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frame w o r k a n d s y n t h e s i s o f l e s s o n s l e a r n e d in civil-society peace building
Learning Experiences Study on Civil-Society Peace Building in the Philippines
Framework and Synthesis of Lessons Learned in Civil-Society Peace Building

M IRIAm C ORONEL F ERRER
VOLUME 1
2005
UP CIDS
LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIl-SOCIETY PEACE BUIlDING IN THE PHIlIPPINES VOLUME 1: FRAMEWORK AND SYNTHEsIs Of LEssONs LEARNED IN CIvIL-SOcIETY PEAcE BUILDING
Published by the UP Center for Integrative and Development Studies (UP CIDS) in partnership with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Copyright 2005 the United Nations Development Programme Manila Ofce. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means including information storage and retrieval systems without permission from the UNDP and UP CIDS. Inquiries should be addressed to: UP Center for Integrative and Development Studies, Bahay ng Alumni, University of the Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City 1101 Tel/Fax: (632) 9293540 Email: cids@up.edu.ph United Nations Development Programme 30/F Yuchengco Tower RCBC Plaza, 6819 Ayala Ave. cor. Sen Gil J. Puyat Ave., Makati City 1226 Philippines Tel: (632) 9010100 Fax (632) 9010200 The National Library of the Philippines CIP Data Recommended entry: Learning experiences study on civil-society peace building in the Philippines.- - Diliman, Quezon City : UP-CIDS, c2005. 5v. ; cm. CONTENTS: v.1. Framework and synthesis of lessons learned in civil-society peace building / Miriam Coronel Ferrer v.2. National peace coalitions / Josephine C. Dionisio v.3. Psychosocial trauma rehabilitation work / Marco Puzon, Elizabeth Protacio-De Castro v. 4. Peace education initiatives in Metro Manila / Loreta Castro, Jasmin Nario-Galace and Kristine Lesaca v.5. Peace building experiences of church-based organizations in the Philippines / Jovic Lobrigo and Sonia Imperial. Published in partnership with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). 1. Peace-buildingPhilippines. 2. Peace-buildingCase studies. 3. Civil societyPhilippines. I. UP Center for Integrative and Development Studies (UP-CIDS).
JZ5538 303.69 2005 P061000334 ISBN 978-971-742-095-0 (vol. 1) ISBN 978-971-742-096-7 (vol. 2) ISBN 978-971-742-097-4 (vol. 3) ISBN 978-971-742-098-1 (vol. 4) ISBN 978-971-742-099-8 (vol. 5)
cover design Ernesto Enrique book design and layout East Axis Creative
The opinions expressed herein are those of the writer and do not necessarily reect the views of the UNDP .
contents

vii ix xi xiii xv 1 5 7 9 27
list of tables list of acronyms about the project foreword acknowledgment introduction framework for assessing civil-society peace building
Main Context of Philippine Peace Movement Nature of Civil-Society Peace Building Methodology for the Documentation of Civil-Society Experiences in Peace Building (19862004)
35 37 55 77 83 87 91 103
synthesis of lessons learned in civil-society peace building in the philippines

Overview of Philippine Peace Building Facilitating and Hindering Factors in Civil-Society Peace Building Evaluation and Impact Assessment of Civil-Society Peace Building Lessons Learned
references learning modules list of participants
tables

38 42 51 56 58 62 64 67 69 71 72 77 80
Table 1. Civil-Society Organizations Covered in the Case Studies Table 2. Peace-Building Activities Table 3. Range of Activities of a Comprehensive Psychosocial Trauma Rehabilitation Work Table 4. Facilitating and Hindering Factors in Civil-Society Peace Building Table 5. Elements of Facilitating Factor: Presence of Initiating, Sustaining, and Capable Core Table 6. Elements of Facilitating Factor: Availability of Resources Table 7. Elements of Facilitating Factor: Appropriate and Multipronged Strategies, Methods and Approaches Table 8. Elements of Facilitating Factor: Supportive Environment Table 9. Elements of Facilitating Factor: Building on Successes Table 10. Elements of Hindering Factor: Lack of/Weaknesses in Human and Material Resources Table 11. Elements of Hindering Factor: Lack of Support/Cooperation from Other Sectors Table 12. Elements of Conict/Collective Violence Transformation Table 13. Impact of Civil-Society Peace Building
vii
acronyms
AFP AICM AMRSP BEC BRSAC CARHRIHL CBCP CEAP CfP CHR CODE-NGO CRC CSOs DepEd DILG DND DOJ DSWD FAMATODI FGDs GRP GZOPI HABANAN HAGURA HOPE HR IHL INGOs IPs JPAG KIs LES LGUs MAG MERN MILF MOA Armed Forces of the Philippines Appreciative Inquiry and Community Mobilization Association of Major Religious Superiors in the Philippines Basic Ecclesiastical Communities Bicol Regional Social Action Commission Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines Catholic Educators Association of the Philippines Coalition for Peace Commission on Human Rights Coalition of Development NGOs Childrens Resource Center Civil-Society Organizations Department of Education Department of Interior and Local Government Department of National Defense Department of Justice Department of Social Welfare and Development Fakasadian Mangaguyang Taobuid Mangyan Association Focused Group Discussions Government of the Republic of the Philippines Gaston Z. Ortigas Peace Institute Buhid Mangyan association Association of Hanunuo, Gubatnon and Ratagnon Mangyan tribe Hearts of Peace Human Rights International Humanitarian Law International Non-Government Organizations Indigenous Peoples Justice and Peace Action Group Key Informants Learning Experiences Study Local Government Units Medical Action Group Mindanao Emergency Response Network Moro Islamic Liberation Front Memorandum of Agreement
ix
LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

MSPA NAPC NASSA NCCP NDF NEAs NGO NIPC NPC NSA NUC OPAPP PAHRA PASAKAMI PDI PEN Philrights PNP POs PRRM PRW SAC SAKAMAIMO SASSAMA TFDP UCCP UNDP UNESCO ZOPFAN Multi-Sectoral Peace Advocates National Anti-Poverty Commission National Secretariat for Social Action National Council of Churches in the Philippines National Democratic Front Network of Effective Actors Non-Government Organization National Indigenous Peoples Commission National Peace Conference Non-State Actors National Unication Commission Ofce of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process Philippine Alliance of Human Rights Advocates Federation of Mangyan Organizations Philippine Daily Inquirer Peace Education Network Philippine Human Rights Information Center Philippine National Police Peoples Organizations Philippine Rural Reconstruction Movement Psychosocial Rehabilitation Work Social Action Center Iraya Mangyan Organization Sta. Cruz, Alangan Mangyan association Task Force Detainees of the Philippines United Churches of Christ in the Philippines United Nations Development Programme United Nations Educational Scientic and Cultural Organization Zones of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality
| A C R O N Y M S
about the project

This five-volume study on civil-society peace building is part of a larger initiative between the
United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and Philippine national partners to document and assess the Philippine peace process from the perspective of various stakeholders, including the government, civil society, peace-building communities, and former combatants. It is one of the rst series of Learning Experiences Study (LES) on peace building, human security and development initiated and supported by the Peace and Development Portfolio of the UNDP . Another series on peace building in the Cordillera region was simultaneously undertaken. Subsequent studies will review peace and development initiatives in Mindanao, government peace initiatives, and related efforts undertaken by other segments of society. These studies hope to contribute to the enhancement of Philippine efforts to build peace and constructively respond to the armed conicts in the country. They also hope to inform and inspire peace-building initiatives in other conict-areas in the world.
about the contributors

Agnes Camacho served as Program Ofcer of the Program on Psychosocial Trauma and Human
Rights of the University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies. She is currently doing her masters degree in The Hague, The Netherlands.
Loreta Castro is executive director of Miriam Colleges Center for Peace Education and coordinator of the Peace Education Network. She is a member of the International Advisory Committee of the Global Campaign for Peace Education, and of the Executive Committee of Pax Christi International.
Miriam Coronel Ferrer is associate professor in the Department of Political Science, and convener of the Program on Peace, Democratization and Human Rights of the University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies. She is also a co-convener of the
xi

Sulong CARHRIHL, a citizens network promoting the observance of the human rights and international humanitarian law agreement between the government and the National Democratic Front.
Josephine Dionisio is assistant professor in the Department of Sociology and is currently deputy
director of the University of the Philippines Third World Studies Center. She worked in various NGOs prior to joining the academe.
Sonia Imperial is the in-house consultant for research of the Social Action Center of the Diocese
of Legazpi, Albay. She served as the research associate and co-coordinator for this project.
Kristine Lesaca is an associate of the Center for Peace Education and a member of the grade
school faculty of Miriam College.
Jovic Lobrigo is the Executive Secretary of the Social Action Center, Diocese of Legazpi, Albay,
and is in-charge of its research unit.
Jasmin Nario-Galace is professor in the Department of International Studies and associate

director of the Center for Peace Education of Miriam College. She is a co-convener of the Sulong CARHRIHL and the Philippine Action Network on Small Arms.
Elizabeth Protacio-De Castro is professor in the Department of Psychology of the University

of the Philippines. She was co-founder of the Childrens Resource Center and convener of the Program on Psychosocial Trauma and Human Rights of the University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies.
Marco Puzon was a researcher at the Program on Psychosocial Trauma and Human Rights of
the University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies. He is currently coordinator of the Philippine Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers.
xii | A B O U T T H E P R O J E C T
foreword
Peace building calls for setting up stabilized relations between individuals on opposing
sides of a conflict. It is a process that takes time given that it has to open channels of communications and requires convincing parties to work together without discrimination or intolerance. Learning Experiences Study on Civil-Society Peace Building in the Philippines is the result of the industry and commitment of several individuals and organizations and the valuable support and cooperation provided by the UNDP . It is a synthesis of learning experiences of NGOs and institutions as they observed and advanced peace-building strategies through psychosocial rehabilitation work, peace education and peace coalition. The modules are especially helpful in seeing us through this course by explaining vital peace-building concepts, activities, factors that aid peace building as well as those that are obstacles to it. Lessons learned in three areasPolicy and Overall Environment, the Nature of Peace, and Civil-Society Peace Buildingare examined. It sees the role of humanitarian involvement in ending conict and the indispensable function played by NGOs in transforming turmoil into occasions for enduring reconciliation. A known pacist, Howard Thurman once wrote that, To be alive is to participate responsibly in the experience of life. Many of us who have worked so hard to live our lives, have tended to nd contentment in the safety and comfort of our little cocoons. Yet, we discover that it is in reaching out and connecting to others that we foster peace, and nd the courage to dare a deed that challenges and to kindle a hope that inspires. This is exactly what Learning Experiences Study has achieved. As misunderstandings, wars and hostilities abound, it has become each citizens duty to build peace, end violence and transform conict. It has been our blessing to learn that we cannot do any of these without rst beginning the process of healing and kindling a hope that inspires not just those who directly participate in peace building efforts but humanity, as a whole. Benedict de Spinoza said that, Peace is not the absence of war, it is a virtue, a state of mind, a disposition for benevolence, confidence and justice. I congratulate all participants and contributors to these volumes most especially Miriam Coronel Ferrer, convener of the UP CIDS Peace, Conflict Resolution and Democratization Program, for seeing in
xiii

their minds eye the optimism and opportunity for extending kindness and making justice reachable. ElIZAbETH AGUIlING-PANGAlANGAN, Ll.M. Executive Director, Center for Integrative and Development Studies University of the Philippines
xiv | F O R E W O R D
acknowledgment
It was my pleasure and honor to lead this three-year collaborative project. I am grateful for the
full trust and cooperation extended by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the project team and the participants in the three validation workshops that were part of the framework and synthesis process. Ms. Alma Evangelista of the Peace and Development Portfolio of the UNDP was the moving force behind these series of studies on Philippine peace building that was conceived way back in the early 2000s. In October 2003, I picked up one strand of the conceptualization begun by Alma and Maria Lorenza Binky Palm-Dalupan by developing the framework paper for this component of civil-society peace building. Alma and I then narrowed down our scope to a set of case studies that was ultimately determined by spread, priority and availability of case study writers. Hard work and collegiality marked our working hours as a team. Friendship and more crisscrossing of ties in various other peace building projects grew as well, in our one-on-one meetings. I thank, in alphabetical order, Agnes Camacho, Loreta Castro, Sonia Imperial, Josephine Dionisio, Zosimo Lee, Jovic Lobrigo, Jasmin Nario-Galace, Beth Protacio-De Castro, and Marco Puzon. Other people worked with them and they will be duly mentioned in the acknowledgments in their respective volumes. I have appended in this volume the list of participants in the two validation workshops by way of thanking them for sharing their time and expertise with us, and to also serve as a resource for readers who may want to contact other peace builders. Regrettably, I do not have a list of participants in the rst consultation held in January 2004 where the framework was presented. I do not wish to enumerate lest I miss out on even one participant. They will remain anonymous to the public but they know to whom this gratitude is expressed. For the production of this ve-volume study, I thank Jocelyn Gou de Jesus, Carina Anasarias, Isabel Templo, and Mae Manalang-Sta. Ana for their assistance in the technical editing and proofreading of the texts; East Axis Creative for its peoples painstaking work as layout artists; Ernesto Enrique of the UP College of Fine Arts for the introspective cover designs betting a lessons learned project; and Grace Gara Tena for the coordination and administrative support.
xv

Institutional support for the production phase was provided by the UP Center for Integrative and Development Studies (UP CIDS) through the Executive Director, formerly Dr. Jonathan Salvacion and currently Prof. Elizabeth Aguiling-Pangalangan; the UP CIDS Program on Peace, Democratization and Human Rights where I serve as convener; and the Foundation for Integrative and Development Studies which received and managed the funds. Joyce Dimayuga took care of bookkeeping. The family has also been a major source of institutional support throughout the decades. Again, my love and thanks to Anthony, Lift and Kaye, Duday, and Ysabelle.
xvi | A C K N O W L E D G M E N T
introduction
What are the peace-building activities of Philippine civil society? What factors support or hinder
civil-society peace building in the Philippines? What has been the impact of these initiatives? Finally, what lessons can we draw from these experiences? These are the questions that the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)-funded Learning Experiences Study (LES) on Civil-Society Peace Building in the Philippines set out to answer. This synthesis will now attempt to provide the answers, drawing from the ndings of the four case studies that were part of the LES. The four case studies looked at Philippine experiences in peace education, peace coalitions, psychosocial rehabilitation work (PRW) and church-based peace building. The rst two studies focused on Metro Manila-based initiatives. The PRW study covered Metro Manila-based NGOs and community/NGO experiences in Mindoro Occidental and Basilan, Cotabato and Maguindanao in Mindanao. The study on churches focused on the Bicol experience. The titles and authors of the studies on the four thematic areas are:

Peace Education Initiatives of Selected Academic Institutions in Metro Manila by Loreta N. Castro, Jasmin N. Galace, and Kristine Lesaca of the Center for Peace Education, Miriam College;
Peace-building Experiences of Church-based Organizations in Bicol by the Social Action Center of Legazpi, Albay, led by Sonia Imperial and Jovic Lobrigo; Documentation of Peace-building Efforts by Civil Society Organizations in the Philippines to Address the Psychosocial Consequences of Armed Conict/Violence by the Program on Psychosocial Trauma and Human Rights, University of the Philippine Center for Integrative and Development Studies, led by Marco Puzon, Elizabeth Protacio-de Castro and Agnes Camacho; and
The Philippine Peace Coalitions Peace building from 1986-2004 by Zosimo Lee, which served as background paper for this theme, and the Enhanced Documentation of Philippine Peace Coalitions by Josephine Dionisio.
A framework paper drafted by this author provided the working definition of terms like peace, peace building, civil society, Philippine peace organizations, third party, conict transformation, and so on. It also provided the general areas for evaluation of the impact of civil-so-

ciety interventions, namely, impact on policy, the ground-level situation, and the perceptions, attitudes, and behavior of primary stakeholders in the Philippine peace process. Specically, it posed the key question deemed most relevant in assessing the present context of continuing peace efforts amid persistent armed conict. That key question is: Even as the conict continues, how is the conict being transformed by civil-society initiatives toward its eventual just and peaceful resolution? The synthesis that follows the framework paper was necessarily constrained by the limited range and selective coverage of the case studies. The fairly narrow focus of the case studies was, in any case, offset by the amount of detail they provided. Moreover, the synthesis is informed by previous research, related literature (both foreign and local), the teams continuing participation in peace initiatives in the country as well as abroad and, last but not least, the validation workshop that was conducted on September 20, 2004. The workshop was attended by thirty-ve people from Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao. The workshop elicited helpful suggestions and new insights on each theme as well as the overall synthesis points. The main period covered by the research is from 1986 to 2004 (post-Marcos period). The different papers attempted to provide a comprehensive view of the peace efforts of their respective sectors during the eighteen-year coverage, but necessarily emphasized key periods or activities that best illustrated the work of their sample sector. This approach in effect allowed us to see the signicance of other factors and contexts that affected overall peace building, such as the prevailing policy thrust of the incumbent administration, and the degree of intensication or deescalation of actual ghting. The need to appreciate the policy environment is very much reected in our lessons learned. There are obvious overlaps in the work covered by the cases. While we considered peace coalitions a distinct study, the fact is the three other areas entailed coalition work and linking up with the more focused networks of peace organizations relevant to each case. All four areas also effectively undertook peace education and advocacy, organizing and, in periods of grave crisis, rehabilitation as well. All are concerned about healing the wounds of war and reconstructing society from the ravages brought by the conict. Each case study had a well-dened set of respondents or organizations and activities. Taken all together, they comprise a significant mass of peace initiatives whose experiences are a wellspring of lessons that can guide present and future peace-building work. Assessing the impact was extremely difcult and these attempts must be viewed as very preliminary. To begin with, most of the organizations covered, just like most civil-society initiatives, do not have built-in assessment and evaluation mechanisms and systematic documentation of their activities. They are usually caught up responding to one issue or crisis after another and are unable to effectively document the work and its impact. Feedback mechanisms are mostly
2| I N T R O D U C T I O N
VOLUME 1: FRAMEWORK AND SYNTHESIS OF LESSONS LEARNED

informal and assessments are also not thoroughly undertaken and recorded. Thus, the areas dened by the project for impact evaluation remain broad, and future studies would need to further particularize and develop more specific indicators for impact evaluation.
INTRODUCTION
|3
framework for assessing civil-society peace building
framework
main context of philippine peace movement
conicts in the Philippines. It became a paramount concern following the fall of the authoritarian regime in 1986 and the subsequent restoration of the basic features of a democratic system of government. The democratic transition brought about by people power revolution created conditions for building national consensus on the need for social and political reforms that would break down the repressive apparatus of the martial law regime and address gaping social inequities. Recognizing that the rise and growth of the communist and Moro insurgencies are rooted in social injustices and gross violations of human rights, the Aquino administration opened the process of dialogue with the insurgent groups. Finding a just and peaceful settlement to the insurgencies thus became rmly part of the post-Marcos democratic agenda and the whole process of democratizing Philippine politics and society. But while there was general consensus on the need for social and political change, how these could be done and the nature and extent of the reforms became contentious among the various key actors inside and outside of government. Moreover, there was resistance on the part of those whose fortunes were negatively affected by the change in government, or who felt left out in the new political equation. The end result was the slowing down of reforms amid contention and threats to the new political order. The peace process was similarly compromised for similar and other reasons. Sections of the new government did not support the process or disagreed with the terms and conditions. The Armed Force of the Philippines, for its part, advocated the renewed use of force. Dissension within rebel organizations over the best approach to the new situation and government policy changes did not contribute to sustaining the momentum for dialogue and peaceful settlement. The peace process is thus one of the unnished items on the agenda of Philippine democratization. Democratization can be construed as the process of institutionalizing both substantive and procedural aspects of democracy, including the appropriate institutions and supportive norms. Democracy, meanwhile, is used to encompass economic, social, and cultural dimensions as elaborated in international human rights laws. Only with the consolidation of democracy
he Philippine peace process
is anchored on the main
agenda of nding a just and peaceful solution to the armed

through sustained reforms can
philippine peace process

The
the conditions feeding armed conflict be eradicated. The peace process meanwhile can provide the mechanism for the cessation of hostilities, the just resolution of the conicts, and the healing and reconstruction of Philippine society. While an increasing number of groups have rallied behind the banner of peace, subsequent administrations have picked up the thread of the stalled peace talks, and
totality of structures and processes, actors, roles and relationships, strategies, programs and activities involved, created and pursued in a nonviolent manner by various sectors of Philippine society in response to armed conflicts, political violence and social unrest. (Palm-Dalupan 2000) The multisided efforts to find long-lasting solutions to the internal war waged by the state against its armed challengers. (Coronel Ferrer 1997a) A national historical project in which the churches are but one of the many social forces that have offered their agendas at resolving our conflict situations; a multilateral effort of the various sectors in Philippine society. (Bautista 1991)
rebel groups continued to sit around the negotiating table, the fact is armed conict in different parts of the country persists. Communities continue to get caught in the crossre. Sporadic eruptions of political violence have stalled development efforts, created more suffering and trauma, and derailed the overall process of social and political reform. Such a situation has fed the vicious cycle of armed conict and sustained the war rhetoric of all sides. Precisely because of this situation, the Philippine peace movement that was born from earlier attempts to nd a negotiated settlement to the armed conicts has likewise persisted. It continues to keep watch over the process. At the same time, it has broadened to include longer-term initiatives such as the building of a culture of peace that go beyond the connes and dynamics of the present-day internal conicts. It is also increasingly linked to other civil society groups such as the human rights and environmental movements, and development NGOs that pursue other aspects of the agenda for the countrys democratic consolidation.
8| F R A M E W O R K F O R A S S E S S I N G C I V I L - S O C I E T Y P E A C E B U I L D I N G
framework
nature of civil-society peace building
cern. As a whole, it is a collectivity of various groups and actors autonomous from and relating to the state in a variety of ways ranging from cooperation/partnership to confrontation. Operationally, it can be broken down into various types of formations such as nongovernment organizations (NGOs), peoples organizations (POs), professional associations, social movements, coalitions, and federations. Each society has its own set of dominant civil society organizational forms. Civil-society groups address various concerns based on their respective mandates, group interests, orientations, programs and/or ideologies. One ank of civil-society groups is involved in the Philippine peace process. In general, we can refer to them as peace organizations. In an earlier study, I dened peace organizations as:
ivil society may be defined
as the public sphere where
groups and citizens interact on matters of collective con-
philippine peace organization

