Van der Walle, Ball, and Ramachandran 2003), otenheralding their capacity to produce development unlike corrupt states (Brat-ton 1989; Riddell and Robinson 1995; Wellard and Copestake 1993). Studiesocusing on transnational NGOs (Barrow and Jennings 2001; Callaghy 2001;Hearn 1998) tend to be more critical, pointing to the act that their involve-ment in local development may make weak states even weaker. Othersare critical about neoliberal policies in Arica, but stress the importance oNGOs in mitigating their eects (Larmer 2005). In none o these analysesdo Islamic NGOs fgure at all. Even the idea o “aith-based development”(Bornstein 2003; Hoer 2003), reerring to the importance o religious orga-nizations in bringing about development and which has recently becomeashionable, is usually seen as only relating to Christian initiatives. A pos-sible explanation or the inattention to Islamic NGOs is that the conceptso NGOs and “civil society” are part o the neoliberal project; they thereoretend to be flled in by categories that match the agenda o liberal democracy
(Bornstein 2003; Williams 1993)—and Western conceptions o development,
in which the very idea o Islamic NGOs appears almost unthinkable.Islamic NGOs are Islamic in the sense that Islam is an important
source o inspiration or them as organizations. Dierent Islamic NGOs may
have diering objectives and methods o operation, but all share a ounda-tion in the sacred textual sources o Islam, the Qur’an and the Sunna (the
authoritative practice o the Prophet Muhammad), and in the basic principles
o Islamic law and ethics, acting on their identity, agenda(s), and the mannerin which they obtain and distribute their resources.
2
The frst transnationalIslamic NGOs were established at the end o the 1970s and in the early
1980s, triggered by the war in Aghanistan and made fnancially viable by the
oil boom in Arab countries (Ghandour 2002). They based themselves on anIslamic understanding o solidarity that comprised three elements:
ighatha
‘humanitarian relie’,
da’wa
‘the call or invitation to Islam’, and
jihad
in the
sense o armed support o the Islamic cause
3
(Benthall and Bellion-Jourdan2003; Ghandour 2002). In some contexts, such as Aghanistan and Bosnia,these elements have all been present in Islamic NGO activities; but overthe years, these NGOs have evolved, and a process o proessionalization
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