Information Structure Continued

3. Focus devices in Mandarin Chinese (Cheng 1983) 3.1 Introduction Focus devices are those constructions in which the focused element is highlighted so that it is more easily identified than otherwise. Focus is an element on which the addressee, according to speakers judgment, will focus his attention for its significance of message. Devices for expressing focus: Focus devices are of two types: one makes the focused element prominent by stressing it or placing it in the most prominent position of the sentence; the other makes all or some unfocused elements improminent (in Chinese, by deleting, topicalizing, or repeating them). Expression of focus can be achieved most effectively when the two types of devices are used together. In Chinese, the most prominent position in the sentence is usually the first position of a constituent that is predicated by a modal verb (shi for confirmation, hui for conjecture, yao for volition), or modal adverb (keneng for possibility, dagai for probability, and yiding for certainty). 3.2 Identification of focus through sentence-level structural analysis (35) Q: Ni zai nar du-de jia? you at where spend-DE vacation Where did you have your vacation? A: Wo zai Beijing du-de jia. I at Beijing spend-de vacation I had my vacation in Beijing. There are sentence constructions in which the focused element is highlighted so that it is more easily identified than otherwise. Major focus devices in Chinese: (i) (ii) (iii) (iv) (v) (vi) (vii) Deletion of Unfocused Elements (Del); Topicalization of Unfocused Elements (Top) Repetition of Unfocused Elements (Rep) Parallel Constructions (Para) Inclusion of Focus in shi-Predicate (Shi) Inclusion of Focus in a Predicate led by a Modal (Mod) Interrogative Constructions (Q)

The first four deals with unfocused elements. A parallel construction always involves repetition of unfocused elements.

(36) Q: Ni zai nar du-de jia? you at where spend-DE vacation Where did you have your vacation? Answers: a. Beijing. b. Zai Beijing (in Beijing) c. Shi zai Beijing. SHI at Beijing It is in Beijing.

Del Del Del, Shi

d. Wo shi zai Beijing du-de jia. I SHI at Beijing spend-DE vacation It is in Beijing that I had my vacation. e. Wo dujia zai Beijing du-de. I spend.vacation at Beijing spend-DE As for my vacation, I had it in Beijing. f. Wo dujia shi zai Beijing du-de. I spend.vacation SHI at Beijing spend-DE As for my vacation, it is in Beijing that I had it. g. Wo dujia-de difang shi Beijing. I spend.vacation-MM place be Beijing Where I had my vacation was in Beijing.

Shi

Rep, Top

Rep, Top, Shi

Top, Shi

h. Wo zai Beijing du-de jia mei I at Beijing spend-DE vacation not zai biede difang dujia. Para (Rep) at other place spend.vacation I had my vacation in Beijing and not anywhere else. i. Wo shi zai Beijing du-de jia, I SHI at Beijing spend-DE vacation bushi zai biede difang du-de jia. not at other place spend-DE vacation It was in Beijing that I had my vacation.

Para (Rep), Shi

3.2.1 Deletion of unfocused elements (37) Q: Ni zai nar du-de jia? you at where spend-DE vacation Where did you have your vacation? Answers: a. Beijing. b. Zai Beijing (in Beijing)

Del Del

The more unfocused elements are deleted, the less elements are left in the sentence and it becomes easier for the addressee to identify the focused element.

3.2.2 Topicalization of unfocused elements Topicalization of unfocused elements is a focus device because the more elements are topicalized the less elements will be left in the predicate, which usually includes focus, if there is any, and therefore, identification of focus becomes easier. (38) a. Na-ben shu, wo yijing huan-le. that-CL book I already return-PERF That book, I have already returned it. b. Dangao, ni xihuan chi ma? cake you like eat Q Speaking of cake, do you like to eat it?

3.2.3 Repetition of unfocused elements Repetition of the main verb is common when its adverb or complements are focused without focusing the verb. (39) a. Wo dujia zai Beijing du-de. I spend.vacation at Beijing spend-DE As for my vacation, I had it in Beijing. b. Ta chang ge cheng-de he sing song sing-MM He sings very well. hen hao. very well