A grouping of people with a proper noun as identification and an identifiable set of members or staff; put up and run as a private initiative; based in the Philippines; and is concerned with one or more areas of the lack of peace and considers its responses to these concerns as contributory to the societal project of attaining peace. (Coronel Ferrer 1997a)
While the citizen and citizens organizations are among the basic units of civil society, civil-society formations can also be construed in terms of institutions. We can refer to the mass media, and the churches in the collective sense of institutions. As institutions, they are very inuential in society and have played a role in articulating and responding to the armed conicts and the peace process. The Catholic church and the mass media can of course be broken down further into specic organizational entities like dioceses, orders, councils, and religious associations in the case of the Catholic church, and corporations, press clubs, stations, newspapers, and media NGOs in the case of the mass media. Civil-society groups are multiple and do not always agree or work together; they can have different stands on key issues. Some mainly advocate reform, while others are apolitical, pre-

ferring to work on social concerns without directly engaging in political activities. In any case, civil societys role in democratic transitions and consolidation in various parts of the globe has given it recognition as a potent agent of democratization. In particular, civil society peace organizations can be said to be agents of peace and peace building. They are, as has been said, friends of the [peace] process. Given the link between just peace and democratization, then, peace organizations are likewise agents of democratization. Civil-society groups are not the only actors in the peace process, as the listings of Peace Actors, below, show. Governments, the international community through its various intergovernmental organizations and NGOs, and the armed nonstate actors (NSAs) also involve themselves in the Philippine peace process.
types of actors
Multisectoral initiatives Government Civil society Grassroots communities International community (Palm-Dalupan 2000)
types of motivational orientations of the parties to the conflict

Cooperative the party has a positive interest in the welfare of the other as well as its own. Individualistic the party has an interest in doing as well as it can for itself and is unconcerned about the welfare of the other. Competitive the party has an interest in doing better than the other as well as doing as well as it can for itself. This type of relationship usually leads to misperceptions and misjudgment due to processes like perceiving things out of context; prevalence of self-serving biases; behaving such that prophecies become self-fulfilling; fundamental attribution error or the tendency of observers to attribute outcomes of actions to actors rather than to situations, and of actors to blame the situation rather than themselves; and distortions arising from pressures for self-consistency and dissonance reduction. Outsiders who give feedback, internal devils advocates, and making ones assumptions and evidence that underlie ones perception explicit are ways that can reduce misjudgments. (Deutsch 1991)
types of actors
Governments Professional organizations Business community Churches Media Private citizens Training and educational institutes Activists Funding organizations (John Macdonald cited in PalmDalupan 2000)
multi-actor tracks
Track 1 governments (including intergovernmental bodies) Track 2 government officials operating unofficially, retired government officials and think-tanks advising governments Track 3 NGOs Track 4 Other civil-society groups like religious, womens, and youth groups, etc.
10 | F R A M E W O R K F O R A S S E S S I N G C I V I L - S O C I E T Y P E A C E B U I L D I N G

This study is limited to dominant Philippine civil-society organizations or formations involved in the peace process. It will include the multisectoral initiatives, the churches, training and educational institutes, or the Track 3 and Track 4 actors, respectively. It will exclude the government sector, community-based peace groups, and ex-combatants since these groupings will be covered in the other sets of studies commissioned by the UNDP . Peace building done by the armed nonstate actors (NSAs) is also not covered.
civil-society peace organization as third party

In addition, this study is focused on civil-society peace organizations that consciously act as third party to the armed conicts. Civil society peace organizations can effectively act as third party to the armed conictsthat is, an entity distinct from the direct parties to the conict (the state and the armed NSAs), which are programmatically or ideologically antagonistic to each other. Third party peace groups nurture non-antagonistic relations with the state and nonstate armed group, exercise autonomy from these rst parties, and play diverse and important roles in the peace process. The third partys relation with the state and the armed NSAs (or the rst parties) is nonantagonistic. It seeks to build a cooperative relationship with the first parties in order to jointly or collectively achieve the goal of a lasting peace. Likewise, it aims to transform the relationship between the two first parties from individualistic or competitive to cooperative (as defined by Deutsch, see previous page). Only by transforming relationships between and among themselves can a consensus on the peace agenda and a negotiated political settlement be achieved.
third party
A
person, group, institution or country that is not identified directly or indirectly with any of the parties or interests to the conflict. Intervenors, voluntary or otherwise, from outside the conflict. They usually operate in coalitions; must generally be acceptable to all sides. Generally impartial or neutral, not truly impartial nor neutral because they carry their own agenda; can come from within the conflict or even outside it so long as there is sufficient respect for them and for their capacity to act in a neutral manner. (Harris and Reilly 1998: 103-106) Also, Outside parties that play intermediary roles to induce or coerce the contestants to lay down their arms and talk to each other; can be insiders or outsiders to both contestants, and may be partial or impartial with regard to a party or issue; possession of powerful levers toward one or both sides can be more decisive than neutrality. (Schmid 1998)
NATURE OF CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING
|11
third-party function
Acts
An important attribute given to civil-society groups is their autonomy from the state. Similarly, the third party is autonomous (in organizational structure, actions, and goals) from the state, and also from the nonstate armed group. The third party has its own peace agenda and strategies, elements of which may or may not interface or coincide with that of one or both armed parties. When its positions on issues or policies are significantly different from one or both parties, it may choose to adopt a confrontational mode with reference to the specic policy issue. For example, when the Estrada and Macapagal-Arroyo administrations launched large-scale offen-
as a mirror, an overview, a provider of provocation and creativity and a director of thinking; an integral part of the design thinking required for conflict resolution. Needed because in a conflict situation, parties are unable to stand outside of their own perceptions; needed to move from the argument to the design mode (De Bono cited in Schmid 2000).
third-party characteristics
impartiality influence
on the parties commitment to the process an interest in a just and sustainable outcome (1993 Manila Declaration cited in Garcia 1994)
third parties should be able to

Establish trust and effective working relationship with each of the
conflicting parties. Establish a cooperative problem-solving attitude among the conflicting parties toward their conflict. Develop a creative group process and group decision making. Have substantive knowledge about the issues around which the conflict centers. (Deutsch 1991)
sives in known Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) areas in 2000 and in 2003, respectively, even as political negotiations were taking place, civil-society peace groups condemned and campaigned against the policy. Peace groups have from time to time also issued statements of concern criticizing certain rebel policies or acts that they deem contradictory to the goals of achieving peace or the success of the peace process. While this autonomy renders it (relatively) impartial or neutral with reference to the rst parties, the third party may have insider-partial constituents or allies. Inside-partial constituents or allies are people or groups with close professional, personal, or other ties to the rst parties to the conict and are willing to support the work of civil-society peace organizations on a short-term or long-term basis. As Wehr and Lederach (1991) noted, the insider-partial is an effective third-party because he/she enjoys the conanza (condence) of one or more of the rst parties. In an earlier study of Philippine civil society, we noted the roles civil-society groups play

in the democratization processas watchdog or guardian, policy advocate, and service-provider (Coronel Ferrer 1997b). Civil-society peace groups acting as third party similarly play the important roles of watchdog of the state and the NSAs, advocates of alternatives and a sustained peace process, and provider of all forms of support services related to the process and its peace-building agenda.
elements of civil-society peace building

Peace building is perhaps the most general term used to refer to the various initiatives or activities that are part of the peace process. Peace building basically aims to transform a conict situation into a just and lasting peace. In global discourse, peace building is sometimes used narrowly only to refer to activities in the post-conict phase, almost akin to conict prevention, or measures to prevent the resurgence of conict (see below). In the Philippines and in other societies where the armed conicts are protracted, the use of peace building encompasses activities that precede conict settlement or resolution. But as in the narrow definitions, it has elements of both positive and negative peace.
peace building (narrow definition)

Identification and creation of support structures that
peace building (broad definitions)

The
would prevent the recurrence of conflict; conflict prevention. Preceded by the phases of peace making (bringing hostile parties to an agreement) and peace keeping (cessation of hostilities and creation of a demilitarized order). (Atack 1997) Refers to long-term preventive, prehostility strategies, for measures to remove the internal causes of conflict and to strengthen structural stability in a country against the threat of civil war. Different interpretations emphasize pre-armed conflict and posthostilities aspects. (Schmid 2000) The employment of measures to consolidate peaceful relations and create an environment that deters the emergence or escalation of tensions which may lead to conflict (International Alert 1995 cited in Schmid 2000)
transformation of conflict and violence in a society through the destruction of the structures and processes of violence and construction of the structures and processes of peace, including the capacity for the nonviolent resolution of conflict (drawn from Hoffman 1997 and Bush 1996 by Palm-Dalupan 2000). In the broadest sense, those initiatives that foster and support sustainable structures and processes which strengthen the prospects for peaceful co-existence and decrease the likelihood of the outbreak, recurrence, or continuation of violent conflict. (It) is not about the imposition of solutions, it is about the creation of opportunities (Bush 1996). A process to change unjust structures to promote justice and peace, and create mutual trust and respect (Catholic Relief Services-Jakarta 2003).
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One way the various types of peace-building activities has been categorized is based on the activities objectives. Peace building can also be conceived of as made up of either short-term or long-term activities.
peace-building types according to aims

Intervening
directly in conflict Preventing escalation of violence Enabling a settlement (e.g., confidence building, facilitating dialogue, negotiation, mediation) Maintaining a presence (e.g., unarmed protection and monitoring) Addressing the consequences of conflict/ violence
peace-building objectives
Short Long
e.g., postwar physical and social reconstruction, psychosocial counseling and trauma relief, reconciliation and rebuilding social relationships, truth commissions, demobilization and reintegration of former combatants Working on the social fabric e.g., institutional reforms, promoting participation in decision-making, developing good governance, education for peace and justice (Fisher et al 2000 cited in Palm-Dalupan 2000).
term (e.g.., humanitarian objectives) term (developmental, political, economic, and social objectives) (Bush 1996 cited in Palm-Dalupan 2000)
elements of conflict / collective violence transformation

Actor Transformation internal changes to the par Structural Transformation more profound than lim-
ties in conflict or the appearance or recognition of new actors. Issue Transformation change in the political agenda of the conflict, where the relative importance of issues on which antagonism exists is reduced and the issues on which commonality prevails are emphasized. May imply significant political change since the political constellation supporting the previous agenda will have to change. Rule Transformation alteration in the rules. Redefining the norms which the actors are expected to follow in their mutual transformation. Can alter actor behavior; such need not be dependent on the position of the actor in the structure as the structuralist approaches assumed.
ited changes in the composition of actors, issues or rules. The external structure is transformed if the distribution of power between actors significantly changes or their mutual relations experience a qualitative change (e.g., increase or decrease in extent of communication and interdependence between actors). Transformation of the interest structure happens where commonality of interest is increased (Vayrynen 1991). (Note: According to the author, transformation may be intended or unintended; is associated with everyday and broader historical changes transforming the scope, nature and functions of collective violence.)

Meanwhile, if peace building is conceived of as conict transformation, then in broad strokes it can be disaggregated according to elements leading to such transformation. Vayrynen (1991) identies four areas of such transformation: actor, issue, rule & structural transformation (see previous page). These elements can also provide a framework for analyzing civil societys impact on the peace-conict process. Papers on the Philippine peace process have provided us with different organizational frames for surveying Philippine peace-building initiatives. One such way is based on the type of activities and concerns as manifested in the actual activities of Philippine peace organizations (see above inset). Broken down in terms of peace concerns, peace organizations in the Philippines were found to be involved in the following clusters of issues:
peace-building efforts
Peace-Constituency
Building includes advocacy work, campaigns, organizing, networking, and education aimed at promoting a peace agenda and/or culture, and organizing constituencies united or mobilized along these goals. Conflict-Reduction Efforts activities aimed at deescalating the level of political violence, with the end in view of enhancing the conditions for a more permanent peace. Conflict-Settlement Efforts refers to activities geared toward achieving a nonmilitary solution to the major armed conflicts, namely the communist, Moro and military rebellions. These efforts are focused on facilitating negotiations toward settlement.They are essentially mediation efforts addressed directly to the parties in conflict. Peace Research and Training Programs refers to research efforts and studies on the ongoing peace processes, and training in skills important to peace building, thereby serving as support structures to the other peace efforts (Coronel Ferrer 1994).
philippine peace concerns

Comprehensive Politics
Peace Agenda
Political Negotiations HR/Militarization/Political Repression D i s p u t e / C o n f l i c t Resolution E m p o w e r m e n t / Governance Issues Peace Zone Building/Peace Pact Electoral Reforms Regional Autonomy Disarmament/Anti-Nukes
IHL Development Socioeconomic Issues Environmental Issues Agrarian Reform/Rural Development Ancestral Domain Health Literacy Sectoral or Group Rights Welfare Gender C h r i s t i a n - M u s l i m
Social
Relations Children Urban Poor Labor Tri-peoples Students Media Cultural Transformation Values Education Ecumenism Internationalism Spiritual Healing (Coronel Ferrer 1997a)
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range of peace-process initiatives

Efforts
Another study organizes actual initiatives or efforts based on goals (see left inset). The Waging Peace in the Philippines Conference held in December 2003 identied four strategies of the Philippine peace movement. This outline of strategies gives us a sense of the range of peace-building
to end the fighting Efforts to address the sources and causes, Efforts to address the direct impacts and consequences (of armed conflict/political violence) Efforts to deescalate or prevent the escalation of violence Efforts to build an infrastructure of peace (constituency, culture of peace, capacities for nonviolent conflict resolution) (Palm-Dalupan 2000)
activities that are being done and perceived necessary by Philippine peace organizations. Many of these elements reect a continuity in terms of needs already identied earlier.
waging peace in the philippines 2004 conference recommendations

Strategy 1: Peace Process Get the talks back on track Citizens agenda for peace: participation Peace agreements: implementation and education Independent monitoring mechanism Community peace talks Strategy 2: Peace Constituency Expand stakeholders for peace Support community peace action and peace zones Involve other sectors, especially women and youth International support for peace in the Philippines Strategy 3: Peace Research and Policy National Peace Policy Alternative options: grassroots peace Effective cease-fire mechanisms Concrete options for Mindanao (including referendum) Strategy 4: Positive Peace (beyond cessation of hostilities) Rehabilitation and reconstruction Effective action on the roots of armed conflict
Looking in particular at womens peace-building roles, the following categories were utilized. While not an inclusive list, it highlights the areas of strength among women peace builders.
ways women can make a contribution

Negotiation
and conflict resolution Policy formulation Reconciliation and healing (Quintos-Deles 2000)

Drawing from lived experiences, one paper surveys the eld by identifying what needs to be done. It also gives us an indication of peace-building elements applicable to the country.
reflections/tasks
Sustaining
a commitment to a negotiated political settlement and keeping lines of communication open Enabling citizens participation Recognizing domestic third-party participation in the facilitation of dialogue and mediation in talks Preparing for formal talks Building confidence between parties in conflict Searching for acceptable processes, venues, and timetables Defining the substantive issues Identifying possible agreements in different areas
in the negotiations
Aiming for the disposition of armed forces and set-
ting out a timetable for compliance effective monitoring mechanisms with monitors composed of citizens and institutions with nationwide reach and credibility Working out a long-term peace education program and harnessing media participation in creating a climate conducing to a sustainable peace Looking for different tracks in the peace process and formulating a substantive peace package that can significantly advance the process (Garcia 1994)
Elaborating
A summary of lessons learned in Indonesian peace building also gives us insights on what effective peace building is.
peace-building guideposts drawn from initiatives in indonesia

Responds to the root causes, symptoms and effects
of violent conflict, before and after it breaks out long-term commitment Uses a process-oriented, comprehensive approach that works at different levels and with local communities while strategically engaging key decisions and policy makers Builds upon indigenous nonviolent approaches Requires a thorough participatory analysis based on accurate information Is driven by community defined needs Is sensitive to gender issues, and takes into consideration the needs and interests of both women
Requires
and men Involves a range of stakeholders who represent the diversity of the communities in which we work Strategically includes promotion of human rights and advocacy at local, national and global levels Strengthens and contributes to a civil society movement that promotes peace Requires transparency on the part of organizations and openness to all parties involved Acknowledges the balance between rights and responsibilities (Catholic Relief Service-Jakarta 2003)
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This study will review what makes for peace building in the country. It will update, validate and/or reformulate the ndings, frameworks, categories, and analysis not only of earlier writings but of continuing experience to be able to draw lessons and identify the tasks ahead. In particular, the study will evaluate the impact of civil society peace organizations peacebuilding activities, and identify effective peace-building strategies. As start-off point, this framework paper chose to limit peace-building activities into three categories, subject to validation in the research process. These categories are:
peace-building activities to be covered in this study

Building
the infrastructure for peace activism Engagement of state and armed nonstate actors (NSAs) Protection/promotion of community/civilian interests in the context of continuing conflict or in moments of relative peace.
These three categories of activities cover elements of the structures and processes that are necessary for peace building. They are believed to be the dominant and distinct areas of contemporary peace-building work in the country. The peace-building categories are not to be confused with the peace agenda itself. The latter includes both negative peace (absence of direct conict) and positive peace (presence of justice/absence of indirect or structural violence). Elements of such comprehensive peace agenda are addressed jointly or separately in the different peace-building activities. This study will exclude related initiatives for social, economic, and political reforms that are not done consciously and deliberately within the peace process framework. Many groups working on the environment, gender, agrarian reform and other concerns do so consciously within the democratization framework but not necessarily within the peace process (as earlier dened). On the other hand, we can assume (but still need to validate) that the active peace constituency network consciously links the peace process to democratization. In effect, in this categorization, elements of the Waging Peace 2004 Conferences Strategy 4 (Positive Peace) is embedded in one or more of the three categoriesfor example, as part of the substantive agenda being negotiated, or the content of peace education. The outcome of the research process may, however, lead us to reexamine these starting points.
building the infrastructure for peace activism

Building the infrastructure for peace activism is effectively aimed at generating a social and political movement for peace (or a peace movement) that will see through the attainment of the peace agenda with its positive and negative peace components. Here, we utilize PalmDalupans elaboration that building the infrastructure for peace (activism) includes peace-constituency building, nurturing a culture of peace, and developing capacities (and mechanisms) for nonviolent conict resolution. We have appended activism to this category to delimit the category to those initiatives that are focused on building the peace movementgiven the focus of our study on civil society roles or contributions to the peace process. It is this peace movement that wouldgiven its nature and purposeadvance the comprehensive peace agenda with its myriad components. Activities that make up infrastructure building are peace advocacy/campaigns, education, training, and organizing/networking. They aim to create a critical mass and a broad network of activist organizations that would advance and sustain the peace process. Leaders and members of state institutions and nonstate armed groups are also targets of peace advocacy, education, training, and organizing but efforts directed at the first parties to the conflict will be classied under state and armed NSA engagement. The peace constituency are those who support and/or actively participate in the peace
peace advocacy
Advocacy: proactive process of continually and responsibly facili-
tating or struggling for change, through a variety of methods and strategies, of changing policies which are not in the interest of ordinary people into those which respect and protect their rights. Advocacy within the process of building peace: must be based on the principles of peace-building: nonviolence, and without giving rise to or at least minimizing repercussions which strengthen the prime causes of violent acts and conflict, such as poverty, ignorance and dependence. (Catholic Relief Service-Jakarta 2003)
peace constituency
Leaders and citizens who favor or seek peace and support peaceful
means and measures to end armed rebellion. (Abueva 1992) The body of supporters of an agenda for peace; a numerical (has a quantitative following) as well as a geographical (located where they can influence) constituency; a conscienticized as well as conscienticizing constituency; mobilizable for community action; an intentional community of solidarity, advocacy, vigilance and action. While ready to advocate and agitate for peace, it should be ready to learn and absorb other perspectives and have the ability to sift through. (Bautista 1991)
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network of effective actors [NEAs]

A collection of representative actors from the political, social and
process through various peacebuilding initiatives. On page 19 are more elaborated definitions of the peace constituency. Peace-constituency building in this study will refer particularly to efforts directed at strengthening and broadening the peace constituency in civil society. Developing and nurturing a culture of peace and capacities for the nonviolent resolution of conict are also multifaceted endeavors but will be examined here mainly with reference to initiatives falling
structural fields concerned with peace building in a specific conflict, whose purposes are to enhance effectiveness through fostering a holistic approach to peace building and to foster the development of new theories of action that necessitate collaboration. Members share a common purpose and a common set of operating principles and value inclusiveness and diversity, are decentralized and selforganizing, malleable in form and empowering of members. A primary function is to supplement the limited theory of action of any one organization by fostering opportunities for diverse organizations to learn from one another, bring different information for planning and analysis, and thus expand the range of possible action that can be taken to advance peace building. (Ricigliano 2002)
under peace education and peace/conict resolution trainings. It can be said that coalitions and networks have played very important roles in building the infrastructure for peace in the country. The concept of network of effective actors (NEAs) (above) may be useful in understanding the roles of peace coalitions and how networks have been tapped to advance infrastructure building.
engagement of state and nonstate actors

While engagement of state and armed nonstate actors can take place in various contexts, the context most relevant to this study is the peace process. Such a context for engagement operates under the big frame of reform and democratization (to address root causes) and the smaller frame of political negotiation or the peaceful resolution of conict (as the alternative to militarization and political violence, and a complementary approach to other reform strategies).
conflict resolution
A state of affairs wherein the contending parties voluntarily find a
satisfactory way of regulating basic disagreements so that military confrontation becomes unnatural and mutual recognition of each others existence ensues. (Wallensteen in Garcia and Hernandez 1989) The process of facilitating a solution where the conflict actors no longer feel the need to indulge in conflict activity and feel that the distribution of benefits in the social system is acceptable. (Nicholson 1991)

In the Philippine context, engaging the state and the armed NSAs are of two tracks: the substantive and the process. The substantive refers to the attainment of societal reforms to which a working/ minimum consensus among all parties on what these are must be achieved, and to which all parties must commit to pursue and attain. Process refers to the attainment of mutually acceptable mechanisms, procedures, and strategies leading to a peaceful settlement of the armed conict. The process track can be considered akin to the concept of conict resolution, which is a narrower frame relative to peace with its many substantive components. Denitions of conict resolution are provided in the inset on the previous page. We nd that in the Philippine context of protracted conict and erratic peace policies of the rst parties, neither the substantive nor the process precedes the other. Rather, both are simultaneously pursued and every gain in either front complements both tracks. The engagement of rst parties is very much tied to the concept of peace groups as third party to the conict. As third party, peace organizations help in arriving at a consensus on the substantive agenda and the processes necessary to halt and prevent political violence. Engagement of the state and the NSAs highlights the role of civil society groups as mediators. In the context of ofcial peace talks taking place between the rst parties, such role has often been described as unofcialmeaning outside of the state-NSA bilateral process. Thus, there is the notion of peace groups as unofcial supplements to negotiations (see inset above). While this framework paper is focused on civil society, civil-society groups are not the only third parties playing mediation roles. A sample list can be found in the inset below. Mediation activities are also varied, especially if the process has not achieved a sustained negotiation phase. The next page identifies various roles played by mediators in the early years of the peace process involving
unofficial supplements to negotiation

Those among the broader population which comprises the civil society in the country in conflict; normally not part of the negotiation process and yet part of the conflict and its potential solution; includes organizations, groups (religious institutions, business and labor interests, peace groups) and individuals who have their own processes, communication channels, and expertise of which negotiators can avail themselves; can function as supports for, or alternatives to, the talks process itself. (Harris and Reilly 1998)
mediation role players in the GRP-NDF process

Foreign
States or Governments Organizations International NGOs Special Bodies Local NGOs and POs Individuals (Coronel Ferrer 1994)
Intergovernmental
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the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the National Democratic Front (NDF).
range of mediation activities

Negotiations activities aimed at making both parties agree to negotiations; includes diplomacy (soft sell) and campaigns (hard sell) aimed at redirecting the thinking/policy of the armed antagonists in favor of the desired outcome, a negotiated political settlement. Facilitating Negotiations activities aimed at providing or building the infrastructure for negotiations, such as offering ones good offices and serving as communication channels. Helping Define Negotiation Terms activities aimed at helping the parties define the agenda and pro Selling
cess of negotiations and the terms of the negotiated settlement. Participating in Actual Negotiations activities conducted during actual negotiations such as use of good offices, or as observer, documenter, or arbiter. Implementing the Terms of Agreement activities done as part of the implementation such as monitoring, enforcing, arbitrating, and adjudicating on conflicts that arise in the process of consultations after the agreement. (Coronel Ferrer 1994)
These more general categories are similar to the kinds of activities drawn from global mediation experiences as consolidated by Kriesberg below.
mediating activities
Selecting
Issues Selecting Parties Providing Good Offices Communicating Each Others Side Reframing Conflict to Problem Suggesting New Options Raising Costs of Failing to Deescalate
Adding
Resources for Settlements to Create Parity Building Trust and Credibility Fostering Reconciliation Legitimation and Helping to Implement Proposal or Agreement (Kriesberg 1991)
Helping
Most of the time however, mediation is viewed more narrowly in the context of formal negotiations, hence this narrower classication.
types of third party intervention

Arbitration Power
Facilitation Pure
Mediation Conciliation
Mediation (Harris and Reilly 1998: 112)
protection/promotion of community/civilian interests in the context of continuing conict or moments of relative peace
War weighs heavily on civilians, as many contemporary conicts have shown. This is especially true for nonconventional warfare in which the enemy lines are not clear, and combatants could not easily be distinguished from the civilian population. The use of indiscriminate weapons and methods like air raids and landmines further make the cost on communities and human lives and well-being high. Other than engaging the state and NSAs to observe international humanitarian law and to cease hostilities, civil-society groups in the Philippines have taken on the task of providing relief and reconstruction work in affected communities. Such efforts include soliciting and distributing goods to displaced communities, providing counseling to deal with psychosocial trauma inicted by the war, and assistance in resettlement and reconstruction efforts. Many activities in line with peace advocacy such as the campaign to promote and respect international humanitarian law applicable to internal conicts, and to forge cease-re agreements, have a bearing on the protection of community/civilian interests because they seek to establish rules of conduct and put checks on the use of violence. Such campaigns may have local and national elements and may include activities like monitoring the implementation of cease-re agreements in the community and releasing the results of such monitoring to the larger public for corresponding action to be taken. Each affected community can have its local momentum or dynamics.
redefining national civil-society peace building from component parts

In documenting national experiences in civil-society peace building we must rst clarify what we mean by national. The use of national can simply mean across the nation or nationwidethat is, peace-building efforts across the country by civil-society groups. A narrower, Manila-centric frame would be to view national as those actions being undertaken by groups with a national network but usually based in the National Capital Region where the center of political and economic power is likewise located. A broader notion of national is to perceive it as the whole picture that emerges from the various initiatives across the country. Thus, it is the sum total of the parts (local, community, regional, sectoral, gender dimensions/levels of interaction). But because it is a picture in itself, it is more than its parts put together. It would include actions of other institutions that may
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national as in national peace process

Comprehensive,
not be constructed explicitly as peace organizations but in any case have played a role in the peace process. Prime examples of such institutions are the religious institutions and mass media. This broader notion is also akin to the idea of a com-
which points to the need for a broader and wholistic understanding of the tasks at hand, and has a vision of both long-term transformation and short-term steps. (Lederach in Garcia 1994b)
prehensive peace process as dened by Lederach (left). Although the UNDP Peace Program envisions to undertake separate studies on peace and conict-resolution initiatives by government, and in the Cordillera and Mindanao regions, a study of macro-level or center-based civil-society peace-building initiatives will necessarily interface with such focused studies on community-based and government peace building. This interface happens because the various actors within and outside of these territorial delineations (the community, or bigger entities like the Cordillera and Mindanao regions) interact through various formal and informal networks, and respond to similar concerns directly relevant to the peace process. A bombing incident in a marketplace in Cotabato, or children being hit by stray bullets in an encounter between rebel and army troops in a remote mountain village in the Cordillera, are developments of concern to the immediately affected community all the way to the advocacy groups based in the cities. Meanwhile, because of proximity, resources and expertise, people in the cities are able to do more lobby work in the legislative and executive branches of government, the outcome of which will also affect the local communities. Organizationally, we are also witness to various formations that are horizontally and vertically linked to all sorts of networks. Lederach in fact emphasizes the need to bridge the gaps by multiplying interfaces across levels, although in this schema (see left inset), levels are not to be interpreted in terms of territorial units but leadership position, and the scope of the power and inuence that can be exercised (which may be expressedbut not only in territorial terms). To thus delimit the scope
levels of actors
Top-level
leadership key political and military leaders in the
conflict. Middle-level leadership those in leadership positions but not necessarily connected to or controlled by the government or main opposition groups but connected through networks to the influential people. Grassroots people in the communities or on the ground. (Lederach 1997)

of this study and avoid overlaps while recognizing integral links that constitute the national picture, this paper will focus more on the strategies utilized to build vertical linkages with the communities and the more distinct conict regions such as the Cordillera and Mindanao.
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framework
methodology for the documentation of civil-society experiences in peace building (1986-2004)
actors/groups
As already discussed in the pertinent section, civil society can be disaggregated according to type of organizations. From a survey of different self-acknowledged peace organizations in 1996-1997, the following organizational categories were arrived at:
organizational types
Peoples
Organizations Service and Development NGOs Institutes Programs & Desks Of a Religious Institution Of an Academic Institution Others Coalitions Political Parties (Coronel Ferrer 1997a)
In terms of geographic scope or level of operation, they were found to be operating as follows:
scope of operation of philippine peace organizations

National Island
(nationwide) Grouping Multiple Provinces/Cities/Regional Province City/Town District
Basic
Unit (barangay, sitio) (Coronel Ferrer 1997a)
School International
27

This study focused on middle- to top-level civil-society peace organizations since, as noted, other studies will examine peace initiatives of community-based groups, and on Cordillera and Mindanao. The scope of operations of the selected civil-society peace organizations ranged from nationwide down to regional level or provincial levels. Other than peace organizations built explicitly as an organization dedicated to doing peace work, the study also covered other segments of civil society like the academic and the religious institutions, to see how they have contributed to peace building.
possible areas for evaluation according to actors

1. Religious Institutions Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) National Council of Churches in the Philippines (NCCP) Bishop-Ulama Forum Association of Major Religious Superiors in the Philippines (AMRSP) Province/Region-wide church institutions (e.g., Bicol) Others 2. Peace Coalitions and Citizen Groups Coalition for Peace National Peace Conference Pilgrims for Peace Citizens Council for Peace All-Out Peace Groups Mindanao Peoples Caucus Peace Alliance Zamboanga 3. Media (Focus: how the media have reported or discussed peace and conflict, and mainstreamed peace concerns in their institutional framework or development) Philippine Daily Inquirer (PDI) Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility 4. NGOs and NGO Federations Coalition of Development NGOs (CODE-NGO) Gaston Z. Ortigas Peace Institute (GZOPI) AKKAPKA 5. Academic Institutions Colleges and universities with peace programs Peace Educators Network 6. Human Rights Groups Philippine Alliance of Hurman Rights Associations (PAHRA) Karapatan Task Force Detainees (TFD) Balay, Inc. 7. Political Parties 8. Womens Groups 9. Workers and Peasants Federations 10. Psycho-Social Trauma Rehabilitation Programs
Based on availability of potential case study writers, the study was able to put together case studies on religious institutions, peace coalitions, academic institutions with peace-education programs, and psychosocial trauma rehabilitation programs. Under religious institutions, the region-wide peace-building activities of the Catholic Church institutions in the region (Bicol) was chosen. A separate study of a religious association was planned but no writer was found. The peace coalitions and peace-education studies were limited to Metro Manila initiatives while the study on psychosocial rehabilitation work (PRW) undertook a survey and review of initiatives

in provinces where PRW has relatively advanced. This spread of areas of study adequately covered the different types of peace-building activities. Among themselves, they also have different emphasis for example, coalitions and peace-education programs are primarily focused on building the infrastructure for peace activism while psychosocial trauma rehabilitation programs address the problem of direct violence in conict areas. Religious institutions in particular play signicant third-party roles. But all of them are involved in one way or another in all three types of activities. The variations in emphasis in peace building will provide a good spread for identifying effective strategies and lessons learned. The religious institutions (because of their formidable resources, social standing, and their rootedness in affected communities and in the society at large, although the peace process is only a secondary thrust in their institutional mandate), NGOs, and the peace coalitions (because they are, after all, focused on peace campaigns and are primarily motivated to become networks of effective actors) are the most prominent peace-building actors. The NGOs and NGO networks operate within or are part of these formations or thrusts like peace education and PRW. Thus it was decided not to undertake a case study of specific NGOs/NGO formations since their role will be reected as well in all the selected areas. Bicol was chosen as a case-study site under religious institutions because it is a relatively high-conict area where state and CPP-New Peoples Army (NPA) forces are active. The regional study can effectively complement the regional studies to be separately conducted in Mindanao (where mainly Moro groups and the CPP-NPA operate) and the Cordillera (mainly an area of operation of the CPP-NPA and splinter groups like the Cordillera Peoples Liberation Army, but the region has a distinct characteristic as inhabited by indigenous/cultural communities). At the same time, as a study under the theme on religious institutions, it can generate insights that are reective of the strengths and weaknesses of the Catholic Churchs peace-building activities. Since the human-rights groups in the Philippines are mostly focused on human-rights campaigns and only secondarily address or link these issues to the peace process, they were not prioritized for the study, although it would have been productive as well to examine the relatively weak linkage of human-rights campaigns and the peace process. Other actors like political parties, womens groups, and sectoral organizations are generally not primarily dedicated to the peace process, and neither do they operate under the peacebuilding framework. While there are two or three women for peace organizations in Mindanao, they are in any case networked with the bigger coalitions. Other sectoral organizations have likewise joined campaigns launched by peace coalitions or are members of these peace coalitions.
METHODOLOGY FOR DOCUMENTATION
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actions/activities
After short-listing the actors or groups that were to be covered, the study documented each group or set of groups/actors, according to:

Issues Addressed Divergences/Convergences in Issue Positioning and Actions Undertaken Strategies Employed Organizing Strategies (among targeted peace constituents; among themselves) Engagement Strategies (directed at the parties in conict) Campaign Strategies (directed at the general public or specic communities or for specific undertakings)
This categorization of strategies were considered not necessarily applicable to all cases since the groups may have different organizational mandates or thrusts.
evaluation of effectiveness of strategies

The documentation process went one step further than merely describing what has been done. It also evaluated the impact of the strategies/interventions undertaken. How to evaluate the impact? The following authors offer us some insights:
peace impact
those effects that foster and support the sustainable structures and processes which strengthen the prospects of peaceful coexistence and decrease the likelihood of the outbreak, recurrence, or continuation of violent conflict. (in Galama and Tongeren, 2002:113)
conflict impact
all social, economic and political effects that increase the likelihood that conflict will be dealt with through violent means. (in Galama and Tongeren, 2002:113)
The earlier citation from Vayrynen on areas of transformationissues, actors (are relationships changing?), rules, and structures (external structure and interest structure) also offer us guideposts on what kind of changes we need to look into to evaluate the impact of civilsociety peace building.

Given that the present stumbling blocks to the peace process have to do with the ambivalent war/peace policies of both the state and the armed NSAs, the obtaining conditions on the ground that sustain the conict, and the lack of national consensus on the way to move forward to achieve the needed social and political change as well as the peaceful settlement of armed conicts, this study proposed to evaluate civil-society peace building on the following aspects:

Impact on the policy issue Impact on the ground-level situation Impact on the perception, attitudes, behavior, and perspective of other stakeholders (community, other civil-society groups, elements of the state, and the armed NSAs)
In the Philippine domestic situation, the primary stakeholders are:
primary stakeholders
State
agencies and officials organization, leadership, and members Communities in conflict areas Citizens at large
Rebel
The three areas for assessment of impact are specific enough to be relevant in informing present initiatives as well as the immediate future. At the same time, the ndings can allow us to reect on the bigger aspects of peace and conict impact, and areas of transformation as dened by the authors cited above. As we can see, the peaceful resolution of the armed conict, eradication of the roots of insurgency, and a just and lasting peace are the long-term goals of the Philippine peace process. The areas of impact identied allow us to measure our progress toward these goals but at the same time, they are a tacit recognition that we still have a long way to go. It can be said, therefore, that while we are making steps toward conict transformation, we are not yet about to achieve a just and lasting peaceful solution. Thus what we can measure by way of gains are incremental progress at the level of policy, at enhancing conditions on the ground, and at transforming thinking, behavior, and perspectives. This reection question may thus be in order in locating current peace-building efforts:
reflection question
Are we transforming the conflict even though we are not (yet) settling it?
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general guide questions for documentation and evaluation of civil-society peace building
A. What peace-building activities have been/are being undertaken by the group/institution? Does the group/institution refer to these activities as peace building? How in effect does the group define peace building (or what terms do they use to refer to the work relevant to the concern of the study)? B. Evaluation of Interventions and Impact 1. Impact on the Policy Issue What interventions were made in terms of policy advocacy? What resources, structures and campaign strategies were utilized? How did the interventions affect the course of the policy? How did objectives match with outcome, including policy implementation? What other factors could have affected the policy outcome and its implementation? What lessons were learned from the experience? 2. Impact on the Ground-Level Situation What interventions were made in terms of addressing the situation on the ground? What resources, structures, and campaign strategies were utilized? How did the interventions affect the situation on the ground (e.g., deescalation/prevention of violence, creation of new structures, relationships and processes)? Were the deescalation, and new structures and processes sustained? How did objectives match with outcome? What other factors affected the outcome or contributed to the change? What lessons were learned from the experience? 3. Impact on the Perception, Attitude, and Behavior of Primary Stakeholders What changes in perception, attitude, and behavior of primary stakeholders have taken place/ been discerned? How have these changes contributed to building positive vertical and horizontal relationships among stakeholders? What interventions led to the changes in the perception, attitude, and behavior of primary stakeholders? What resources, structures, and campaign strategies contributed to the outcome? How did objectives match with outcome? What other factors could have led to these outcomes? What lessons were learned from the experience?

In the preceding page are the General Guide Questions for Documentation and Impact Evaluation. Questionnaires for the interviews, focus group discussions, and workshops with the specic sectors/groups/institutions were particularized by the individual case studies.
analysis and lessons learned

This part of the study assessed the whole picture that emerged from the sub-studies of the selected sectors, groups, or institutions. Tentatively, the overall analysis and assessment were organized into two categories that mainly reect, first, the context/externalities of peace building, and second, the actual strategies utilized and their effectiveness, strengths, and weaknesses.

On Peace Issues and the Policy Environment On Strategies of Civil-Society Peace Building
From the findings, a Lessons Learned summary was drawn.
research methods and output

The study combined the different methods:

Literature Review Focused Group Discussions (FGDs) Interviews of Key Informants (KIs) Participant-Observation Case Studies Series of Validation Workshops Trial Training Workshops utilizing the Output
Concretely, it produced the following output:

A Framework Paper Four Published Thematic Papers (Selected Actors) Full Paper on Lessons Learned Training Modules Several Validation Workshops Trial Training Workshop
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The four case studies undertaken as part of the team undertook their respective FGDs, KI interviews, and participant-observation. The Bicol churches and peace-education studies, respectively, chose to survey the peace initiatives in the provinces comprising the Bicol region, and all the academic institutions in Metro Manila that have introduced peace-education programs. The PRW and peace coalition studies utilized the case study approach by picking out representative initiatives from which to draw out strategies and lessons. The draft thematic papers and synthesis were presented in the whole-day Validation Workshop held on September 20, 2004, at the University of the Philippines. The workshop was attended by thirty-ve people, including twenty-three participants from Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao; the nine thematic-paper writers and their research partners/assistants; two UNDP representatives; and myself. The Project Consultant and the thematic-paper writers conducted three team workshops to develop the training modules on Civil-Society Peace building. These were held on October 8 and November 15, 2004, and on January 19, 2005. Sample modules on peace education, church peace building, and the synthesis were prepared and discussed by the team members. A wholeday trial training workshop was held on February 19 to test and critique the modules developed. The workshop was attended by thirty participants from Metro Manila, Bicol, and Mindanao. The process yielded valuable suggestions for improving on the modules. The learning modules developed by the team members are annexed in their respective volumes.
synthesis of lessons learned in civil-society peace building in the philippines
overview of philippine peace building

actors/groups
then be followed by the assessment and lessons learned.
e will now proceed to the overview of peace-building groups

and strategies as illuminated in the four case studies. This will
synthesis of lessons learned
The four cases examined or made references to various civil-society organizations. These are enumerated in Table 1 (see next pages). In terms of type of organizations, they were institutions, NGOs, or coalitions. Except in the PRW study, which included peoples organizations in their focus group discussions, grassroots organizations were not the main focus of this set of studies, since from the beginning we stated that it would concentrate on middle-level civil-society organizations. Middle-level leadership or actors refer to those in leadership positions but not necessarily connected to or controlled by the government or main opposition groups but connected through networks to the inuential people or the top-level leaderships of the conict parties (Lederach 1997). As institutions, NGOs and coalitions, these bodies facilitate establishment of vertical linkages to the grassroots as well as to the top-level leaderships. They also undertake horizontal linkages among themselves whether on a campaign- or program-specic level or more strategically in terms of shared social and political goals.
peace-building strategies
This study limited the review and evaluation to three general types of peace-building activities and the corresponding strategies adopted. These peace-building categories are:

Building the infrastructure for peace activism includes advocacy, organizing, education, nurturing a culture of peace, and developing capacities Protection and promotion of community interests and welfare includes preventing
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Table 1. Civil-Society Organizations Covered in the Case Studies

CASE STUDY
Bicol Churches by the Social Action Center of Legazpi, Albay, led by Sonia Imperial and Jovic Lobrigo
Institutions/NGOs
Dioceses of Sorsogon, Albay, Masbate, Catanduanes, Camarines Norte Archdiocese of Caceres Prelature of Libamanan Prelature of Libmanan Development Foundation, Inc. (PLDFI) Caceres Social Action Center Foundation, Inc. (CASAFI) Bicol Regional Social Action Commission Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines-National Secretariat for Social Action (CBCP-NASSA) Other NGOs like BEMJP and Task Force Detainees Ecumenical Movement (of the Diocese of Camarines Norte) Augustinian Missionaries of the Philippines Task Force Detainees of the Philippines (TFD-P) Community Organizing of the Philippines Enterprise (COPE) Ateneo de Naga Social Integration Office/ Ateneo de Naga University Naga Parochial School Colegio de Sta. Isabel AKMA Makabayan Philippine Miserior Partnership Tri-media Organizations Kapisan ng mga Brodkasters sa Pilipinas Radio Veritas
Coalitions/Networks
Peoples Organizations
Hearts of Peace (HOPE) Basic Ecclesial Bicol Peace Advocates Communities/ Basic Masbate Principled Christian Communities Peace Movement (BECs/BCCs) Masbate Association of Peoples Organizations Regional Peace Forum Naga Popular Democrats (NagaPopDem) Coalition for Peace Bishops-Businessmen Conference
38 | S Y N T H E S I S O F L E S S O N S L E A R N E D I N C I V I L - S O C I E T Y P E A C E B U I L D I N G I N T H E P H I L I P P I N E S
CASE STUDY
Psycho-Social Rehabilitation Work (PRW) by the Program on Psychosocial Trauma and Human Rights, University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies, led by Marco Puzon, Elizabeth Protacio-de Castro and Agnes Camacho
Institutions/NGOs
Childrens Rehabilitation Center (Metro Manila) Balay Rehabilitation Center (Metro Manila, Mindanao) Program on Psychosocial Trauma, University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies (Metro Manila) Christian Childrens Fund (Basilan) Nagdilaab Foundation, Inc. (Basilan) Institute of Peace and Development Studies, Southern Christian College (Cotabato/Maguindanao) Notre Dame Foundation for Charitable Activities, Inc. Women in Enterprise Development (Cotabato/ Maguindanao) Balik Kalipay (Maguindanao) Consuelo Foundation (Cotabato project) Social Action Center, Apostolic Vicariate San Jose Occidental Mindoro Mangyan Mission (Mindoro) Bulig Foundation (Negros Occidental) Tabang Mindanaw (Metro Manila with field offices) Women and Children Internal Refugees Assistance Center (Metro Manila) Initiatives for International Dialogue (Davao)
Coalitions/Networks
Federation of Mangyan Organizations or PASAKAMI (Mindoro Occidental) Mindanao Emergency Response Network Bantay Cease-fire Mindanao Peoples Caucus Mindanao Peoples Peace Movement Philippine Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers Peace Educations Network Philippine Disaster Management Forum United Against Torture Coalition International Society for Health and Human Rights
Bangsamoro Womens Association HAGURA (indigenous Mangyan organization from the Hanunuo, Gubatnon and Ratagnon tribes) SAKAMAIMO (Iraya Mangyan organization) SASSAMA (Sta. Cruz Alangan Mangyan association) HABANAN (Buhid Mangyan association) FAMATODI (Fakasadian Mangaguyang Taobuid Mangyan association) Suara Kalilintad (voice of peace, organization of evacuees in Cotabato and Maguindanao)
OVERVIEW OF PHILIPPINE PEACE BUILDING
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CASE STUDY
Institutions/NGOs
Balay Integrated Rehabilitation Center for Total Human Development (Iligan City, Lanao del Norte) Philippine Human Rights Information Center (Philrights) Community and Family Services International (Mindanao program) Save the Children-US (Mindanao program) Immaculate Conception Parish-Pikit (North Cotabato) Accion Contra el Hambre Medical Action Group (MAG) Catholic Relief Services Movimondo Oxfam Ateneo de Zamboanga Research Center
Coalitions/Networks
Peace Education by Loreta N. Castro, Jasmin N. Galace and Kristine Lesaca of the Center for Peace Education, Miriam College
Miriam College Philippine Normal University Assumption College Far Eastern University Ateneo de Manila University De La Salle Uniersity University of the Philippines
Peace Education Network (PEN)
Peace Coalitions by Zosimo Lee and Gaston Z. Ortigas Peace Institute (GZOPI) Josephine Dionisio Program on Peace, Democratization & Human Rights, University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies Philippine Peace Center Philippine Rural Reconstruction Movement (PRRM) Third World Studies Center, University of the Philippines
Coalition for Peace Multisectoral Peace Alliance National Peace Conference Pilgrims for Peace All-out Peace Groups Gathering for Peace Sulong CARHRIHL

and mitigating the violence and its consequences on the community

Engagement strategies includes activities directed at the conict parties such as lobby, dialogue, facilitation, mediation, and helping dene the substance and processes of the peace negotiations needed to resolve the conict
Table 2 identies the strategies employed by the areas covered in the four case studies. The next sections discuss each peace building activity.
building the infrastructure for peace activism