3.2.4 Parallel constructions In a parallel construction, the repeated elements are unfocused. Those that are not repeated are focused. (40) a. Ta yao chi mian, wo yao chi fan. he want eat noodle I want eat rice He wants to eat noodles, but I want to eat rice. b. Dianying a, ta yao kan, wo bu yao kan. movie TOP he want see I not want see As for the movie, he wants to see it but I dont. 3.2.5 Inclusion of focus in a shi predicate shi to be (41) a. Ta shi yisheng. he be doctor He is a doctor. b. Zhe shi Zhangsan-de this be Zhangsan-MM This is Zhangsans book. shi in the focus construction (42) a. Wo shi zai Beijing du-de jia. I SHI at Beijing spend-DE vacation It is in Beijing that I had my vacation. b. Shi Zhangsan rang wo qu-de. SHI Zhangsan ask I go-DE It is Zhangsan who asked me to go there. c. Ta shi qunian dao Meiguo-de. he SHI last.year arrive U.S.-DE It was last year that he arrived in the U.S. d. Ta shi qunian dao-de Meiguo. he SHI last.year arrive-DE U.S. It was last year that he arrived in the U.S. (43) a. Ta jie-le yi-ben shu. he borrow-PERF one-CL book He borrowed a book. b. *Ta jie-le shi yi-ben shu-de. he borrow-PERF shi one-CL book-DE Intended: It is a book that he borrowed.
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shu. book

c. Ta jie-de shi yi-ben shu. he borrow-DE SHI one-CL book What he borrowed was a book. (44) a. Ta zuotian chi-le hen duo. he yesterday eat-PERF very much He ate a lot yesterday. b. *Ta zuotian chi-le shi hen duo-de. he yesterday eat-PERF SHI very much-DE Intended: He ate a lot yesterday. c. Ta zuotian chi-de shi hen duo. he yesterday eat-DE SHI very much He indeed ate a lot yesterday. d. Ta zuotian shi chi-le hen duo. he yesterday SHI eat-PERF very much He did eat a lot yesterday. Syntactically, shi and what follows form a predicate that can be called a shi-predicate. Ambiguity (45) a. Zhangsan shi 1970 nian biye-de1 (xuesheng). Zhangsan be 1970 year graduate-MM student Zhangsan is a student who graduated in 1970. b. Zhangsan shi 1970 nian biye-de2. {the default reading} Zhangsan SHI 1970 year graduate-DE It is in 1970 that Zhangsan graduated.

3.2.6 Inclusion of focus in a predicate led by other modals Modal verbs such as hui may probably, keneng possible and adverbs such as yiding certainly, dique definitely, indeed, and dagai probably (46) Wo mingtian hui zai gongyuan-li jian I tomorrow will at park-inside see It will be in the park that I see him tomorrow. (47) Wo mingtian yiding lai. I tomorrow definitely come I will definitely come tomorrow. ta. he

3.2.7 Interrogative constructions An interrogative construction is a type of focus device because it includes a question form which signals the speakers request for the addressee to replace it with an answer. (48) a. Ni zai nar du-de jia? you at where spend-DE vacation Where did you have your vacation? b. Zhangsan shi shei? Zhangsan be who Who is Zhangsan? (49) Ni yao chi fan haishi yao you want eat rice or want Do you want to eat rice or noodles? chi eat mian? noodle

It is possible to have more than one question word in a sentence ((50)). But there can be only one shi-predication in the same sentence (except in parallel or conjoined constructions). Namely, if a question word and shi-predication should occur in the same sentence, the two should coincide ((51)). (50) Ta zai shenme shihou shenme difang he at what time what place When, where and whom did he deceive? pian-le shei? deceive-PERF who

(51) a. Ni shi shenme shihou zuo feiji lai-de? you SHI what time take plane come-DE When was it that you came by plane? b. *Ni shenme shihou shi zuo feiji lai-de? you what time SHI take plane come-DE *When is it by plane that you came?

4. Sentence focus 4.1 Lambrechts three main types of focus structure Three main types of focus structure (Lambrecht 1994): predicate focus, narrow focus, and sentence focus Predicate focus is statistically the most common of the three. It involves an assertion with an unmarked topic-comment structure. There is a topic that is within the presupposition; the domain (scope) of the focus is then the comment (predicate), and within this there is an unmarked focus position, usually the object position.
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(52) Q: Hows your car? A: a. My car/it broke down. b. (La mia macchina) si rotta. c. (Ma voiture) elle est en panne. d. (Kuruma wa) koshoo-shi-ta. e. (Wo de chezi) huai le.

English (subject-predicate) Italian (subject-predicate) French (topic-subject-predicate) Japanese (topic-comment) Chinese (topic-comment)

Narrow focus or contrastive focus structure: In a narrow focus structure only a single NP is in focus; the rest of the assertion is within the presupposition. I heard your motorcycle broke down? a. My car broke down. b. la mia macchina che si rotta. c. Cest ma voiture qui est en panne. d. Kuruma ga koshoo-shi-ta. e. Shi wo chezi huai le.

(53) Q: A:

English (NP focus accent) Italian (-cleft) French (cest cleft) Japanese (ga-marking) Chinese (shi-cleft)

Sentence focus: It requires little or no presupposition; the focus of the assertion is the entire sentence. [Other terms for the sentence focus sentence: neutral description (Kuno 1972); thetic statement (e.g. Sasse 1987)] A sentence focus sentence is generally presentational, presenting either a state of affairs or a new referent.

(54) Q: What happened? A: a. My car broke down. b. Mi si rotta la macchna. c. Jai ma voiture qui est en panne. d. Kuruma ga koshoo-shi-ta.

English (accented subject NP) Italian (inverted subject NP) French (clefted subject NP) Japanese (morphological marking)

(55) A: Fasheng-le shenme shi? happen -PERF what affair What happened? B: Gang lai-le yi da dui liumang. just.now come-PERF one big group hoodlum A group of hoodlums just arrived. 4.2 Presentative sentences in Mandarin 4.2.1 Entity-central presentative sentences Entity-central presentative sentences introduce a new referent into a discourse. They do this by placing the new referent in the postverbal focus position.
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Li and Thompson (1981: 509-519) classify such sentences into two types, those which simply state the referents existence or location (the existential presentative sentence in (56)), and those which introduce the referent with a verb of motion ((57)). (56) a. (Zai) yuanzi-li you yi-zhi gou. (LOC) yard-inside exist one-CL dog In the yard there is a dog. b. You yi-zhi gou zai yuanzi-li. exist one -CL dog LOC yard-inside There is a dog in the yard. (57) Lai le yi ge keren. come asp one class guest There came a guest. In (56b) the yard is identifiable, so it is not being introduced as a new referent, as the dog is, yet it is focal. In (56a) yuanzi-li in the yard is not focal, but it is also not a topic about which an assertion is being made. It merely acts as a locative reference point; the locative serves simply to anchor the new referent in the discourse. According to LaPolla (1995), examples such as (56b)), in which the locus and presentative phrases are reversed, are not existential presentative sentences like (56a), as assumed by Li and Thompson, but are actually examples of what Li and Thompson (1981: 611-618) call the realis descriptive clause sentence, a two-clause structure where a referent is introduced in the first clause, and then an assertion is made about it in the following clause.

(58) a. (Waimian) you yi-ge ren xiang jian ni. (outside) have one-CL person think see 2SG There is a person (outside) who wants to see you. b. Ta you yi-ge meimei hen xihuan kan dianying. 3SG have one-CL younger.sister very like look movie S/He has a younger sister (who) likes to watch movies. c. Wo mai le yi-jian yifu hen hao kan. 1SG buy ASP one-CL clothes very good look I bought a piece of clothing (that is) very good looking. Presentational amalgam construction: a construction usually considered ungrammatical in English, but nonetheless used very often (59) I have a friend of mine in the history department teaches two courses per semester.

(60) a. Wo mai-le yi-jian yifu tai da. 1SG buy-PERF one-CL clothes too big I bought an outfit that turned out to be too big. b. Wo mai-le yi-jian tai da-de yifu. 1SG buy-PERF one-CL too big-MM clothes I bought an outfit that was too big. What is important is that in (60a) an assertion is being made about the clothing, that it is too big. No such assertion is being made in (60b). That is, in (60a) there are two assertions, that I bought a piece of clothing, and that it is too big; in (60b) there is only one assertion, that I bought a piece of (a particular type of) clothing. If anything is incidental, it is the information in the relative clause, not the information which is being asserted.

4.2.2 Event-central presentative sentences In event-central presentative sentences, what is being asserted is the existence (happening) of an event, not the existence of an entity, so this type of structure will often not include referentially specific NPs. (61) a. Xia yu le. fall rain SFP Its raining. b. Xia xue le. fall snow SFP Its snowing. Event-central comment (62) a. Zhangsan qi sui si-le fuqin. Zhangsan seven year die-PERF father His father died when Zhangsan was seven years old. b. Zhangsan diao-le liang-ke ya. Zhangsan fall-PERF two-CL tooth Two of Zhangsans teeth have fallen off.

5. Verb-medial sentences, topic, and focus (63) a. Lai keren le. come guest SFP There came a guest.

b. Keren lai-le. guest(s) come -PERF The guest(s) have come. (64) a. Ta ba shu huan-le he BA book return-PERF He has returned the book. b. Ta shi ((yi)-ge) gongren. he be one-CL worker He is a worker. Chao (1968): There is a very strong tendency for the subject to have a definite reference, and the object to have an indefinite reference. LaPollas (1995) position: Topical or non-focal NPs occur preverbally and focal or nontopical NPs occur post-verbally. Verb medial word order has the function of distinguishing topical or non-focal NPs from focal or non-topical NPs, not definite and indefinite NPs.

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