ADVOCACY. Advocacy is a very important feature of peace-building work. Advocacy may be for
specic policies or laws, the elements of a comprehensive peace agenda, or a general peace orientation that effectively weaves together what a foreign peace scholar has called, the different elements of peacelessness. Advocacy strategies include issuing statements; holding exhibits, conferences, seminars, and forums; organizing protests and all sorts of outdoor campaigns; legislative lobby; and offering formal and informal peace education and/or conict-resolution courses. Seek Peace, Pursue It was a powerful pastoral letter issued by the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) in 1990, a time that saw the harsh consequences of the rise in vigilante groups since the breakdown of peace negotiations between the government and the National Democratic Front (NDF) in 1987. The pastoral letter supported former President Aquinos declaration of 1990-2000 as the countrys Decade of Peace. Consultations and discussions are also part of advocacy, particularly aimed at enhancing understanding and achieving consensus among the stakeholders or a particular constituency. In Bicol, for example, the Budyong Bikolnon two-day consultations held in May 2000 with the theme Progress and Development through Peace discussed the regional and national situation; issues such as mining, education, basic services, labor, indigenous peoples and environment; and regional efforts in creating a culture of peace in the communities. Open-air mass actions are usually issue-specicfor example, advocating the holding of a cease-re, highlighting the plight of evacuees in war-torn areas, supporting continuation of peace negotiations, or demanding the resignation of the defense secretary. Marches or rallies usually include a program made up of several speeches and songs. Marches have also taken on the form of prayer rallies or street performances that highlight the theme of religious celebrations like the Penafrancia (annual adoration of the Virgin Mary statue in Camarines Sur) or use traditional forms such as the panunuluyan during Christmas. Besides marching with banners and placards and the giving of speeches, activities in the past included the ceremonial burning of war toys,
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Table 2. Peace-Building Activities

PEACEBUILDING ACTIVITIES
Building the Infrastructure for Peace Activism
COMPONENTS
Peace Advocacy, - Advocacy work, campaigns, organizing, networking, peace education, interfaith dialogues and other activities aimed a promoting a peace agenda, and/or culture of peace, and organizing constituencies united or mobilized along these goals
STRATEGIES Peace Education
Peace Coalitions
Psycho-Social Rehabilitation
Bicol Churches
Declaring schools Policy Various campaigns, Advocacy as zones of advocacy(e.g., forums, festivals, campaigns peace participation in conferences & and various the formation seminars (e.g., mobilization Providing formal of a national on psychosocial activities (e.g., education in peace agenda; trauma, child marches, schools and non- campaigning soldiers, rights of prayer formal education for/against the child and of rallies, street to other sectors specific policy women, children as performance) issues; roundtable zones of peace) Holding discussions) Media conferences, Pushing for the campaigns seminars, Issuing statements, implementation of (radio-hopping exhibits letters on related reforms and the and reporting, issues and national peace press Holding mass developments in agenda releases); actions the peace process newspaper Lobbying needed columns and Pushing for the Pushing for the legislation (e.g., radio program implementation implementation of humanitarian of reforms and reforms and the protection of Education, the national national peace internally displaced lectures, peace agenda agenda populations; seminars and ratification of symposia on Various other Lobbying for needed conventions, justice and campaigns legislation (peace treaties and peace and activities policy, ratification protocols) (burning of toy and passage of Pastoral letters, guns; sisternational legislation Newsletters, literary statements, schools in to implement works guidelines, and conflict areas) conventions, exhortations on treaties & protocols) Interreligious human rights, activities and justice and Rallies, protests, dialogues peace and other forms of street actions Communitybased prayer meetings Regional and provincial forums
COMPONENTS
Peace Organizing - Creating organizational mechanisms to undertake work, and harvest and consolidate the involvement of the constituencies

Creation of peace centers; core of associates Institutionalizing peace and conflict resolution studies in schools as courses, seminars or short-term training
Peace Coalitions
Holding timely, efficient, and productive meetings Organizing campaigns and corresponding mechanisms to bring together concerned civil society groups Networking and forming linkages (issue-or campaign-based, or more longterm coalitions) locally, nationally and internationally
Putting up PRW organizations or mainstreaming it in existing programs, desks or institutes, both governmental and non-governmental Networking with human rights and other groups in international, national, and local activities; also other schools and youth groups (e.g., Twinning of Schools Project; GO-NGO interagency cooperation)
Bicol Churches
Formation of Basic Ecclesial Community with peace orientation as main part of transforming values and attitudes Integrating a peace-building program and/ or reviving the Justice and Peace Desks in the diocesan Social Action Centers in the region, and strengthening regional coordination
Maintaining and expanding the Peace Education Network (PEN) as facilitative network and b a s e Communityf o r v a r i o u s Complementing. cooperating and organizing partnerships. coordinating with other coalitions Supporting peaceForging or groups zone building , international youth and children linkages development Providing secretariat service to alliances and campaigns Supporting peace zone-building
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COMPONENTS
Peace Coalitions
Bicol Churches
Peace Research & Train- Research, publi- Trainings on intering Programs - Recation, training, national humanisearch efforts and and module tarian law; primers studies on impact development on on peace zone of war, peace, peace, human building conflict resolution, rights, conflict etc, and training resolution, peer in skills important mediation to peace-building, thereby supporting and building capacities for peace action
Research on Training programs psycho-social on values impact of armed orientation, conflict and leadership political violence on vulnerable sectors Undertaking and affected research on communities; manifestations best practices, and impact indigenous of the armed approaches conflict in the and knowledge, region recovery and reintegration Researches and publications on torture and other human rights violations of states and armed NSAs, especially against children Training and module development on responding to psychosocial trauma, human rights, international humanitarian law, humanitarian work or emergency response, barangay rehabilitation planning, peace and conflict resolution; also leadership, life skills, and entrepreneurship as part of post-conflict reconstruction
Protection and Promotion of Community/ Civilian Interests and Welfare
COMPONENTS
Peace Coalitions
Bicol Churches
Promoting observance of ceasefires, human rights and international humanitarian law Fact-finding missions Providing various forms of assistance to affected constituents (e.g., employment and protection after reintegration) and communities
Activities aimed at Campaigning for Campaigning for Psychosocial de-escalating the cease-fires, cease-fires, counseling and level of political observance observance trauma relief violence and adof peace of peace services (utilizing dressing the agreements, agreements, creative methods negative impact human human rights like the arts and of violence on rights and and international theaters, or taking affected cominternational humanitarian law into account munities and humanitarian indigenous practices individuals, with law Supporting peace and beliefs) the end view of zone initiatives enhancing the Letter-writing Reconciliation and conditions for to childrenJoining or rebuilding of social sustainable peace, evacuees in organizing factrelationships seeking respite conflict areas finding missions, (including from violence, to express relief and medical strengthening receiving justice empathy missions traditional socioand reparation for political community human rights vio- Fund-raising for structures lations, and healwar-affected weakened by the ing the wounds areas to support conflict) through of war inflicted on the work of interactive war-torn commuother NGOs programs nities Fact-finding, mercy, and cease-fire monitoring missions
Undertaking livelihood programs to Physical rehabilitation address poverty of constituents Delivery of basic services Peace and development projects, livelihood/ income-generating projects (e.g., Recycling War Trash for Peace Project in Basilan) Conflict prevention efforts
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COMPONENTS
Peace Coalitions
Adoption and promotion of the Principles of Conduct for Non-Government Humanitarian Agencies in Mindanao Special campaigns like Bakwit Power (collective action of evacuees calling for peace and cease-fire)
Bicol Churches
Engagement Activities geared of the State toward achieving and Nonstate a non-military solution to the major Actors armed conflicts, including facilitating, mediating and advocating political negotiations and meaningful reconciliation; reintegration
Campaign calls, statements, policy positions addressed to the parties
Campaigning to both parties to sustain peace negotiations or to respond to certain concerns
Mediation(e.g., Submission of negotiating the reports and documents to both release of prisoners held by either parties.
Joining dialogues with the two Facilitating parties as part of dialogues civil society between civil society groups and the parties to the conflict Back-channeling efforts /shuttle diplomacy Holding dialogues with the conflict parties Direct & indirect participation in defining the process and substance of the peace talks
Program for demobilization and reintegration of exHolding dialogues combatants

with the conflict parties
side or of belongings and bodies of combatants killed in the fighting.)
Writing petitions to the parties Forming local ceasefire committees (60-day 1986-e.g. during the 1987 GRP-NDF cease-fire) Providing resources & other support to parties in order to facilitate the peace negotiations Providing assistance (issuance of safe conduct passes, security, shelter, medical) to rebels returning to the fold of the law

the setting up of a Peace Tent that lasted for several days, and the holding of concerts. Tapping the mass media is almost integral to these campaigns directed at the general public and policy makers. Thus, part of advocacy strategies is the holding of press conferences, issuance of press statements, media interviews, and radio-hopping. Partnerships with media organizations on peace building are also in place, in Bicol, for example, through the Social Action Center in Legazpi, Albay. NGOs also produce their own newsletters and publications to report on their work and advance their positions on various issues. Peace advocacy aims to get concrete results: policy change, policy implementation or enforcement, passage of legislation, and concrete action or afrmation from whomever it is demanded (e.g., the state or the armed NSA). Peace coalitions can be considered the most directly oriented toward public policy intervention. The peace education groups have taken on the task of inuencing government to mainstream peace education in the public school system and tertiary institutions, through their coalition, the Peace Education Network (PEN). The Catholic Church also comes out occasionally with its own public policy statements related to peace concerns. PRW groups also join advocacy campaigns of peace coalitions, or are key actors in specic policy campaigns like the prohibition of the use of child soldiers and protection of internally displaced persons. Beyond addressing the specic issues of the day and making demands on policy makers, peace advocacy as practiced in the country works for long-term norm building. It aims to shape how people (decision makers, ordinary citizens, students, communities) view not only certain issues but also society, the world, and the process of social change and transformation. It inuences/urges/molds people to think and respond in certain ways by changing their perspectives, norms, and behavior toward what is referred to as a culture of peace. Such a culture of peace may be faith-based or secular in orientation. The value of peace education and the long-term building of a culture of peace is well-articulated by NGOs and institutions doing peace education. The Cotabato-based Institute of Peace and Development Studies, for example, hopes to peacefully resolve conicts and genuine peoples development through a contextual, liberating, empowering and relevant education that is faith-based and responsive to peoples needs (cited in PRW study). In addition, school-based peace education which targets the youth also aims to develop (future) leaders and agents of peaceful social transformation (cited in Peace Education study). In this way, the human resource needed to sustain peace building for the long term are reproduced and honed. Lectures, workshops, conferences, and peace education courses are the usual ways to achieve this strategic goal of peace advocacy. Peace advocacy is viewed as facilitative not only of mobilization but also of empowerment, especially of survivors of conict or human-rights violations, who have transformed themselves into active peace builders (PRW study). For the Catholic Church, its peace advocacy is faith-
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based, meaning it sees its peace work as part of its mandate of sharing the gospel of truth, peace, justice, and forgiveness even as it now espouses an ecumenical and interreligious orientation and is informed by secular discourses on human rights, social movements, etc.
ORGANIZING. By organizing peace constituencies, the foundation for sustaining peace activism
is strengthened and expanded. In peace education, an important organizational form are the peace centers with their small core of associates who conceive, develop, implement, and monitor the programs and campaigns. This is supplemented by the Peace Education Network (PEN), a coalition-type body that provides coordination, facilitation, and a goal- and activity-setting forum for people and groups interested in advancing peace education in their respective communities or at large. Similarly, to start off and ensure sustained psychosocial rehabilitation work, the common organizational form that is taken is the institution of PRW programs, desks or centers, and the training of a core of PRW volunteers. These initiatives are networked, assisted, and monitored by the more developed PRW centers like the Balay Rehabilitation Center and the Psycho-Social Trauma Program of the UP Center for Integrative and Development Studies. Partnership between the pioneering organizations and the new programs enable technology transfer. For specific campaigns like the those against child soldiers and the rights of the child and of women (in situations of armed conict), organizing takes on the form of coalitions with one or several centers taking on the secretariat function. In the Catholic Church, the diocesan Social Action Centers (SACs) are emerging as an important organizational body that can undertake peace-building work. Peace activists in these SACs initiate the development of peace programs and the effective transformation of the SAC into a peace organization. The SACs are also the diocesan bishops arm in the development of Basic Ecclesial Communities (BECs) within the diocese. The SACs with a purposive peace orientation can transform these BECs into solid peace constituencies who see peace as integral to the practice of their faith and the BECs main goal of spiritual formation. The diocesan SACs are loosely networked into a Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao formation, and are coordinated by a national secretariat known as the National Secretariat for Social Action (NASSA). They can also be consolidated more effectively into a regional network such as the Bicol Regional Social Action Commission (BRSAC) in our case study on the Bicol churches. The BRSAC, moreover, has more comprehensively adopted a three-pronged approach to social action, namely, poverty alleviation, good governance, and peace building. It is doing this in cooperation with other NGOs and the Philippine Miserior Partnership, and by assigning leadership and responsibility for each of the thrusts to the different SACs. In Metro Manila, peace coalitions are the common organizational form for general or is-

sue-based peace campaigns. These campaign-focused coalitions draw organized groups or institutions (NGOs, peoples organizations, academic organizations, political parties, centers, and programs) and committed individuals into a formation that would spearhead the campaign and draw in other members. Usually, one NGO or center provides the secretariat support (documentation, coordination, and administrative and technical support). The leadership is made up of conveners and are fairly at or non-hierarchical in organizational structure. Decision making is largely by consensus. A national coalition would be made up of territorial chapters, or simply have members from different parts of the country. Coalitions generally tend to be temporary formations given their specic focus and loose structure. Their level of activity often becomes contingent on the currency of the issue on which the coalition is built. They are dependent on the initiative and resources of their most active members, who are usually involved in many other undertakings other than the issue on hand. But coalitions serve the purpose of bringing together people for effective campaigns during the moments when the situation demands such a response. Coalition allows for some division of work among members, and complements members needs and strengths. For example, the experiences, gains, and needs of local members guided the national advocacy work of the Metro Manila-based center of the Coalition for Peace (CfP). The latter in turn kept members on the ground abreast of developments, making for mutually benecial vertical linkages (Coalition Study). Calling people and organizations to a meeting is integral to organizing and sustaining a coalition. The capacity to hold these timely meetings of a good number of groups and individuals effectively, efciently, and productively means a lot to the growth and sustainability of the coalitions. These meetings are the venue to share information and developments, thresh out differences, achieve some consensus (including agreeing to disagree), draw up plans, put up various mechanisms (organizational, communication, coordination, and so on), and identify respective tasks. For the CfP and the Multisectoral Peace Advocates (MSPA) in the tumultuous late 1980s, the weekly meetings became the venue to arrive at a common understanding (Coalition Study). However, it should also be noted that too many meetings can be counterproductive, as it pulls people away from their other work or may exhaust them physically and psychologically. The value of productive, process-conscious, and healthy meetings is also true for programs and institutions, although the latter may involve people who are less diverse (in ideology, mandate, background, goals, and so on) than those in coalitions. Mainstreaming of peace education and PRW programs in existing governmental and non-governmental institutions, peoples organizations, and communities are deemed strategic organizing goals. This is because current programs cannot respond to each and every referral for their services. The approach therefore is to build capacities through program formation in other organizations.
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In the subsequent section on facilitating factors, the important elements of successful organizing and program building are discussed further.
PEACE RESEARCH AND TRAINING PROGRAMS. This category refers to research efforts and studies on
the impact of war, peace, conict resolution, etc., and training in skills important to peace building. These are, in effect, initiatives that support and build capacities for peace action. They have been undertaken by academic institutions that link up with civil society for the conduct of their actual research, validation, and dissemination, or by sholars and researchers who themselves are active in peace building. Or they may be programs of NGOs and coalitions to support their own work. Peace research, as noted by the PRW study, is also a tool for advocacy, especially if conducted in a participatory and empowering way. Peace trainings are of course the staple of the peace education and even the PRW groups. The latters greater emphasis on training and research (compared to advocacy campaigns) is conditioned by the current dearth of institutions, programs, and trained personnel to undertake PRW work. Training materials produced include modules on human rights and international humanitarian law, peace-zone building, PRW, leadership, research and analysis, and introductory courses on peace and conict resolution.
protection and promotion of community interests and welfare

This refers to activities aimed at deescalating the level of political violence and addressing the negative impact of violence on affected communities and individuals, with the end in view of enhancing the conditions for sustainable peace, seeking respite from violence, receiving justice and reparation for human rights violations, and healing the wounds of war inicted on war-torn communities. This category is akin to conict reduction but goes beyond the immediate task of reducing conict to include healing and reconstruction. Among the four areas explored in this set of studies, PRW is particularly focused on this type of peace building. The study provides a good description of the consequences of political violence on the ground and how PRW initiatives have addressed these outcomes of violence: Postwar physical rehabilitation in practice involved not only rebuilding destroyed infrastructure but putting in place basic services like piped water, classroom and books, or micronancing that were not available before, thus infusing hope and greater commitment to peace building. The importance of the psychological well-being of individuals and the community is underscored by counseling and trauma relief programs, which may come in the form of rst aid in evacuation centers, and long-term healing and livelihood activities to help transform communities from victims to empowered survivors and agents of change. In indigenous com-
Table 3. Range of Activities of a Comprehensive Psychosocial Trauma Rehabilitation Work

CONSEQUENCE OF VIOLENCE/ARMED CONFLICT
Deprivation of, and limited or no access to basic services Social restrictions on mobility and communication Economic dislocation and disruption of livelihood source Breakdown of traditional sociopolitical institutions The interrelated experience of loss, separation, and exploitation leading to chronic uncertainty and increased vulnerability Trauma Lack of confidence, mistrust and hatred for other ethnolinguistic groups, and the destruction of social relationships Prolonged sense of injustice and restriction on information Recruitment into the armed group Deepening of preexisting conflicts and generation of new ones
CATEGORY OF ACTIVITIES TO ADDRESS CONSEQUENCE*
Postwar physical and social reconstruction
Psychosocial counseling and trauma relief
Reconciliation and rebuilding social relationships Fact-finding, mercy, and ceasefire monitoring missions Demobilization and reintegration of former combatants Conflict prevention efforts
* The types of activities were adapted from Simon Fisher et.al., Working with Conflict, Skills and Strategies for Action (London: Zed Books, Ltd., 2000) by the PRW Study. The original entry of truth commission was replaced by fact-finding, mercy, and cease-fire monitoring based on actual practices.
munities like the Mangyan tribes on Mindoro island, trauma relief interventions take into account local beliefs and practices. Conict creates mistrust, hatred, and prejudice; the rebuilding of social relationships is thus needed to help the community cope with their suffering and move them closer toward a harmonious and active community life working collectively for sustainable peace and development. This is done through various avenues such as forums, peace camps, and peace festivals created to enhance interaction across divides (culture/religion), and to discuss and deepen understanding of issues. Fact-nding and cease-re monitoring missions serve the purpose of gathering and verifying conditions and facts in order to respond to the needs; extract accountability and justice; and contain the damage and prevent further escalation of violence and suffering. They are also mechanisms for networking and ventilating issues and concerns. Mercy missions provide one or several types of services such as distribution of goods and other basic needs, medical care, and psychosocial rst aid. A number of PRW agencies/programs are extending their assistance or services (education, training, credit assistance, counseling, etc.) to former combatants, thus assisting in their de-
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mobilization and reintegration. For example, the literacy program of the NDFCAI-WED have reached out even to active Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) members who invited them and shared their facilities like their madrasahs and homes. Conict prevention aims to prevent the deepening of preexisting conicts and the generation of new ones. They again involve wide-ranging interventions such as protecting ancestral domains and transforming them into zones of peace, peace education, enhancing solidarities, promoting a deep sense of partnership with all stakeholders and supporters, and preventing the children/youth and the indigenous peoples (IPs) from joining armed groups. Indeed, as some organizations interviewed argued, all their activities are part of conict prevention. The Memorandum of Agreement (MOA) between the AFP and the PASAKAMI, the federation of Mangyan tribes in Mindoro, is a good example of a conict prevention tool, assuming the parties, especially the AFP , will respect it. Among others, the MOA committed the AFP to respect and desist from intimidating acts against the Mangyans while the Mangyans pledged to desist from being inuenced or recruited into any rebel group. Religious institutions in the communities are also directly affected by and become involved in the armed conict and thus also play specic roles owing from the moral and spiritual authority they have in the communities. These include promoting observance of cease-res, human rights and international humanitarian law in their localities; mediating the release of prisoners (held by either side) or of belongings and bodies of combatants killed in the ghting; providing various forms of assistance to affected constituents (e.g., employment and protection after reintegration) and communities (counseling, relief, and rehabilitation); and undertaking livelihood programs to alleviate the poverty of their constituents. In Bicol, they have extended humanitarian assistance and protection to people who are threatened or are in danger due to harassment of one or the other armed group. Peace coalitions and peace education bodies play less direct roles in the community. They contribute to community peace by campaigning for cease-res, observance of peace agreements, human rights and international humanitarian law; supporting the peace-zone initiatives, and joining or organizing fact-nding, cease-re monitoring and mercy missions, and special campaigns like letter-writing to children in evacuation centers. They also assist in policy analysis, program planning, and capacity building.
engagement strategies
This category refers to activities geared toward achieving a nonmilitary solution to the major armed conicts. It includes facilitating, mediating, and advocating political negotiations and meaningful reconciliation and reintegration; holding dialogues with the two parties (usually

separately); and providing all other forms of support to move the peace negotiations forward such as organizing meetings and dialogues, framing the peace agenda, addressing conictive procedural and substantive issues, providing promotional and implementation support to agreements. Another set of engagement is geared at enforcing and promoting observance of cease-res, human rights, and international humanitarian law. To be effective, civil-society groups endeavor to maintain a friendly but impartial and independent relationship with both parties. They support policies and actions that positively contribute to the peace process, and criticize those that do not or are contrary to the goals of peace. They utilize formal and informal channels to reach out to the negotiating parties; meet discreetly or openly with both depending on what is advisable in a given moment; and express support or criticism privately or publicly, again depending on the given situation. It was pointed out that the close association of some NGOs with certain politicians made it difcult for the NGOs to continue their work when opponents of these politicians eventually took over the government posts (PRW study). A humane and personalized approach to negotiation advocated by participants in the 2000 Budong Bikolnon, merits consideration: The Regional Peace Forum acknowledges that the people who are ghting for a cause are brothers and sisters, neighbors, and friends, and therefore must be treated as such in any negotiation. This is perceived to bring in more palpable effects than when negotiation is done on an impersonal level. Church personalities, in particular, have been involved as informal mediators or observers in local or national negotiations. In the early 1990s for example, the Task Force Detainee Ecumenical Movement in Camarines Norte, a program of the Camarines Norte diocese, facilitated successful dialogues on human rights between political detainees and the government. The Justice and Peace Action Group in the Diocese of Legazpi was organized in 1986. It formed a local cease-re committee in Legazpi with Bishop Jesus Varela as chair. In Masbate, dialogues with the NDF and government were sponsored by the Masbate Principled Peace Movement. In Sorsogon, negotiations were facilitated by the coordinator of the Justice and Peace Action Group (JPAG) of Sorsogon diocese. Celebrated cases of church mediation notably by then-Sorsogon Bishop Varela involved the release of AFP personnel captured by the NPA. These include the case of Roberto Bernal, who was abducted in Bacon, Sorsogon and held captive for 48 days until his release at the Poor Clares Monastery; and that of intelligence army ofcer Noel Buan who was abducted in Tayabas, Quezon, and subsequently released in Mindoro, after long, protracted negotiations. The Bicol study noted that military cooperation was also an important component of the successful release of these men. Some civil-society persons have served as consultants to both or either parties in the peace
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talks. Unlike in the peace talks with the MILF, no civil-society individual/organization has sat as an observer in a formal capacity in the peace talks between the government and the NDF. However, coalitions like the now defunct Multisectoral Peace Advocates played key facilitation roles in the 1990s through the dialogues and informal meetings they held with the negotiating parties which resulted in certain policies or facilitated face-to-face meetings between the parties in conict. In 1998, the Hearts of Peace, a peace coalition in Bicol, proposed through an open letter addressed to the local AFP and NPA commands, a 10-point guideline for preventing civilian casualties. The letter came in the wake of an NPA attack on military troops in a passenger jeepney in Caramoan, Camarines Sur, in July 1998. Twelve civilians died in the reght that ensued. Metro Manila-based peace coalitions have steadfastly campaigned against an all-out war policy and in favor of the continuity of political negotiations and cease-res (bilateral or unilateral, permanent or temporary) between the government and the various rebel groups. The National Peace Conference and the Coalition for Peace participated in the drafting and passage of comprehensive and specic agenda/legislation for peace and national reform. The All-Out Peace Groups campaigned for the ouster of the defense secretary in 2003 while the Gathering for Peace focused on opposing government support for the US war on Iraq. The Pilgrims for Peace supported peace negotiations and campaigned against specic issues like the inclusion of Jose Ma. Sison and the CPP-NPA in international terrorist listings. More recent initiatives like the Bantay Cease-re in Mindanao (monitoring the GRP-MILF cease-re agreement) and the Sulong CARHRIHL (promoting the observance of the GRP-NDF Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law) represent a type of thirdparty initiative that support the formal process and the implementation of agreements that have been produced by this process. While particularly geared at enhancing peace conditions on the ground, they also serve as engagement mechanisms between civil society and the conict parties. Dialogue with rebels can be misunderstood by the military but there are ways and means to address the sensitive and dangerous aspects of the work. As the Bicol study reported, (s)ome members of the clergy became the object of close surveillance by the military. The Church meets this challenge by maintaining a certain degree of rapport with the military although the relationship may not exactly be harmonious. The military reciprocates by attending dialogues organized by the church.
facilitating and hindering factors in civil-society peace building

facilitating factors
illuminated largely by the case studies. Table 4 enumerates and describes these factors.
his section identifies
the factors that have supported or
obstructed civil-society peace building in the Philippines, as
Six factors supporting effective peace building were discerned from the studies. These are:

The presence of an initiating, sustaining, and capable core that is committed to the goals and the process, Tapping networks and social capital to be able to expand reach, capability, and effectiveness, Availability of logistical resources, Use of appropriate and multipronged strategies and approaches, Supportive environment, and Building on successes.
presence of initiating, sustaining, and capable core organizations/institutions and individuals

INITIATING CORE ORGANIZATIONS. An initiating, sustaining, and capable core of people and
organizations who are committed to the goals and the process stands out as the basic human resource ingredient to start off and sustain a peace initiative. The membership of this core is usually drawn from an institutional base, or from a group of people with shared backgrounds who decide to band together to respond to felt needs. Sample core organizations are:

In Bicol churches, the Social Action Centers or peace and justice desks/programs of dioceses, ecumenical formations, and NGOs; In peace education, the peace-education centers, desks, core groups, or associates
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Table 4. Facilitating and Hindering Factors in Civil-Society Peace Building

Presence of initiating, sustaining and capable core Samples of such effective cores are the various Social Action Centers in the dioceses, and the NGOs, programs, centers, and desks that serve as secretariats for the peace initiatives. Such people/offices also possess certain desirable qualities like being efficient, skilled, culture-sensitive, aware of the issues and processes, processconscious, and are multi-cultural or diverse in composition. Their leaderships are able to mobilize and inspire. Also, the specific nature of the institution facilitates the work it is doinge..g., the church has moral authority and has thus served as effective mediators; academe has the expertise to do peace research and peace education-module development; in general, Philippine civil-society organizations (CSOs) have legitimacy to participate and intervene in sociopolitical processes. Tapping networks and social capital To draw in various participants or organizations to activities or networks, initiators tap their networks and use their social capital to facilitate joint, coordinative, complementary, and supplementary action. Availability of resources Financial resources to undertake the work are usually secured from the mother organization of the organization serving as the core or secretariat (church, school), funding from local and international NGOs or governments, or through sharing or contributions from coalition members. Resources inherent in or sourced from the community are also available. Access to information and communication technology (ICT)/internet was also identified as an important resource. Use of appropriate and multipronged strategies, methods and approaches Various strategies are employed to address different goals and needs. Approaches and methods are transparent, inclusive, consultative, and facilitative of authentic representation. While the peace agenda is broad, it must be made more concrete and realizable. Supportive environment These include the mother organization of peace programs/desks/centers and secretariats whose vision/mission are compatible; the immediate external environment such as the local government and community leaders (elected or traditional); the openness and willingness of both combatant forces and their commanders to peace interventions in some localities; and also family and the communitys overall bayanihan (cooperative) spirit. Building on successes Institutional track record, integrity and credibility of organizers and organizations enhance their capacity to network, mobilize and influence policy and other stakeholderse.g., success in mediation adds to the credibility of the mediators; the growing network of people being mobilized or developing interest in peace concerns has a multiplier and deepening effect on the movement; these successes sustain hope, inspire and stimulate members to carry on. Lack of/Weaknesses in human and material resources People: Human resources remain insufficient, there are limited or no full time staff/peace educators/etc.; people are overworked; organizations are burdened with multiple functions; there is always conflict in schedules; key people (school administrators, priests, NGO workers) are reassigned to different posts; and
FACILITATING FACTORS
HINDERING FACTORS
some lack knowledge and understanding of the dynamics and the diversity in cultural and religious practices, and are not adept in the local languages. Material Resources: most CSOs suffer from budgetary constraints; some donor agencies dont want to fund projects in perceived high-conflict areas; and organizations or communities have poor or inadequate facilities. Lack of support and cooperation from other sectors of society Level of Perception or Attitude: Leadership of key institutions may be conservative (churches, schools); people have varying perceptions of peace, the intentions of different parties, and what are morally right or wrong; the community may have traditional views on leadership selection (reflected, e.g, in their electoral behavior, which results in poor/unsupportive leadership) or may be apathetic; there are ideological and political tensions between organizations; and many biases and prejudices deter harmonious relationships, campaign or project implementation (e.g, Muslim-Christian biases). Organizational or Process Constraints: Includes lack of mandate of person from organization, protectiveness of superiors; lack of resources, and lack of resourcefulness on the part of the other sectors. Continuing Governance Problems Disappointment over failure of government assistance to rebel returnees and continuing threats they face from both sides; implementation lags in government reform and delivery of services cause cynicism and hopelessness on the part of the people; despite passage of laws (e.g., child protection laws including ban on child soldiers), there is lack of information and government is not capable of implementing these laws; some leaders of the local government are inaccessible or apathetic; the goons, guns and gold phenomenon is still pervasive; lack of support from the national government. Threats posed to peace work and affected communities Indiscriminate acts of violence on civilians by armed groups; the military continues to harbor suspicion against religious and other CSO workers; rebels may disagree with or hamper conduct of peace programs; continuing displacement of people in the uplands due to threats posed by the armed conflict; presence of armed groups and/or powerful people with vested interests intimidate the people in the communities. Difficulties in Engagement of Armed Groups ideological barriers, historical and organizational differences among groups and vis--vis the armed group; the NDF does not support localization of peace negotiations thus hampering local initiatives, and it is wary of the third party role of civil society groups; CSOs lack knowledge of current policies, dynamics, leadership and changes in ideology inside the rebel organization; some rebel contacts are low-level and do not have enough clout or authority; CSOs are unclear on how to go about engagement; there is fear by former rebel supporters or combatants of being stigmatized or subjected to retaliation. Other Environmental Factors These include the cyclical and /or seasonal nature of conflict which grossly disrupt the immediate post-war physical and psychosocial reconstruction; unstable peace and order; occurrence of natural calamities and other disasters; and the distance between the affected communities and centers making delivery of services and other undertakings difficult.
FACILITATING AND HINDERING FACTORS
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who were crucial in introducing and developing peace education programs in schools, colleges and universities, as well as in NGOs and institutions (e.g., the Angel Palanca Peace Program at the Far Eastern University; the Center for Peace Education at Miriam College; the De La Salle Universitys Center for Social Concerns and Action; the Center for Peace and Human Rights and Center for Gender and Development at the Philippine Normal University; and the Center for Integrative and Development Studies at the University of the Philippines);

In peace coalitions, organizations like the Gaston Z. Ortigas Peace Institute (GZOPI), UPCIDS Program on Peace, Democratization and Human Rights, Philippine Rural Reconstruction Movement (PRRM), Philippine Peace Center (PPC), Miriam Colleges Center for Peace Education, and other NGOs/institutions provided the function of convening and providing secretariat and/or coordinative services for the formation and sustenance of the various coalitions at different territorial levels; and
In the case of PRW, the pioneering programs Childrens Resource Center (CRC) and Balay resulted from the coming together of professionals (in psychology, child education, social work), and concerned citizens (former detainees, activists, and friends and allies in different institutions). Integrated relief and rehabilitation was effectively put in place in Pikit, Cotabato, thanks largely to the coordinative role played by the Pikit parish church. In community-based peace initiatives, community leaders (elected ofcials, heads of religious groups and congregations, traditional leaders/chieftains, and other inuential people) were usually part of the initiating core.
NATURE OF THE INSTITUTION. Part of the success of peace initiatives may be attributed to certain
built-in advantages of the institution in the Philippine setting. The Catholic churches in pre-
Table 5. Elements of Facilitating Factor: Presence of Initiating, Sustaining and Capable Core
FACILITATING FACTOR Presence of initiating, sustaining and capable core Sample core organizations Nature of the Institution Qualified, sensitive and motivated staff/members Strong and effective peace-building leadership
SACs, Peace Education Centers, NGOs and desks Built-in advantages such as moral authority, and institutional legitimacy Culture-sensitive, efficient, multicultural, skilled, positive attitude, aware, diverse Encourages, mobilizes, able to inspire Consultative, participatory and inclusive Good at setting goals, eliciting insights and participation, and handling conflicts

dominantly Catholic communities like those in the Bicol region are looked up to by the people for moral sustenance and spiritual guidance. The clergy has the power to inspire and enjoin everyone for the common good (Bicol church study). In impoverished communities, the church is also seen as a leader in community development. The prestige and resources enjoyed by the Catholic churches imbue them with a strong capacity to collaborate with government and NGOs and other religious groups in forging new ways to facilitate reconciliation and promote human rights, should they decided to take on this role. Their presence in far-ung communities and relative immunity from physical threats allow them to serve as avenues for contact and dialogue with communist rebels and militarized communities. On the role of the Catholic church in Bicol as an avenue for contact and dialogue with communist rebels, the Bicol Study noted that the credibility that (the Catholic church) enjoys in the society at large, the dynamism of its top leaders, and its being closely in touch with the grassroots through the parishes are advantages that have enabled the church to work effectively in pursuit of both the spiritual and social transformation of its constituents. Among the Social Action Centers, it was also pointed out that a common commitment to social justice and spiritual transformation of the communities as their mission and vision; and the past history of active involvement of their Justice and Peace Desks during the martial law years provide a foundation for effective peace-building work. The academe as a community and schools, colleges and universities in particular enjoy social standing that serve as a built-in advantage in peace building. Academics serve as public intellectuals and teachers at large are respected as community leaders and molders of the youth. Moreover, educational institutions have resources (supplies and facilities) that are useful for peace campaigns. Their students are natural clientele for peace advocacy and organizing work. NGOs have earned a niche as legitimate actors in Philippine social and political processes. They are listened to and communities generally welcome them into the folduntil and unless their condence is betrayed by unscrupulous practices. The language of popular participation is built into the legal and governmental framework, although some government agencies and ofcials may continue to resist it. But NGOs at least have a legal and popular mandate to start with in undertaking initiatives. NGOs also have resources, staff, and capacities to undertake projects.
QUALIFIED, SENSITIVE, AND MOTIVATED STAFF. Peace initiatives have prospered, thanks to the
qualied, sensitive, and motivated women and men who make up the staff (educators, caregivers, organizers, coalition workers) of these institutions, NGOs or programs. An effective core of initiators has been described as follows:
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culture- and gender-sensitive diverse and multicultural in composition especially at the eldwork level or grassroots where communities are multicultural and multilingual having a clear understanding of roles in the projects and programs aware of the issues and processes involved possessing a strong spirit of voluntarism maintaining a healthy and positive attitude being happy to help others who are in need with sufcient training, exposure, and level of efciency and competence good at team work, coordinating, and networking.
STRONG AND EFFECTIVE PEACE-BUILDING LEADERSHIP. The role played by leadership cannot be
underestimated. The Bicol churches study found that where religious leaders (notably bishops and priests) exhibited leadership qualities, much work was done. To illustrate, in Camarines Sur, a priest in charge of an archdiocese-wide peace-building program succeeded in expanding the program to include other people from civil society, local government, and academe (including their alumni). The group also served an advisory function to the Bishop. Good leaders are particularly adept at program setting and mobilization of people, networks, and resources. They are aware of the need for integrated, participatory, and consultative approaches. They handle meetings well, making these sessions productive in setting goals, eliciting insights and feedback, clearing tensions and handling conicts, and generating a sense of ownership of the organization to its plans and programs. Good leaders are also those who have human touch as manifested in ordinary acts like giving words of encouragement to staff members and the community. They are respected as peace builders because of their actions, integrity, leadership style, personality, capability, and track record. As the Peace Coalition Study put it with reference to conveners of peace coalitions, They are the ones who provide the vision, the nurturing, the challenging and grounding functions to the coalition. Different persons can offer different inputs and energies to the coalition but there must be the synthesizing, integrative, and constant presence of the coalitions conveners.
tapping networks and social capital

From a core of initiating institutions and individuals, it is necessary to reach out to bigger networks and audiences. To do so, peace builders tap their respective webs of social relations. Each peace builder may be said to contribute to each initiative, his/her social capital. Social capital can be briey dened as valuable social networks that one has and which one

can tap on the basis of reciprocity. It includes social ties like family clans, former classmates, townmates, fraternity brothers, and present or former co-members of civic, religious, sports, and other organizations (including activist groups and rebel organizations). Social capital can be used for good and bad practices. It can be used to perpetuate harmful practices (like patronage or blind loyalties) but it can also serve as a network or resource base for change. For instance, Basilan NGOs found that the use of personal channels has been more effective than ofcial structural channels, especially when dealing with local government ofcials (PRW study). Networks can extend horizontally, across groups and sectors in a given area. Vertically, they can include groups from the local and subnational levels (barangay, municipality, province, island groupings, and national region divisions), to the national, regional (Southeast Asia, Asia, etc.) and the global levels. Tapping civil-society networks at each level contributed much to the success of the consultations conducted by the National Unication Commission (NUC) in 19921993, which held fourteen regional consultations and seventy-one provincial consultations. We may add, however, that networks need not be conceived of as always linear in formation, whether vertical or horizontal. Webs of social relations (kinship, friendship, professional ties, and so on) that may not be constituted in terms of formal organizations operate in real life for the success of any plan. Undertakings can also take on bilateral, tri-lateral or other forms of partnerships. Peace-building initiatives have tapped into various networks to facilitate advocacy, engagement and program delivery. To illustrate, an alliance of professionals called Hearts of Peace (HOPE) in Naga City, in 1987, expanded reach and membership by linking up with friends in the church and academic institutions, and public personalities in the city. In the 1990s, the Justice and Peace Desk of the Socio-Pastoral Action Center Foundation in Camarines Norte worked in partnership with various groups on peace and human rights; closely coordinated with the Augustinian Missionaries and the NGO Task Force Detainees; and propagated their advocacy through the media (the Bishops hour on radio). In all, diocesan-church peace builders worked with a wide range of partners, including the protestant United Churches of Christ in the Philippines (UCCP), the academe and other professionals in the community, government agencies like the Department of Social Work and Development (DSWD) and local governments, and former individuals who used to be connected with the SACs. Through international linkages of peace-education advocates and/or projects with government agencies like the Ofce of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (OPAPP), Commission on Human Rights (CHR), Department of Education (DepEd); and local and international agencies like the Catholic Educators and Administrators of the Philippines (CEAP) and the UNESCO National Commission, the spread of peace-education awareness and programs was facilitated. The ZOPFAN (Zones of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality) campaign drew wide sup-
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port from schools that declared peace-zone counterparts or launched similar peace campaigns. Through multilateral cooperation, the PEN organized the Asia Pacic Youth Conference on the Culture of Peace in 2000, and various other youth conferences in 2003. Bilateral undertakings with a government agency like the OPAPP , between schools, between the PEN and an NGO, allowed for the hosting of peace-education trainings for teachers, and a twinning project between two Manila- and Cotabato-based schools. PRW advocates networked with active indigenous peoples organizations; credible and respected peace, human rights, and emergency-response networks in the area; and the support and active participation of empowered LGUs, traditional and religious leaders, and the private sector, and funding institutions for mainstreaming PRW. Missions, in particular, required a high level of coordination and pooling of resources to make this type of intervention effective and credible. Providing relief and rehabilitation in conict-affected areas in Mindanao was facilitated by an integrated interagency network, notably the Mindanao Emergency Response Network (MERN) made up of some forty governmental and intergovernmental agencies, church groups, and local and international NGOs. Specific programs initiated by Tabang Mindanaw such as the Integrated Return and Rehabilitation Program are also instituted as networks involving various partners like the local governments, Christian and Muslim religious leaders; the AFP and the MILF; and national government agencies and NGOs. Peace coalitions tapped friends, contacts, allies in the NGO sector, churches and other religious institutions, the academe and government, and former comrades in the revolutionary movement to reach out, get feedback or messages across, and facilitate dialogues. Networking, interfacing, and dialogue-led collaboration all produce complementation of roles among the different peace builders.
availability of logistical resources

While a peace-building project starts with and is sustained by people, logistical resources are equally important to realize plans and achieve dened goals. The bottom line is, projects need money, people, and other support infrastructure. A peace program lodged in a bigger institution or mother organization would have
Table 6. Elements of Facilitating Factor: Availability of Resources

FACILITATING FACTOR Availability of resources
Support from mother organizations Sharing or pooling of resources Drawing on community-based or indigenous resources Funding from NGOs, INGOs or governments Maximizing ICT/internet

the advantage of tapping into the resources of this host institution (usually religious and/or academic/educational institution). Resources include ofce space, utilities, facilities, vehicles and supplies, and probably even paid-for technical support staff. Funding from philanthropic families (e.g, the Palanca family supports the peace program at the Far Eastern University), NGOs, International Non-Government Organizations (INGOs) or governments are also secured for specific projects or for the whole program development. Unfortunately, most peace programs are dependent on such external funding support, rather than on internally generated sources. Nonetheless, the communities and indigenous peoples are also a wellspring of the needed logistical as well as human resource support, despite their own privations or incapacity brought about by the conict situation. Balays extensive psychosocial rehabilitation work in conict areas in Mindanao shows that the sustained reconstruction and healing of conict areas depended a lot on being able to recognize and mobilize existing community structures, networks, and available local resources; and in incorporating local knowledge, skills, and mechanisms for healing (cited in PRW study). In coalitions, members share the cost of a campaign or distribute responsibilities or work to each other, thus tapping on the logistical strengths possessed by some and compensating for the resource scarcity of others. Relief, medical, and fact-nding missions, in particular, require high-level coordination and massive resources to be pooled together by participating groups and individuals. Through regional networking and interagency cooperation, resources are combined for a coordinated and more effective delivery of services. The presence of the Internet and advanced communication and telecommunication facilities like the SMS/cell phones have greatly facilitated networking, information dissemination, discussion, interaction, and mobilization work of peace workers. Far-ung communities without electricity and satellite facilities, however, are not able to avail themselves of this advantage. The availability of existing materials from both local and foreign sources has assisted schools in developing their own peace-education courses and programs.
utilization of appropriate and multipronged strategies, methods, and approaches

As discussed in the previous section, civil-society peace organizations utilize different and multipronged strategies based on the recognized necessity of an integrative approach to respond to needs and goals. Philippine peace building has effectively been an evolutionary process of dening thrusts, focus, and strategies in response to the context of the times. The process, especially in its early
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Table 7. Elements of Facilitating Factor: Appropriate and Multipronged Strategies, Methods and Approaches FACILITATING FACTOR Appropriate and Multipronged Strategies, Method and Approaches
Use of indigenous, socially and culturally integrated, participatory, and non-dominating approaches Strategies are diverse, complementary, and integrated, and vertical and horizontal linkages are developed Use of various forms of mobilizations and entry points
Approaches and methods are transparent, inclusive, consultative, and facilitative of authentic representation. Ethical codes or principles guide action (e.g., Principles of Conduct for Humanitarian Organizations in Mindanao)
years, was experiential and experimental, basically responding to felt needs. PRW in the Philippines, for instance, evolved from a limited clientele (political detainees and their families, torture victims of the martial-law regime) to encompass larger communities (internally displaced people, children in conict situations, postconict communities). Given its appreciation of the Philippine context, it rejected a medical practitioner-oriented, clinical- and institution-centered approach in favor of developing an indigenous psychology-based, socially and culturally integrated, and family/community-oriented methods. Providing trauma relief is also seen as more a facilitative rather than a directive undertaking. On the whole, PRW is done in a holistic manner whereby the range of issues besetting the affected population is given attention. The programs of Balay, to illustrate, have curative, preventive, and proactive elements that create a psychosocial continuum. PRW strategies were also described as integral, meaning utilizing rights- and community-based, gender- and culture-sensitive approaches that work within community structures, utilize local resources and incorporate local knowledge, skills, and mechanisms for healing (PRW study). In Mangyan communities, practices associated with death and beliefs regarding the afterlife are respected and considered integral to the healing process. In Basilan, male facilitators are assigned to allmale groups, for cultural reasons, as much as possible. In Muslim areas, wearing appropriate garb helped in gaining acceptance in the community. It was noted, however, that some cultural practices and beliefs can hinder peace building. Strategies used in providing psychosocial relief include the basics like healing sessions, crisis debrieng, and play therapy. But strategies also extend to community organizing, consultations and dialogues with all stakeholders; planning workshops; and advocacy campaigns. Traditional and religious leaders are strategically involved. Projects for children involve the children. Existing community structures like day-care centers, barangay halls, and schools are utilized.

Approaches in assisting former combatants include home visitations, sessions with the individual and his/her family, coordination with concerned agencies, trainings, and credit assistance. To expand reach and delivery of services and go beyond responding to referrals, PRW proponents are now mainstreaming PRW in governmental and nongovernmental institutions and programs through various forms of partnerships, and promoting and sharing their experiences in other parts of the globe. NGOs and programs in affected communities are increasingly being encouraged and trained to introduce a PRW dimension to their services. The diocesan churches are also mainstreaming or integrating peace programs into existing institutions and programs that are necessarily concerned with a bigger social agenda. The Bicol SACs, for instance, have included peace as the third plank of their integrated program orientation, along with poverty and social justice. Peace coalitions are linking up with human rights, environmental, educational, and womens groups to broaden their networks. In promoting peace education in the formal school system, several entry points were utilized. These include introducing new courses in schools, degree programs on peace and conict resolution, or at the minimum, workshops on related themes. For example, Miriam College introduced such courses in grade school and high school. At the college level, a threeunit Introduction to Peace Studies is now being offered. In addition, a short session on conict resolution is given to all college freshmen, along with peer mediation training. To project its institutional peace orientation, Miriam College has also declared itself a peace zone. All these peace initiatives are being led and coordinated by its Center for Peace Education, which is able to expand its core of active educators through its associates system. To reach out to the broader public, academic peace centers organize public forums, issue various publications, join demonstrations, conduct fund raising to support relief efforts in waraffected areas, and pursue other undertakings that would allow their school-based constituents to touch base with the communities outside the campus. Compared to other organizations, peace organizations may be said to be more conscious in ensuring that their choice of strategies and approaches reects their peace and nonviolence orientation and values (tolerance, cooperation, solidarity, justice, and fairness). One lesson culled from the study on peace coalitions, for instance, is the importance of membership being inclusivein terms of sectoral, class, gender, ethno-religious, ideological, or some other representation. Indeed, a coalition may actually be judged by the breadth of the groups and individuals it is able to bring together for or against a certain cause. At the same time, it is also true that there are limits to the principle of inclusiveness posed by ideological, historical, perhaps even personal barriers. Most Philippine peace-coalition initiatives have not succeeded in crossing over some of these barriers. One can argue that it may even be nave and counterproductive to
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try to bring in all disparate forces under one organizational umbrella since an unwieldy group can paralyze decision making or create unhealthy tensions. What is probably more feasible is a situation of multiple organizational centers who agree to disagree but respect each ones right to co-exist, engage each other in a healthy debate, and establish coordinative mechanisms to avoid and manage potential conict. Participatory approaches also stand out as a basic ingredient of most effective interventions. The Bicol study notes that all partners are important, regardless of their resources and the limited contribution they can give to an activity. It acknowledged that discussions are slowed down by difference in perspectives and appreciation of the relative importance of issues. But in the end, it is important to discern the substantive issues and to reach a consensus. Partnership-building processes with the stakeholders in the community have mobilized community participation and ownership of PRW and peace building in general. Internally displaced people (IDPs), for instance, are themselves involved in the conceptualization, planning, and implementation of peace and development projects. Meanwhile, partnership with other NGOs and institutions have allowed for program development and expansion. Good research, documentation, and fact-nding undertakings were also characterized as participatory, holistic, interdisciplinary, integrative, and policy-oriented (PRW study). Balays Appreciative Inquiry and Community Mobilization (AICM) approach provides a model that was utilized well by other initiatives like the Bantay Cease-re (PRW study). The document Principles of Conduct for Non-Government Humanitarian Agencies in Mindanao adopted in (July 2003) highlights key principles that should guide humanitarian work: non-discrimination; impartiality; empowering of the communities; respect for culture, tradition, and human dignity; attention to special needs of gender and vulnerable groups; cooperation and coordination. To achieve spread and depth, vertical and horizontal linkages are built, such as through international, regional (Southeast Asia), national and local conferences/workshops or networks. To track down and achieve elements of the peace agenda, the National Peace Conference (NPC) has put its efforts in institutionalizing reforms in and interfacing with government on a set of concrete and specic reform measures (or the so-called doables broken down into short-, medium- and long-term measures). This involved coming up with technically supported proposals and entering the institutional setup of the National Anti-Poverty Commission (NAPC) as the civil-society representatives. The series of Waging Peace Conferences organized by the GZOPI in coordination with other groups have come up with updated strategies on peace building. Other conferences have examined progress in their respective work (e.g., peace-zone building, PRW, churchs social action) to better ne-tune strategies and dene priorities appropriate for the present. Coming up

with dynamic and creative activities, mechanisms and venues remain a continuing challenge to peace advocates. [On strategies for engaging the state and the armed NSA, see earlier section on Engagement Strategies.]
supportive environment
Efforts can naturally be expected to bear more fruits in a supportive environment. Among the favorable conditions or sources of support identied in the cases are listed in Table 8.
Table 8. Elements of Facilitating Factor: Supportive Environment
FACILITATING FACTOR
Supportive environment
Support extended by some LGUs/LGU officials the community leaders (traditional/elected) the local authorities (in schools, churches) the communities Peoples/groups/institutions own desire for peace, sustained interest, and growing commitment to or involvement in peace building Congruence of peace programs with the institutions vision-mission Bayanihan spirit Openness and willingness of former combatants and of some commanders of the local military/armed group to the peace initiatives
Cease-fire conditions Family support
These identied conditions were facilitative in many ways. At the minimum, they allowed for peace-building initiatives to take place with less concern for the physical security of both the peace builders and the community. Thus, cease-re conditions were seen as a strong and facilitative factor for PRW. The cease-re in place may be a result of a bilateral agreement such as the government-MILF cease-re; unilateral cease-re declarations by either the government/ Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) or the rebel group like the CPP-NDF-NPA during natural disasters like earthquakes and oods; or people-declared cease-res as in the case of the peace zones, sanctuaries for peace and spaces for peace communities. A halt to open hostilities or a reduction in the level of violence effectively allowed for the safe and smooth delivery of PRW services and community organizing. Beyond cease-re agreements and declarations, the openness of former combatants and leaders or commanders of the local military or NSA units to PRW, peace coalitions, peace education, and the churches peace advocacy and mediation roles is just as important in sustaining peace building. In cases where the AFP/rebel leaderships or local units proved cooperative, peace building was able to gain more headway with less tensions, fear and risk to life and limb.
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Communities were able to settle down to rebuild their lives. The support from local government units (LGUs) or ofcials and, in some case, collaborative projects undertaken with them, is also deemed as positive. The community leaderswhether traditional or elected to lead in the community organizations or local government unitare also distinct actors whose cooperation is a must for any community-based initiative to ourish. The cooperation and active support of the school administration, the bishops and other leading councils, and other local authorities where the peace-building initiatives take place make a big difference in the process and outcome, compared to conditions of passive support and outright objections from the local authorities. Support can come in terms of endorsements and resource mobilization. Naturally, support should be elicited and garnered from the constituents of the community themselves, including the indigenous peoples (IPs) and other sectors in these communities; or the youth, students, and teachers in school settings; the members of the religious community; and also of the NGOs and other institutions being mobilized to form part of the initiative. Effective approaches and strategies are those that are able to elicit the participation and ownership of the communities of the process. If the institutions vision-mission is particularly oriented to the peace-building thrust and program of initiators, then the path is paved to move forward. When the peoples own desire for peace is strong, then they are also more receptive to the introduction and institutionalization of peace programs/organizations. In war-torn communities, this experience-based acceptance and recognition of the existence of conict and its effect lead them to desired alternatives. In other settings, empathy to the plight of people caught in the crossre move people to learn more (such as through peace education) and respond (e.g., through membership in peace coalitions) to these conditions. Peoples expressed desire in turn helps push leaders and authorities to act on and respond to these sentiment and aspirations. Once leaders share the desire and commit themselves to this direction, then conditions are greatly enhanced to advance peace-building work with all the stakeholders involved and committed to the process and programs. Peace activists who take risks and time away from their families to do their work need the understanding and support of family members. The same with community members (mothers, fathers, the youth) who may have to devote more time outside of their homes to contribute to community efforts. Family support was thus identied as another enabling environment for peace building. Traditional values like the bayanihan spirit were also identied as a supportive condition. The bayanihan-oriented community members are committed to the task of contributing in whatever way to collective undertakings that would be good for the whole.
building on successes
Peace building is a cumulative process, not a one-shot, short-term endeavor. It builds on gains achieved by previous initiatives to soften the ground though promotion of alternative ideas and activities; to creatively respond through innovative forms of interventions that have effectively served as models or best practices; to enhance understanding and commitment through various research, training, and dialogue and conference activities; and to broaden and deepen reach as peace organizations themselves are born and multiply. The current generation of peace builders is learning from the lessons of and building from the foundations (networks, groups, good practices) established in the past. And to sustain the work, they must produce the next generation largely through the peace building that they are doing now. This production and reproduction of peace builders and peace building result from the multiplier and deepening effect of earlier good peace building. The outcomes are manifested in wider networks, more programs, and a larger and more active peace constituency. Track record is important. Track record may best be summed up as ones reputation based on integrity, capacity, and output. Quality (perhaps more than quantity) of leadership, processes employed, and membership base or effective reach, also add up to ones reputation (as an individual and as a collective entity). A good track record born from previous work enhances ones capacity to take on new challenges, expand, and broaden. New programs, initiatives, and peace activists must thus endeavor to build a good track record. Successes in specic initiatives contribute to more successes. As noted in the Bicol churches study, successful mediation undertaken by religious leaders built their credibility as mediators which, in turn, further enhanced this line of intervention. The same may be said of respective approaches/interventions of PRW, peace education, and coalition building. Successful undertakingsreected in positive feedback and people expressing more interest and actually joining the program/organizations or opening up new onesare also good for the morale of the peace builders. They sustain hope, inspire, and stimulate members to carry on despite the risks, difculties, and shortcomings.
Table 9. Elements of Facilitating Factor: Building on Successes
FACILITATING FACTOR
Building on successes
Institutional track record, integrity, and credibility record enhance the capacity to network, mobilize and influence policy/other stakeholders Successes in mediation adds to the credibility of mediators Gains are reflected in the growing networks of people being mobilized, or having interest in peace (multiplier and deepening effect) Successes sustain hope, inspire, and stimulate members to carry on
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hindering factors
From the cases, six factors were identied as hindering or obstructing peace-building work. These are:

Lack of/Weaknesses in Human and Material Resources Lack of Support and Cooperation from Other Sectors of Society Actual Threats Posed to Peace Work and Affected Communities Continuing Problems in Governance Difculties in Engagement of Rebel Groups Other Environmental Factors.
lack of/weaknesses in human and material resources

Limits to what can be done by peace builders are usually imposed by deciencies in human and material resources. People and logistical support, as noted in the previous section on facilitating factors, are the basic prerequisites to start off and sustain initiatives. The problem is not only due to basic dearth in people and resources but also other conditions related to or causing this situation. For example, the practice in some institutions (churches/dioceses, schools) to rotate their people or to move them from one posting to another has caused programs, campaigns, and coalition efforts to dissipate or discontinue if the replacement is not similarly inclined. Lack of funds may also cause a program to rely heavily on volunteers. Stafng or personnel support may thus be discontinuous and even unreliable. A high turnover of volunteers is probably inherent in programs that tap volunteers within certain institutional settings. Volunteers are not fulltime and neither are they lodged permanently in these institutions. They move on unless they are incorporated in the institutional structure on a more permanent or stable basis (e.g., as paid staff ). Full-time staff, meanwhile, may be overworked or spread out in many projects. People in coalitions also usually wear many hats and have their jobs to attend to. Key people may be located in distant settings. All of these may make even the basic need to meet together difcult due to busy schedules, distance, overwork, and lack of common time. Campaign, education, and organizing work or targets would then have to be scaled down. Certain work like facilitation in peace trainings, psychosocial trauma therapy, proposal writing, and research may require special skills or training. Without a wide resource pool of trained people, the current people may be overstretched and exhausted. Other than these professional skills, there may be lack in knowledge and understanding of different cultural and

religious heritage, or other cultural or language barriers that further delimit the pool of human resources available to undertake specic peace-building tasks. Depending on a program or the coalitions composition, some aspects of the work may be left out. There might be inability to sustain collaborative efforts or a relative weakness in connecting to policy makers, or being heard as policy advocates, or to raise funds if a program/coalition does not have the right people who have the needed skill and network. Evaluation and assessment of programs and the organization, a more strategic as well as case-specic planning, and continuing development may also be left out in the rush to respond to exigencies. Budgetary constraints obviously delimit implementation of programs/campaigns. External funding may be accessed which might not be easy or could lead to dependence or unwarranted program intervention. Funding agencies may not be particularly interested in certain undertakings not directly related to their mandate or current interests. Difculties in undertaking programs in high-conict areas may discourage funding support to communities that actually need more assistance. In poor communities, some basic resources that facilitate work such as electricity and telecommunication may not be available or reliable. Facilities may be rundown or not working, thus affecting project impact or staff morale.
Table 10. Elements of Hindering Factor: Lack of/Weaknesses in Human and Material Resources
HINDERING FACTOR
Lack of/Weaknesses in human and material resources
People loss of people or their reassignment causes programs, campaigns, and coalition efforts to dissipate or discontinue no full-time staff high turnover of volunteers limited skilled resource base cultural and language barriers including lack of knowledge and understanding of different cultural and religious heritage and practices conflict in schedules psychosocial stress budgetary constraints donor agencies unconvinced to provide aid technical problems such as frequent power shortages, worn-out facilities
Material Resources
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lack of support and cooperation from other sectors of society

If support from societal sectors provides the enabling conditions for peace building to prosper, its absence, on the other hand, hinders effective peace building. Lack of support or cooperation from other sectors of society may be conditioned by obtaining perceptions and attitudes in the community or organizational or process constraints that delimit participation or interest.
Table 11. Elements of Hindering Factor: Lack of Support/Cooperation from Other Sectors
HINDERING FACTOR
Lack of support/cooperation from other sectors
Obtaining Perceptions/Attitude conservative and traditional church leaders lack of appreciation of PRW, peace education or peace building in general varying perceptions on what peace is, intentions of the different parties, and what are morally right/wrong. traditional attitude of the community in the selection of political leadership and the changes in leadership low response from the community, apathy of some or few members of the local leadership unresolved biases and prejudices (e.g., suspicion that projects are aimed at religious conversion; tendency for the Muslim community to be withdrawn in the presence of Christian outsiders or visitors; conflicting interests and priorities between Christian and Muslim residents; unsympathetic sentiments of the Christian community toward the Bangsamoro struggle) unresolved ideological tensions and differences arising from the splits within the left groups lack of mandate, protectiveness of superiors lack of resources, and lack of resourcefulness from the LGUs and some sectors
Organizational/Process constraints

OBTAINING PERCEPTIONS/ATTITUDES. Examples here include church leaders and school teach-
ers who are conservative and traditional in their perceived roles and do not support or are not interested in peace activism; or NGOs and other CSOs who lack appreciation of the value of PRW, peace education and peace building in general. A low level of response from the community/ institutional setting has been ascribed to apathy in the ranks and the leadership. Prevailing attitudes observed, such as the tendency for the Muslim community to be withdrawn in the presence of Christian outsiders or visitors; the fear that participation in the projects would ultimately mean or lead to conversion to Christianity; conicting interests and priorities between Christian and Muslim residents; unsympathetic sentiments of the Christian community toward the Bangsamoro struggle; and various other unresolved biases and prejudices among community members or vis--vis the NGO/coalition/institution have hindered peace building. The traditional attitude of the community in the selection of those who would comprise the political leadership was also seen as a constraint because it has led to a condition where poor governance continues to the detriment of peace-building efforts. The PRW study thus notes that the culture of a particular community plays a strong facilitating (e.g., the bayanihan spirit) as well as a hindering role in the conduct of psychosocial intervention work. Sometimes, perceptual differences within the community may be at the ideological or even philosophical realm. For example, varying perceptions of peace, the intentions of the different parties to the conict, and what are morally right/wrong, have been identied as constricting factors. The splits and animosities among the different Left groups have also affected the work, creating turf wars and obstacles to organizing, campaigning, or delivering services in certain areas. In the case of a regional coalition, support was withdrawn by the local church who perceived some of the coalitions activities as too radical. Differences among members, with some perceived as too close to the rebel groups, have also created tensions.
ORGANIZATIONAL/PROCESS CONSTRAINTS. Lack of support from sectors in the community may
not only be due to perceptual or attitudinal differences. It can stem from constraints faced by the organization or institution concerned due to lack of mandate; protectiveness of superiors over their people (like the clergy); or lack of resources and of resourcefulness. The Nagdilaab Foundation pointed to cultural barriers to providing psychosocial relief to sensitive and specific cases such as the widows and children of arrested or killed Abu Sayyaf men, who cannot grieve publicly and suffer from discrimination and lack of public sympathy.
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actual threats posed to peace work and affected communities

Lackluster community response may actually be due to actual or perceived clear and present danger posed by open hostilities between or the threat of retaliatory violence from the parties to the conict. Indiscriminate acts of violence on civilians by armed groups, and the presence of armed groups and/or powerful people with political/vested interests during community consultations scare people and discourage them from participating. Priests and other peace advocates meanwhile have to contend with military men who suspect them of being rebel supporters. On the other hand, the rebels disagreement with the peace initiative has posed threats to the initiators. The Bicol case study recalled, for instance, the resistance of the NPAs in the upland areas of Camarines Norte to its BEC-organizing. Former rebels who have returned to the fold of the law also endure continuing threats from both armed parties. All these instances or practices intimidate people, create insecurities, and hamper peace work. Disempowerment may be due not to the threat of physical violence but to the negative impact of continuing conict on their economic and day-to-day lives. Loss of income and displacement strip people of capacity and time to do peace work. Thus, sustaining the ceasere, allowing people in evacuation centers to return to their communities, and giving them a measure of peace to reconstruct their lives as free and autonomous individuals and collectivities are important for peace building. Recurrence of conict does not only abruptly stop people on their tracks. Moreover, as noted by the PWR study, it triggers the resurrection of biases and prejudices (e.g., between the Christian and Muslim residents) that may again take time to heal.
continuing problems in governance

Peace building requires an integrated approach where all parts deliver on their roles and functions. Government is and should be part of this effort. But when it fails to deliver and continues to disappoint the people, the full potential of building peace by peaceful means is eroded. Continuing governance problems have thus been identied as one major hindering factor. Implementation lags in government reforms and delivery of services cause cynicism and hopelessness. The pervasive phenomena of goons, guns, and gold and patronage politics not only threaten people empowerment, they also make people skeptical of new initiatives. In spite of this, effective civil-society lobbying has supported the passage of good laws, for example, on child protection. But they still need to be forcefully and effectively implemented through a

well-coordinated approach. Rebel returnee programs may convince rebels to return to the fold of the law, only to be disappointed by government failure to render assistance. Other governance issues that have been found to impede peace building were the apathetic attitude of some local government ofcials and, where local government ofcials are cooperative, the lack of support from the national government. Other bad practices like absenteeism of local town ofcials and the practice of living outside their barangay or municipality cause practical difculties in coordinating and obtaining effective government cooperation.
difculties in engagement of rebel groups

The most basic aspects of engagement of the armed nonstate actor or rebel group are being able to establish good contacts that will facilitate dialogue, and creating mechanisms for continuing exchange. Also, peace builders must be equipped with understanding and knowledge of the phenomenon of insurgency, their leaders and strategies. In this regard, difculties in engagement may be due to the fact that contacts or channels for engagement are low-level or do not have the clout or authority. Engagers may lack knowledge of current policies, dynamics, leadership, and changes in ideology inside the rebel organization. There are obvious constraints and sensitivities in engaging armed NSAs. Lack of clarity on how to go about engagement is problematic. Rebel policy on civil-society facilitation or engagement also affects the process. For example, it was noted in the coalition and Bicol churches studies that the NDF is wary of the third-party role of peace groups. It also does not support localization of peace negotiations, thus hampering the effectiveness of local initiatives. Ideological, historical, and organizational differences among civil-society organizations vis--vis the armed groups are important contexts that make engagement difcult. Many peace workers and program initiators were previously associated with the national democratic movements led by the CPP . Although active and even leading members of the movement during the martial law years, they have left the movement for various reasons such as disagreements over strategies and tactics and organizational processes. This ideological and organizational distancing has created barriers to effective interaction, engagement, and program delivery, if not outright antagonism and hostilities.
other environmental factors

Just as certain conditions support peace building, other conditions do the opposite. Unstable peace and order and the cyclical and/or seasonal nature of the conict hinder and disrupt physical, psychological, and social reconstruction work. Natural calamities also disrupt ongoing
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work. But it should also be noted that conditions of high violence and disasters also catalyze peace action precisely because of their gross impact, which mobilizes people to respond. Other environmental factors were cited for the practical difculties they cause peace workers. Distance between the affected communities and the centers, poor roads, and telecommunication facilities slow down delivery and require more resources and time.
evaluation and impact assessment of civil-society peace building
I
Table 12).
n defining areas for evaluation, this study was guided by the

framework provided by Vayrynen (1991) on conict transforma-
tion. Vayrynen provided four areas that are part and parcel of conict transformation (see
Table 12. Elements of Conflict/Collective Violence Transformation

Elements of Conflict/Collective Violence Transformation
Actor Transformation Issue Transformation Internal changes to the parties in conflict or the appearance or recognition of new actors. Change in the political agenda of the conflict, where the relative importance of issues on which antagonism exists is reduced and the issues on which commonality prevails are emphasized. May imply significant political change since the political constellation supporting the previous agenda will have to change. Alteration in the rules. Redefining the norms which the actors are expected to follow in their mutual transformation. Can alter actor behavior; such need not be dependent on the position of the actor in the structure as the structuralist approaches assumed. More profound than limited changes in the composition of actors, issues, or rules. The external structure is transformed if the distribution of power between actors significantly changes or their mutual relations experience a qualitative change (e.g., increase or decrease in extent of communication and interdependence between actors). Transformation of the interest structure happens where commonality of interest is increased.
Rule Transformation
Structural Transformation
Source: Vayrynen,1991:1-25. Note: transformation may be intended or unintended; is associated with everyday and broader historical changes transforming the scope, nature, and functions of collective violence.
The framework illuminated areas where the impact of civil-society peace building may be discerned. The framework, however, appears to be focused on the conict parties (state and rebel forces) as the main actors, and the changes in the terms and nature of their relationship. The study on Philippine peace building, however, encompasses all actors and stakeholders, and
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puts equal emphasis on civil society and society at large as the key targets of peace-constituency building, alongside engagement of the parties to the conict. In addition, its society-centered approach gives premium to addressing the situation on the groundhow the conditions in the communities where people live actually change and respond to the presence of conict, and peace-building initiatives. While it can be presumed that an end to the armed conicts and political violence is the best indicator of the success of peace building, the fact that armed violence persists does not necessarily mean failure or lack of impact of civil society efforts. Clearly, there are factors for the nonresolution of these conicts that are largely dependent on the policies, action, and responses of the main parties, as the last section on Lessons Learned will show. Other external factors may also contribute to the persistence of conict. Impact and gains can nonetheless be discerned in bits and pieces of transformation taking place along the four areas identied by Vayrynen (with actor taken to mean all stakeholders including the community/people/civil society, issue, rule, and structure). To more clearly delineate the areas where such changes are taking or can take place, and dene certain tangibles than can indicate impact, this study then chose to narrow down and simplify its scope to the following categories for assessment:

Impact on the Policy Issue adoption by either parties (government or armed NSA) of the policy positions advocated by civil society as reected in policy declarations, legislations adopted, programs and mechanisms instituted, and other acts.
Impact on the Ground-level Situation deescalation of the conict and reduction in the level of violence in the community; positive changes in the well-being and living conditions of the people on the ground.
Impact on the Perception, Behavior, Attitude, and Perception of Primary Stakeholders changes in the understanding of and response to the conict supportive of peace-building goals or compatible with a peace orientation; growing interest and participation in peace activism.
Each of these areas may embody elements of actor, issue, rule, and structural transformation. The different studies utilized various methods to evaluate these impacts. The Peace Education study issued a questionnaire/survey to measure the impact of the peace education courses in one college, and dug into previous course evaluations done by participants. In general, results were positive, especially in terms of changes in perceptions and attitudes of students supportive of a culture of peace. Except for the questionnaire as evaluation tool issued by the Peace Education study team,

the studies for most parts relied on qualitative methods (focus group discussions, interviews, document review) to identify gains. As mentioned, the organizations themselves have not undertaken systematic impact evaluation of their work. The data gathered are thus mostly anecdotal and illustrative. At best, they illuminate areas where elements of transformation are taking place. They point to how a more systematic evaluation can be done in the future. Civil societys input to government policy making has brought about laudable policy frameworks such as the Six Paths to Peace and the Social Reform Agenda; noteworthy legislation such as those creating the National Anti-Poverty Commission (NAPC) and the National Indigenous Peoples Commission (NIPC); and the other examples cited in the studies and listed in Table 13. With pressure put to bear from the peace coalitions, the negotiation track between the government and the different rebel groups has been pursued. However, continuing governance problems cited in the previous section have not brought about the thorough reforms demanded by a comprehensive peace agenda. Also, policy making remains the domain of the powerful; it is a process that is affected or determined not only by inputs or interventions coming from civil society, which may in fact be the weakest factor in some cases. Different administrations have different strengths (including political will) and priorities, and the lack of unanimity within government on a peace policy as against the more orthodox anti-insurgency approach has not provided the needed continuity. In terms of representation, lobby work undertaken by peace advocates has placed women and indigenous peoples in the government negotiating panels. Specic concerns like the release of political prisoners (held by both sides) were also effected with pressure from civil society. Peace groups continue to exert pressure to sustain the peace process by exacting supportive policies from the parties and pushing for the implementation of reforms and agreements. However, government priorities change from time to time and peace negotiations have been marred by suspensions and long periods of recess. At the least, peace groups have sustained the high visibility of the peace process in the national consciousness, including at the level of government policy and the mass media. Even as national policy and reform implementation remain problematic, peace-building efforts directed at addressing the needs of the people on the ground where the conict takes place have been signicant and essential. Campaigns have supported the holding and maintenance of cease-res. Human-rights violations were mitigated and addressed through factnding and relief missions. NGO and church intervention along the lines of PRW have helped restore a measure of peace needed to start the rebuilding of lives and communities. Gains in specic communities include improvements in health, sanitation, and housing conditions; educational services and facilities, and the healing of wounds and the bridging of divides (e.g., Christian-Muslim-lumad relations in Pikit, Cotabato). Consequently, the empowered commu-
EVALUATION AND IMPACT ASSESSMENT
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Table 13. Impact of Civil-Society Peace Building Areas of Impact Illustrative Outcome Environment On the Policy Issue/
Agenda, Legislation or Policy
Declaration of 1990-2000 as the Decade of Peace by the Aquino Adoption by the National Government of the Six Paths to Peace, Social Reform Passage of related laws (e.g., Anti-rape law, creation of NAPC and NIPC laws) Influenced resumption of PTs and end to military operations; put pressure
Agenda in 1993 Administration

Creation of Mechanisms and Programs

Specific Peace/Conflict Concern
Impact on the Ground Level Situation
on two parties to sustain political negotiations and move on to substantial agenda. Examples: the MILFs unilateral suspension of military offensives after the series of violence in February 2003 was partly a response to the civil-society calls including the Catholic Bishops Conference in the Philippines (CBCP) and the Bishop-Ulama League of the Philippines. Also, GMAs resumption of talks in 2001 was a response to public outcry on the 2000 AFP offensives and resultant humanitarian disaster Heightened visibility of women, children, Moro, lumad, and civil society in general in the peace agenda, processes, and structures (e.g, women and lumad representatives were included in the GRP panel and technical working committee; civll society representatives sit in panels and other committees in the formal bodies) Influenced how the media report on peace and conflict and helped generate greater awareness among the media Support for the annual celebration of Mindanao Week of Peace, and formal recognition of Muslim holidays Creation of the National Unification Commission, the National Anti-Poverty Commission and National Indigenous Peoples Commission (the latter preceded by exposes which pushed government to act on cases and outbreak of violence, e.g., it put up Task Force 63 to deal with conflicts arising from development projects in IP communities. The task forces responsibilities were later transferred to the (NCIP). Interagency Memorandum on the Handling and Treatment of Children Involved in Armed Conflicts signed in 2000 by then VP and DSWD Secretary Gloria Macapagal Arroyo and the heads of various government agencies including the AFP, PNP, DND, DOJ, DILG, and the OPAPP Operationalization of the GRP-MILF Joint Cease-fire Monitoring Committee and Local Monitoring Teams, and a parallel third party monitoring (Bantay Ceasefire) Institution of more realistic community disaster response plans at the barangay and municipal levels Various consultative mechanisms Release of detained suspects, bodies and personal belongings of rebels killed in operations; release of AFP soldiers taken by the NPA; withdrawal of troops in certain areas Acceptance of peace-zone declarations in communities
Human rights violations were mitigated and addressed through fact-finding Less cases of illegal detention in some areas Reduction in direct violence through local cease-fires
missions and relief missions
Impact on the Ground Level Situation

Continuing dialogues Delivery of integrated programs to alleviate the impact of violence and assist in
societal reconstruction gave empowerment/enabled people to regain control over their lives through peace-building programs like spaces for peace/peace zones, housing and livelihood programs. Helped enhance or revived community solidarity, resiliency and peaceful coexistence of different ethno-linggusitic or religious groups Helped people resume economic activities, schooling, and build unity and develop mutual trust. Helped people to have options/alternatives to joining either armed group, or from becoming victims to becoming actors, thus lessening fears and insecurities, enhancing well-being.
Impact on the Attitudes, Behavior, Perceptions of Primary Stakeholders

On the State/Rebel Group Both parties were convinced to engage in dialogues and are developing Military more careful/conscious re behavior in communities and with political More respect for and less suspicion over church people doing justice and peace Have become more open to citizen pressure, mediation and initiatives such On the Community and Citizens
work; stronger credibility of the church as facilitating release of captured/killed combatants and community peace declarations. Helped broaden peoples social consciousness and understanding of the conflict and its impact, and the different conflict issues (competing land claims, the right to self-determination) Psychosocial relief has eased the pain and helped the community enhance their coping mechanisms Children traumatized by the war eventually became more participative, trusting, and able to release and process their thoughts and feelings about the conflict. More peace organizations and peace advocates on the ground; established a wide and deep network of peace advocates that can mobilize and influence ground-level situation and top-level policy More human rights advocates More awareness of people of their human rights and justice and peace issues Growing interest in peace studies in the academe More attendance in peace activities Independent and voluntary replication of peace education initiatives in other schools and communities Less young people are joining the rebels More respect for and less suspicion over church people doing justice and peace work; stronger credibility of church Youth, children and students have greater awareness, understanding of, and positive attitude toward peace and human rights issues More learned mediation skills. People have better understanding of other peoples or groups perspectives. Growing preference for nonviolent conflict-settlement practices in communities (based on reflections on peace zone in Bual) detainees receptiveness to campaigns for cease-fires and settlement
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nities themselves are taking a proactive role in conict prevention and peace building, and have enhanced their own capacity to respond to human-rights violations and emergencies. Peace building is long-term norm transformation and norm building. Indicators of positive changes in norms (as reected in perceptions, attitudes, behaviors) on the part of government and armed groups include a perceived greater consciousness on the part of the conict parties of the need to respect and observe human rights and international humanitarian law (IHL) over and above their military objectives. However, these are just incremental changes in some areas and instances, but on the whole, human rights/IHL violations persist. While still an uphill climb, there is a growing active peace constituency. Indicators are the increasing number of peace organizations being formed; the conduct of more trainings; the generation of more human-rights advocates and more awareness of people of their human rights and concern for justice and peace issues; growing interest in peace studies in the academe; and more attendance in peace activities. In all, as already mentioned, more thorough studies including the use of quantitative methods would need to be undertaken to measure successes and impact. One bone of contention in the workshops conducted, for example, is whether or not fewer children are joining the armed groups as a result of the campaign against child soldiers. The absence of statistics and the impact of other factors like continuing poverty and injustice make denite statements difcult. At the least, peace and human-rights organizations have advanced the recognition of the problem, pushed for a stricter ban, and helped create special mechanisms to aid arrested and/or wounded child-soldiers.
lessons learned
n this section, we attempt to capture the Lessons Learned in a set

of simple guideposts, organized in three categories:
On the Policy Environment On Peace Issues On Civil-Society Peace building
Peace builders are asked to reect on the following concluding statements that were culled from the insights provided by the different case studies and the validation and trial training workshops. The strength of their veracity may vary across time and cases, but they can be taken as starting points or lessons learned from previous experience.
lessons learned
policy and overall environment

Peace initiatives are negatively affected by policy inconsistency and shifts in priorities, close-mindedness and ideological thinking of rst parties, institutions, leaderships, and authorities. Participatory mechanisms and processes instituted by the parties, and respect and support for civil-society groups, on the other hand, support peace building.
Militarization and human rights violations continue to impede initiatives in communities. On the other hand, reduction of conict such as during cease-re facilitates peace building.
Policy change is effected through changes in perspectives, priorities, and behavior of primary stakeholders. Peace builders are there to sustain the process of transformation in parties and institutions and build capacities for peace building.
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lessons learned
peace issues

Peace issues are interrelated and wide-ranging; thus, peace advocates have tried to pursue integrated developmental, human rights, and social-justice programs and frameworks in their campaigns, education programs and services. Initiatives and groups are linking up for an integrated response.
During periods of hostilities, human rights protection, IHL concerns, and the needs of people (including women and children) getting caught in the crossre, stand out. Actual social, economic and political reforms are the more important goals, not the peace agreement/ofcial peace agenda/legislation nor the creation of special bodies, although the latter are important in forging commitments/contracts and dening the terms and mechanisms for the realization of reform goals.
Hot and cold issues of the day also affect the currency of peace campaigns/programs and the interest of key groups and individuals in peace work; peace campaigns/ programs need and try to respond to hot issues but also sustain visibility of cold issues and peace building.
While there is common understanding as to the important issues and the needed reforms, there are still differences in perception as to the alternatives, solutions, and process to achieve change among the parties to the conict, civil-society organizations, and the common people. Peace education thus serves as a strategic intervention approach for the transformation of values, behaviors, attitudes, and perspectives. Peace education should be mainstreamed in all institutions.
While domestic conicts remain the main agenda of peace groups, international issues and developments such as the war on Iraq, international terrorism, landmines, use of child soldiers, proliferation of small arms, are also addressed from the frame of peace and their implications on the domestic conicts.
lessons learned
civil-society peace building
CORE PEOPLE AND INSTITUTIONS. A basic ingredient to peace building, particularly for the peace or-

ganizations and programs to materialize and be sustainable, is a core of initiators with capability, institutional support/backing, and organizational resources. These requirements include:

secretariat support facilities and logistics provided by NGOs, desks, and institutions leadership orientation, commitment, and ethical principles skills (language, organizing, networking, and other specic skills like training, counseling and so on) cumulative wealth of experience on which to build gains, social capital, and expertise or capacity credibility which may include impartiality/nonpartisanship sustenance and well-being of members.
CAPACITY TO NETWORK AND MOBILIZE. Effective peace building requires the capacity for critical
collaboration and networking with all parties and sectors to achieve depth and reach of campaigns and programs (sometimes referred to as vertical and horizontal linkages). Elements of this capacity include:

organizational and personal qualities such as legitimacy, moral authority, impartiality, credibility, track record, institutional or individual prestige, autonomy/independence a wide range of contacts, networks, and local, national, and international volunteers employment of good entry points, mechanisms and partners to build the peace infrastructure effective use of the mass media availability of support infrastructure being process-conscious (e.g., through consultations with and involvement of partners, members, target beneciaries, communities; use of participatory approaches to campaign/program planning and implementation/delivery; sustained interface/ interaction with and among all stakeholders) and sensitive in many ways (e.g., culture- , gender-, language-sensitive).
CAPACITY FOR CRITICAL REFLECTION. Peace builders must learn to step back and examine their
work and the environment in which they are working so as to be able to read the signs of the times, and be attuned and responsive to the moment. Peace builders must thus also invest in:

reection activities (e.g., on ethical, analytical, situational, organizational concerns) research analysis
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documentation and monitoring of programs, events and developments/situation for assessment, planning, sustenance, and articulation of alternatives Capacity building of staff and members
Guidelines, codes of conduct, documentations of strategies and approaches produced by CSOs involved in peace building are a good reection of this capacity for critical thinking, despite the constraints in time, personnel, and resources most of them face.
USE OF MULTIPLE STRATEGIES. Effective peace building employs diverse, appropriate, creative,
and complementary range of activities addressing different components of the work (advocacy, organizational, service delivery, research, training, grassroots community peace building, and engagement of the state and the armed nonstate actors). Three major guidelines are:

Activities must be empowering and not mere dole-outs nor utilitarian to achieve certain goals. Programs must be holistic, dynamic, and creative. There are many considerations and approaches in the effective engagement of state and nonstate actors. Autonomy, integrity, and sensitivity are very important for groups and individuals playing third-party roles.
RESPONSIVENESS TO THE ENVIRONMENT. Just as certain conditions like the lack of cooperation
of key sectors or a hostile policy environment can impede effective peace building, there are moments or periods that must be maximized to advance peace building. These favorable conditions include mechanisms and processes put in place by government and other actors that can facilitate civil-society peace building such as the national consultations conducted by the NUC. Cease-res (which reduce the level of violence and allow a measure of physical security), shifts in policies/policy frameworks, supportive leaderships in important sectors (local government, institutions, communities), and even disasters or conicts whose impact create a momentum for united action or indignation in favor of peace. Being able to identify and maximize such favorable conditions is important.
references
Atack Iain. 1997. Peace Processes and Internal Conicts, Kasarinlan, A Philippine Quarterly of Third World Studies, 12:4/113:1 (2nd-3rd Quarter), 113-130. Bautista, Liberato C. 1991. War, Peace and the Ecumenical Movement in the Philippines, Tugon, An Ecumenical Journal of Discussion and Opinion, 11:3, 443-466. Bernardo, Allan B.I. and Carmela D. Ortigas. 2000. Building Peace, Essays on Psychology and the Culture of Peace. Manila: De La Salle University Press.
Catholic Relief Services. 2003. The Peacebuilding Toolkit, Learning from Good Practice: The Experience of Indonesian Peacebuilding Practitioners. Jakarta, Indonesia: CRS. Coronel Ferrer, Miriam. 1994. Peace-building and Mediation in the Philippines, Peace, Conict Resolution and Human Rights Occasional Papers, Series No. 94-3. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies. Coronel Ferrer, Miriam. 1997a. Peace Matters: A Philippine Peace Compendium. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies and University of the Philippines Press. Coronel Ferrer, Miriam. 1997b. Civil Society: An Operational Denition in Ma. Serena Diokno (ed.), Filipino Citizenship and Democracy (Philippine Democracy Agenda, Volume 1). Quezon City: Third World Studies Center, University of the Philippines. Deutsch, Morton. 1991. Subjective Features of Conict Resolution:Pyschological, Social and Cultural Inuences in Raimo Vayrynen (ed.). New Directions in Conict Theory, Conict Resolution and Conict Transformation. London, California, New Delhi: Sage Publications and the International Social Science Council, pp. 26-56. Galama, Anneke and Paul van Tongeren (eds.). 2002. Toward Better Peacebuilding Practice, On Lessons Learned, Evaluation Practices and Aid and Conict. Utrecht, the Netherlands: European Centre for Conict Prevention. Garcia, Ed. 1994. Reections on the Peace Process, Peace, Conict Resolution and Human Rights Occasional Papers, Series No. 94-1. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies. Garcia, Ed (ed.). 1994b. War and Peace Making, Essays on Conict and Change. Quezon City: Claretian Publications. Garcia, Ed and Carolina Hernandez. 1989. Waging Peace in the Philippines, Proceedings of the 1988 International Conference on Conict Resolution. Quezon City: Ateneo Center for Social Policy and University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies.
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Harris, Peter and Ben Reilly. 1998. Democracy and Deep-Rooted Conflict: Options for Negotiators. Stockholm, Sweden: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance. Lederach, John Paul. 1994. On Process, Participants and Roles: A Dialogue with Filipino Peacemakers in Garcia, Ed (ed.). War and Peace Making, Essays on Conict and Change. Quezon City: Claretian Publications. Nicholson, Michael. 1991. Negotiation, Agreement and Conict Resolution: The Role of Rational Approaches and their Criticism in Raimo Vayrynen (ed.). New Directions in Conict Theory, Conict Resolution and Conict Transformation. London, California, New Delhi: Sage Publications and the International Social Science Council, pp. 57-78. Palm-Dalupan, Maria Lorenza. 2000. A Proposed Framework for Documentation and Assessment of the Peace Process in the Philippines. Working Paper prepared for the United Nations Development Program (20 February). Quintos-Deles, Teresita. 1995. Peace Initiatives of the National NGO Community. Paper read at the Second International forum on the Culture of Peace, 26 November 1995, Philippine International Convention Center. Ricigliano, Robert. 2002. The Need for Networks of Effective Action to Promote More Effective Peace-building. In Galama Anneke and Paul van Tongeren (eds.). Toward Better Peacebuilding Practice, On Lessons Learned, Evaluation Practices and Aid and Conict. Utrecht, the Netherlands: European Centre for Conict Prevention, pp. 213-219. Schmid, Alex P . 2000. Thesaurus and Glossary of early warning and conict prevention terms. London, UK: Forum on Early Warning and Early Response. Vayrynen, Raimo. 1991. To Settle or to Transform? Perspectives on the Resolution of National and International Conicts in Raimo Vayrynen (ed.). New Directions in Conict Theory, Conict Resolution and Conict Transformation. London, California, New Delhi: Sage Publications and the International Social Science Council, pp. 1-25. Wallensteen, Peter. 1989. Theory and Practice of Conict Resolution: An International Perspective in Ed Garcia and Carolina Hernandez. Waging Peace in the Philippines, Proceedings of the 1988 International Conference on Conict Resolution. Quezon City: Ateneo Center for Social Policy and University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies. Wehr, Paul and John Paul Lederach. 1991. Mediating Conict in Central America, Journal of Peace Research, 28:1 (February). UNDP LES Draft Papers: Castro, Loreta N., Jasmin N. Galace and Kristine Lesaca, Peace Education Initiatives of Selected Academic Institutions in Metro Manila Dionisio, Josephine, Enhanced Documentation of Philippine Peace Coalition, 1986-2004. Lee, Zosimo, The Philippine Peace Coalitions Peacebuilding from 1986-2004. Marco Puzon, Elizabeth Protacio-de Castro and Agnes Camacho, Documentation of Peacebuilding Efforts by Civil Society Organizations in the Philippines to Address the Psycho-social Consequences of Armed Conict/Violence.
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Sonia Imperial and Jovic Lobrigo, Peacebuilding Experiences of Church-based Organizations in Bicol.
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learning modules
learning modules
T
the trainers.
he complete set of these learning modules on Lessons Learned

in Civil Society Peace-building Frameworks and Synthesis is de-
signed for 1.5 to 2.0 days. Trainers, however, can choose to select only several modules from this set depending on training objectives. The main reference for this training package is this volume. Trainers are encouraged to review the other volumes for reference. These modules can also be combined with modules from the other volumes. We leave the task of selection to the wisdom, creativity, and goals of While the modules are written in English, we suggest that facilitators use the local language as medium of discussion. Copies of the introductory outline and the guide questions for each module should also be provided to the participants, and translated in the local language if deemed helpful.
peace-building concepts
The framework paper introduced several key concepts:

Peace building (pp. 13-25) Peace movement (pp. 7-8) Peace process/national peace process (p. 23-25) Civil society & peace organizations (pp. 9-11) Third-party (pp. 11-12) Network of effective actors (p. 20)
learning modules
Conict resolution (pp. 20-21) Mediation (pp. 21-22) Peace impact/conict impact (pp. 30-31)
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guide questions
1. Discuss your understanding of the words/concepts above. 2. What words or terms in the local language best reect the different concepts? 3. Think of proverbs, words of wisdom, or images that illustrate or are related to these concepts. This activity can be done in pairs or groups of three people, depending on the number of training participants. It would help if the Framework Paper were given as advanced reading assignment. Give out blank cartolina cut-outs and pens on which participants can write their responses to the questions. Assign one concept to each pair/trio to discuss for ten minutes. Preferably, pairs or trios should be mixed (male-female, new-old acquaintance, old-young). A reporting session will follow and participants are encouraged to raise questions or give their comments to each report. Ask participants to post their responses on the wall. This wall can now serve as a living thesaurus for participants. They may add or change their answers throughout the workshop. Estimated duration: 1.5 hours
types of peace-building activities

The study discussed peace-building activities according to three types:

Building the infrastructure for peace activism (pp. 41-50) Peace Advocacy Peace Organizing Peace Research and Training Programs
Protection and Promotion of Community/Civilian Interests and Welfare (pp. 50-52) Engagement of the State and Nonstate Actors (pp. 52-54)
guide questions
1. Can you distinguish the three types of peace-building activities according to objectives and target audience or beneciaries? 2. Compare your activities with other organizations. In what ways are your activities similar or different? Is your group more focused on one type of peace-building activity?
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In what ways do your work and that of the other groups complement each other? 3. What approaches or methods are used to achieve the aims of peace building? Provide examples of approaches or methods from your own experience. Why did you choose to utilize these methods? The discussion can be done in small groups of approximately six persons for about thirty minutes. A reporting session on Questions 2 and 3 can follow the small-group discussions. If there are too many groups, reporting can be done in two simultaneous plenaries to save time. Estimated duration: 1.5-2.0 hours
factors that facilitate and hinder peace building

The study identied the following factors that facilitate and hinder peace building: Facilitating Factors (pp. 55-69)

Presence of initiating, sustaining, and capable core Tapping networks and social capital Availability of resources Use of appropriate and multipronged strategies, methods, and approaches Supportive environment Building on success
Hindering Factors (pp. 70-76)

Lack of/Weaknesses in human and material resources Lack of support and cooperation from other sectors of society Continuing governance problems Threats posed to peace work and affected communities Difculties in engagement of armed groups Other environmental factors
activity guide
This module consists of thirty-minute sharing, thirty-minute lecture using the power point or other forms of visual aid, and a fteen-minute open forum (for a total of one hour and fteen
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minutes). Before the lecture, large cut-out pieces of all the factors are prepared and put up on the wall/board. Some participants are then asked to share an experience that they will never forget, or one that entailed a lot of planning or consequently led to either difculties or positive results. The experience may be related to advocacy, training, mediation, or providing relief/other services to affected community. The participant sharing the experience is then asked to: 1. Reect on his/her experience and identify a possible explanation for the difculties/ success encountered. 2. Identify among the factors tacked on the wall, which are relevant to his/her experience. The facilitator will then proceed to the discussion of the different factors based on the study. The open forum can be started off with the question by the facilitator if there are items they want claried or if there are other factors that they think are important but not identied in the study. Estimated duration: 1.25 hour.
impact of peace-building activities

In examining the impact of our peace-building activities, the study posed the question: How are we transforming the conict even though we are not yet resolving it? Although it saw the changes in the relationship of the conict parties as important, it was equally concerned with changes at the level of society. Three areas of impact were considered important to examine:

Impact on the policy directions of the parties in conict Impact on the situation on the ground, especially at the community level Impact on the perceptions, attitudes, and behavior of all stakeholdersthe parties in conict, the affected communities, the citizenry (pp. 77-82)
However, the study was not able to undertake a systematic impact evaluation.
guide questions
1. What would you consider the most signicant impact of your work? What areas were of minimal impact?

2. Think of ways that would allow you/your organization to measure or keep track of the impact of your work? Why would such an impact assessment be important? This short session can be conducted using a combination of lecture and discussion. However, if the objective of the workshop is to undertake an impact evaluation of their work, or to develop methodologies for such an undertaking, the discussion can be expanded. Estimated duration: 1 hour
lessons learned in civil-society peace building

This volume tried to synthesize the lessons learned from the four case studies (see Volumes 2 to 5) into several learning principles. Three areas of learning were drawn up:

Lessons learned regarding Policy and the Overall Environment (pp. 83) Lessons learned regarding the Nature of Peace Issues (pp. 84) Lessons learned regarding Civil-Society Peace building (pp. 84-86) Core People and Institutions Capacity to Network and Mobilize Capacity for Critical Reection Use of Multiple Strategies Responsiveness to the Environment
guide questions
1. What difculties do peace builders face with regard to the policy environment? 2. How are the different elements of peace and working for peace interrelated? What are the emerging consensus on how to view the armed conict and the best way to achieve peace? In what areas of peace and peace building are there wide disagreements? How does shared understanding or lack of consensus affect the work of peace building? 3. Examine the ve elements making up the lessons learned in civil-society peace building. In what areas is your organization strong/weak? How can you take these strengths and weaknesses into account in your organizational assessment and planning? This session can be in the form of lecture-discussion. Question No. 3 can, however, be addressed through small-group discussions. The results of the group discussions can serve as
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preliminary evaluation of their work. Such an assessment can be very useful for both organizational and campaign planning. Estimated duration: 1.5- 2.0 hours
further applications: problem solving/role-play exercises

These situations can provide stimuli to think about how peace building can be done. They can be utilized as subject matter for simulated problem solving. If time permits, they can also be material for role-playing. Participants will be presented with the situation. Then they will identify who will take on the different roles, and do a spontaneous dramatization, acting and reacting to each other without a script. In the processing, they can be asked why they acted or not acted in a certain way. The discussion should allow for the surfacing of all interpretations and ideas, which are to be synthesized by the facilitator using portions of the Lessons Learned or elements of the sample modules as a guide where appropriate. Participants may or may not achieve a consensus on how they perceive the problems and the steps that they think would be useful and effective. The discussion may also examine the reasons for consensus and nonconsensus in order to identify the similarities/differences in perceptions or thinking, or further allow for the articulation of reasons, motivations, values, goals, interests, etc. A big group can be divided into subgroups, with each subgroup assigned a case. Subgroups can report their responses during the plenary. One or more situations can be chosen for a roleplay. An open-ended role-playing session for one case can last for thirty minutes to 1.0 hour, followed by processing of about another half-hour.
simulated situations
1. Your barangay used to be a typical crowded community where people were busy with their livelihood. The people only occasionally got together when the barangay council called for a meeting. Even then, very few people attended, except during election time when some people expected freebies to be given out by campaigners. But something happened recently. Two months ago, there were reports that armed groups were sited in the area. In response, the police conducted pursuit operations. One night, a running gun battle took place on several adjoining streets. Two children buying rice in the

neighborhood store were killed by stray bullets. The storekeeper was injured. Since then, no other armed encounter has taken place but people remained fearful. The parents of the two boys were grief-stricken. The younger sister of one of the boys stopped going to school. The storekeeper had to close her shop for two weeks while she stayed in the hospital. All her familys savings were wiped out by her medical expenses. As members of the barangay, you are concerned about the bad effects of the shoot-out on the victims and the whole community. What would you do and how would you do it?

Identify the negative developments that have taken place after the shooting incident. Outline/Dramatize the steps you can take. What resources do you have to start with? What potential difficulties do you think you will encounter in taking these steps? How can you overcome these difculties?
Note: To learn more about responding to the impact of the conict on community people, see the volume on Psychosocial Trauma Rehabilitation Work. 2. You and your best friend are grade-school teachers in the local public school. Often, during recess, you see many children shouting and using cuss words when they argue with other children. You have also noticed how the bigger pupils always hit smaller pupils with loud slaps behind their necks or backs. One time, two warring gangs of grade 5 students engaged in pitch battles in the school compound, throwing water bombs lled with urine and even stones. Another time, you saw a grade 6 girl throw her book at her classmate in anger. You and your friend talked to the guidance counselor about your observations of violent behavior among the pupils but the counselor was too busy with paper work to feel what you felt was a serious problem. What else can you and your best friend do?

What could possibly explain the violent behavior manifested by many of the pupils? Outline/Dramatize the steps you can take. What resources do you have to start with? What potential difculties do you think you will encounter in taking these steps?
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How can you overcome these difculties?
Note: To learn more about what other schools have done to institutionalize peace education in their education program, see the volume on Peace Education. 3. You work as a program director in your diocesan Social Action Center (SAC). Your center has been successful in promoting alternative livelihood programs for nearby impoverished communities. Last year, your SAC decided it will expand its outreach to remote sitios where people have expressed the need for training and assistance in building cooperatives. But recently, it has been very difcult to continue with your work. Government soldiers, local bosses, and the armed groups that operate in the area have sent feelers that they are not very happy with your project in the sitio. One staff worker has received a death threat from an unknown source. As program director, you want to protect your staff. At the same time, you have to respond to the needs of the people who themselves have asked your assistance. What would you do?

What could possibly explain the resistance to your cooperative project from different sectors? Outline/Dramatize the steps you can take. What resources do you have to start with? What potential difficulties do you think you will encounter in taking these steps? How can you overcome these difculties?
Note: To learn more about the experiences in peace building of diocesan Social Action Centers in Bicol, see the volume on Church peace building. 4. You are one of the conveners of a multisectoral coalition that is campaigning for peace, human rights, and development in your region. Recently, you noticed that less and less people are attending the meetings of the coalition. Also, it has been very difcult to mobilize people and resources for the activities that you have lined up. Since your organization also houses the coalitions secretariat, your group has taken on most of the tasks, from calling for meetings, following up on each organization, coordinating and implementing activities, and providing almost all the logistical needs. But your organization is also understaffed and has meager resources. You are afraid that very soon the coalition will collapse or simply fade away. What would you do?
What could possibly explain the dwindling attendance and support from the other organizations? Outline/Dramatize the steps you can take. What resources do you have to start with? What potential difficulties do you think you will encounter in taking these steps? How can you overcome these difculties?
Note: To learn more about initiatives in building peace coalitions see the volume on Peace Coalitions. 5. You are a peace advocate. You are concerned about the recent spate of human-rights violations and growing fear in the community of more violence to come. For example, a staff member of a human-rights organization with which you have worked on some peace campaigns, was recently arrested on suspicion of being a subversive. He is now in jail and the human-rights organization is asking you to support its campaign for the persons release. Also recently, both the government and the rebel group have threatened to pull out of the peace negotiations. They are accusing each other of bad faith. Last week, the police outpost in a remote town in your province was raided by armed men, and their weapons were taken. One policeman died in the attack. You feel increasingly helpless and fearful about the situation. What can you do?

Outline/Dramatize the steps you can take. What resources do you have to start with? What potential difficulties do you think you will encounter in taking these steps? How can you overcome these difculties?
visioning exercise
Close your eyes and think about your organization/community. Think of the people that are part of ittheir strengths and weaknesses, the events youve gone through together. Think of your ofce/community, and your own place in this ofce/community. Think of your organizations/communitys projectsthose that are going well, those that are somewhat prob-
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lematic right now; those that have failed, those that have succeeded. Think of your friends, your partnersyour own and that of your organization. Think of those who have lately been causing you problems. (Draw on the left side of a piece of paper symbols to represent all of thesethe people, the ofce, your resources, what youve done or are still doing, your partners and sources of your current problems.) Then close your eyes again. Think of where you want your organization/community to be ve years from now. Think of the people or the kind of people who would be there. Imagine how your ofce/community would look. Where would you like to be in this place? Think of all the projects you would have done and the next ones you can embark on. Imagine a circle of friends, supporters, and partners around you. Who would they be? (Draw on the right side of the paper symbols to represent all these images and people who would be there ve years from now in your desired future.) Go back to where you are. Now that you want to know what you want or where you want to be ve years from now, think of the ways and means that will get you there.

What steps would you need to undertake? What human, material, and other resources would you need? What other supporting conditions would be necessary? How do you generate the needed resources? How can you achieve the needed supporting conditions?
(Draw in-between the left and right side of the paper the symbols representing the steps, resources, and supporting conditions to reach your goal on the right.) Note: This can be done individually, in pairs, or as a team. A bigger roll of paper may be used if being done as pairs or as teams. Or it can be done individually rst, then the team will process the inputs and consolidate into their own team visioning exercise. Estimated duration: 1.5-2.0 hours
participants
Validation Workshop on Civil-Society Peace Building
Balay Kalinaw, University of the Philippines Diliman 20 September 2004
Participant
Jane McGrory Rexal Kailam Karen Taada Lorena dela Cruz Josephine Perez Rene Romero Noel Sto. Domingo Norman Novio Madeleine Sta. Maria Rey Casambre Franz Clavecillas Esperancita Hupida Delia Dudy Locsin Rene Carbayas
Affiliation
Catholic Institute for International Relations janemcgrory@hotmail.com Initiatives for International Dialogue (Central Mindanao) rexal@iidnet.org Gaston Z. Ortigas Peace Institute gzopeace@admu.edu.ph; ktwand@codewan.com.ph Balay balay@tri-isys.com Gaston Z. Ortigas Peace Institute/Ateneo de Manila University perez_josephine@yahoo.com Philippine Normal University rcromero@email.com National Secretariat for Social Action-Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines nstodomingo@yahoo.com Social Services Commission, St. Josephs Seminary Occidental Mindoro (043) 4914973 Southeast Asia Conict Studies Network-Phil seacsn@csb.dlsu.edu.ph Philippine Peace Center ppc@pinas.net Hearts for Peace, Naga, Camarines Norte Nagdilaab Foundation,Bishop Querexeta Formation Center, Isabela City Basilan espie_hupida@hotmail.com Paghiliusa sa Paghidaet, Negros dudy@bcd.i-next.net Philippine Information Agency, Basilan renecarbs@yahoo.com
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Imelda Castillon Ofelia Bing Durante Marco Gutang Sr. Sol Perpinan Ed Garcia Fr. Leo Doloiras Jovy Reyes Soliman Santos Fr. Jerry Sabado St. Theresas College, Cebu City (032) 2533432 Ateneo de Zamboanga bingdura@yahoo.com Far Eastern University/Peace Education Network mgutang@yahoo.com Asia-Pacic Peace Research Association appra2003@yahoo.com International Alert, London edggarcia@aol.com Social Action Center, Sorsogon (056) 211-1104; (056) 211-5368 (fax) Social Action Center, Sorosogon jovpol@yahoo.com Philippine Campaign to Ban Landmines gavroche@info.com.ph Order of the Carmelite, Isabela Province 0927-3154115
Project Team Members

Miriam Coronel Ferrer Jovic Lobrigo & Sonia Imperial & Agnes Camacho Zosimo Lee & Kathryn Pauso Loreta Castro & Jasmin Galace Alma Evangelista UPCIDS Program on Peace, Democratization & Human Rights mcf178@yahoo.com, miriam.ferrer@up.edu.ph Bicol Regional Social Action brsacpmpbicol@yahoo.com, jvlobrigo@hotmail.com, sonimperial@hotmail.com UPCIDS Program on Psychosocial Trauma 9293540 unimatrix729@gmail.com UP College of Social Sciences and Philosophy zosimo.lee@up.edu.ph, kat_pauso@yahoo.com Center for Peace Education, Miriam College lcastro@mc.edu.ph, jgalace@mc.edu.ph UNDP-Manila Ofce alma.evangelista@undp.org
Marco Puzon, Elisabeth Protacio-de Castro
104 | P A R T I C I P A N T S
Trial Training Workshop

UNDP Learning Experiences Study on Civil-Society Peace Building in the Philippines Balay Kalinaw, University of the Philippines 19 February 2005
Participant
Emmanuel Amancio Marites Guingona-Africa Helen Amante Ramil Andag Kaloy Anasarias Sr. Marita Cedeno Lorena dela Cruz Madett Virola-Gardiola Cris Gonzales Marco Gutang Bambi Magdamo Becky D.E. Lozada Ruth Lusterio-Rico Raymund Narag Norman Novio Jepie Papa
Affiliation
Catholic Relief Services-Davao eamancio@crs-mindanao.org.ph fax (082) 2992447 Peacemakers Circle shekinah8@i-manila.com fax 7211379 Peace Education Network hamante@ateneo.edu PHILRIGHTS prights@tri-isys.com 4331714 Balay, Inc. balayadvocacy@tri-isys.com Peace Education Network tamaritsfma@yahoo.com Balay Inc. balay@tri-isys.com CO-Multiversity madett@hotmail.com PETA peta@petatheater.com Peace Education Network mgutang@yahoo.com Ofce of the Presidential Adviser for the Peace Process Coalition for the International Criminal Court-Asia tel 456-6196, fax 9267882 Department of Political Science University of the Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City ruthlrico@yahoo.com Humanitarian Assistance Foundation raymund_narag@yahoo.com Apostolic Vicariate of San Jose San Jose, Occidental Mindoro (043) 4914973 Amnesty International-Philippines fax 9276008
PARTICIPANTS
| 105

Josephine Perez Dennis Quilala Jovy Reyes Haruko Uchida Daisy Valerio Ildefonso Enguerra Noel Valencia Pete Batangan Cherry Minero Imee V. Bertillo Gaston Z. Ortigas Peace Institute peace@codewan.com.ph; Sulong CARHRIHL c/o Department of Political Science, UP Diliman dennis.quilala@up.edu.ph Social Action Center, Sorsogon jovpol@yahoo.com, sacsor@yahoo.com Fellow, Third World Studies Center, UP Diliman bsunny@nifty.com Nilo Valerio Foundation dtvalerio@yahoo.com Faculty Association Roxas High School, Metro Manila tel/fax 5632403 Popular Education for Popular Empowerment poped@pepe.org tel 4264473 Popular Education for Popular Empowerment poped@pepe.org tel 4264473 Bicol Regional Social Action brsacpmpbicol@yahoo.com Social Action Center-Legazpi imee_bertillo@yahoo.com
Project Team Members

Miriam Coronel Ferrer Jovic Lobrigo & Sonia Imperial & Agnes Camacho Zosimo Lee Loreta Castro & Jasmin Galace Alma Evangelista UPCIDS Program on Peace, Democratization & Human Rights mcf178@yahoo.com, cids@up.edu.ph Bicol Regional Social Action brsacpmpbicol@yahoo.com, jvlobrigo@hotmail.com, sonimperial@hotmail.com UPCIDS Program on Psychosocial Trauma tel/fax 9293540 unimatrix729@gmail.com UP College of Social Sciences and Philosophy zosimo.lee@up.edu.ph Center for Peace Education, Miriam College lcastro@mc.edu.ph, jgalace@mc.edu.ph UNDP-Manila Ofce alma.evangelista@undp.or
Marco Puzon, Elisabeth Protacio-de Castro
106 | P A R T I C I P A N T S

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frame w o r k a n d s y n t h e s i s o f l e s s o n s l e a r n e d in civil-society peace building

Learning Experiences Study on Civil-Society Peace Building in the Philippines

Framework and Synthesis of Lessons Learned in Civil-Society Peace Building

synthesis of lessons learned in civil-society peace building in the philippines

references learning modules list of participants

LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

about the project

about the contributors

LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

Jasmin Nario-Galace is professor in the Department of International Studies and associate

Elizabeth Protacio-De Castro is professor in the Department of Psychology of the University

LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

VOLUME 1: FRAMEWORK AND SYNTHESIS OF LESSONS LEARNED

framework for assessing civil-society peace building

main context of philippine peace movement

he Philippine peace process

is anchored on the main

agenda of nding a just and peaceful solution to the armed

LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

philippine peace process

nature of civil-society peace building

ivil society may be defined

as the public sphere where

groups and citizens interact on matters of collective con-

philippine peace organization

LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

types of motivational orientations of the parties to the conflict

VOLUME 1: FRAMEWORK AND SYNTHESIS OF LESSONS LEARNED

civil-society peace organization as third party

NATURE OF CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

third parties should be able to

VOLUME 1: FRAMEWORK AND SYNTHESIS OF LESSONS LEARNED

elements of civil-society peace building

peace building (narrow definition)

peace building (broad definitions)

NATURE OF CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

peace-building types according to aims

elements of conflict / collective violence transformation

VOLUME 1: FRAMEWORK AND SYNTHESIS OF LESSONS LEARNED

philippine peace concerns

NATURE OF CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

range of peace-process initiatives

waging peace in the philippines 2004 conference recommendations

ways women can make a contribution

VOLUME 1: FRAMEWORK AND SYNTHESIS OF LESSONS LEARNED

peace-building guideposts drawn from initiatives in indonesia

NATURE OF CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

peace-building activities to be covered in this study

VOLUME 1: FRAMEWORK AND SYNTHESIS OF LESSONS LEARNED

building the infrastructure for peace activism

NATURE OF CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

LEARNING EXPERIENCES STUDY ON CIVIL-SOCIETY PEACE BUILDING

network of effective actors [NEAs]

engagement of state and nonstate actors

VOLUME 1: FRAMEWORK AND SYNTHESIS OF LESSONS LEARNED

unofficial supplements to negotiation

mediation role players in the GRP-NDF process