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 History and Theory
44(February 2005), 14-29 ©Wesleyan University 2005 ISSN: 0018-2656
F
ORUM
: D
OES
C
ULTURE
E
VOLVE
?
2.THE PRICE OF METAPHOR
JOSEPH FRACCHIAAND R. C. LEWONTIN
ABSTRACT
In his critical response to our skeptical inquiry, “Does Culture Evolve?” (
 History and Theory
,
Theme Issue
38 [December 1999], 52-78), W. G. Runciman affirms that “CultureDoes Evolve.” However, we find nothing in his essay that convinces us to alter our initialposition. And we must confess that in composing an answer to Runciman, our first temp-tation was simply to urge those interested to read our original article—both as a basis forevaluating Runciman’s attempted refutation of it and as a framework for reading thisessay, which addresses in greater detail issues we have already raised.Runciman views the “selectionist paradigm” as a “scientific” “puzzle-solving device”now validated by an “expanding literature” that has successfully modeled social and cul-tural change as “evolutionary.” All paradigms, however, including scientific ones, giverise to self-validating “normal science.” The real issue, accordingly, is not whether expla-nations can be successfully manufactured on the basis of paradigmatic assumptions, butwhether the paradigmatic assumptions are appropriate to the object of analysis. The selec-tionist paradigm requires the reduction of society and culture to inheritance systems thatconsist of randomly varying, individual units, some of which are selected, and some not;and with society and culture thus reduced to inheritance systems, history can be reducedto “evolution.” But these reductions, which are required by the selectionist paradigm,exclude much that is essential to a satisfactory historical explanation—particularly thesystemic properties of society and culture and the combination of systemic logic and con-tingency. Now as before, therefore, we conclude that while historical phenomena canalways be modeled selectionistically, selectionist explanations do no work, nor do theycontribute anything new except a misleading vocabulary that anesthetizes history.
I. INTRODUCTION
In response to the skepticism embedded in our inquiry, “Does Culture Evolve?,”W. G. Runciman emphatically responds that “Culture Does Evolve.” Heacknowledges some of our criticisms as relevant to older, sociobiologically-based theories of cultural evolution. He insists, however, that they are inapplica-ble to the “extensive and growing neo-Darwinian literature that treats culturalevolution as significantly analogous but not reducible to biological evolution”and which “is consistently and explicitly anti-reductionist.” Two matters peculiarto older theories of cultural evolution, progress and prediction, are not issues forthis new generation that rejects notions of progress for “universal nonteleologi-cal explanation of teleological achievements”
1
and maintains that “although not
1. Runciman,
Culture Does Evolve,
3 (hereafter cited as CDE). See also Runciman, “TheSelectionist Paradigm and its Implications for Sociology,”
Sociology
32:1 (February 1998), 164.Hereafter cited as SPIS.
 
predictable in advance, [evolution] is always away from something explicablewith hindsight.”
2
These claims are part of Runciman’s overall attempt to give the apparentlymerely factual narratives of historians a theoretical grounding that they suppos-edly lack, to “take the discussion to a more general level without weakening theforce of detailed conclusions established by specialists at the level of particularcase-histories”—and to do so without succumbing to the teleological determin-ism of “skyhooks.”
3
We are in complete accord with this not unusual aspirationto avoid both empirical eclecticism and theoretical dogmatism. Consequences,however, cannot be measured by intentions. And we begin our response byrepeating the conclusion of our original essay, namely: that selectionist explana-tions can always be made to work, but they don’t do any useful work. By this wemean that while it is always possible to manufacture an “evolutionary” explana-tion of any historical change as a process of “hereditable variation and competi-tive selection,” the selectionist paradigm neither contributes anything new(except terminology) nor does it of its own volition ask the kinds of questionsrequired in order fully to explain historical changes.
II. THE LIMITS OF PARADIGMATIC VISION
Runciman’s argument is based on some rather outmoded paradigmatic assump-tions about the relation between facts and explanatory theories and between “his-tory” and “science” (assumptions that ignore an immense literature on historyand theory). He agrees with Marion Blute that “biological evolutionary theoryhas solved the problem of history versus science” by showing “that there is a log-ical role for both.”
4
As two of Runciman’s next-generation colleagues, RobertBoyd and Peter Richerson, specify: “In the biological and social domains, ‘sci-ence’without ‘history’leaves many interesting phenomena unexplained, while‘history’without ‘science’cannot produce an explanatory account of the past,only a listing of disconnected facts.”
5
In this clear division of labor, historiansdiscover and collect data and about “interesting” social-cultural phenomena,while evolutionary theorists raise the general level of analysis by subjectingthose data to the selectionist covering law.Having domesticated the historical discipline as the research assistant of sci-ence, Runciman turns to Darwin’s selectionist paradigm, which “can furnishpurely narrative explanations of the evolution of institutions and societies . . .with a theoretical grounding which they otherwise lack.”
6
Its superiority con-firmed by its elevation to the “dominant paradigm” in biology, the selectionist
THE PRICE OF METAPHOR
15
2. SPIS, 171. Our original essay did address the problem of hindsight and postdictive readjustment(76); and we also noted (75) that next-generational selectionists such as Robert Boyd and PeterRicherson claimed that “Darwinian models can make useful predictions” about cultural change.3. CDE, 3.4.
 Ibid.
, 9.5. Robert Boyd and Peter J. Richerson, “How Microevolutionary Processes Give Rise to History,”in
 History and Evolution
, ed. Matthew H. Nitecki and Doris V. Nitecki (Albany: SUNYPress, 1992),201.6. SPIS, 175.
 
JOSEPH FRACCHIAAND R. C. LEWONTIN
16paradigm “has been vindicated to the point that it is now a commonplace that thetheory of natural selection is about as likely to be disconfirmed as the earth toturn out to be flat.”
7
In a self-validating appeal that mistakes quantity for quali-ty, Runciman asserts that the “literature
in which it is taken for granted 
that cul-tural change
can be modeled as
an evolutionary process has expanded to thepoint that it is no longer a question of whether heritable variation and competi-tive selection are at work, but only how.”
8
How indeed?Though he acknowledges that a paradigm is (only) “a way of looking at theworld,” Runciman insists that “in science” a paradigm is not an untestable set of metatheoretical assumptions, but a “puzzle-solving device” that must “be testedcase by case.” His faith in testing as the measure of validity notwithstanding, eachand every paradigm solves puzzles on the basis of its particular “way of lookingat the world.” There is a two-sided problem here: one, as Kuhn noted, is that “nor-mal science does not aim at novelties of fact or theory and, when successful, findsnone”
9
; it is rather the self-validating application of paradigmatic assumptions toparticular cases—as is evident in Runciman’s attempt to validate the selectionistparadigm by appealing to the totally predictable “normal scientific” successes inthe expanding literature. And the flip-side is that all paradigmatic ways of look-ing at the world relegate something to the shadows, thereby creating their ownblind spots. Our point is
not 
that selection explains nothing, but that it does notexplain everything and excludes much that is essential to the understanding of social/cultural change. The fact that culture and society
can be
subjected to theselectionist paradigm does not mean that they
are
selectionist-driven evolution-ary processes. It is thus ironic that Runciman regularly castigates Hegel’s philos-ophy as an untestable metahistory, yet completely ignores Hegel’s very acute par-adigmatic understanding of his own work as “a way of looking at the world,” asa self-conscious (and, in his view of course, superior) construction. As Hegel putit in his
Philosophy of History
, philosophy “brings” reason to history, and “to[those] who look at the world rationally, the world looks rationally back.”
10
Thesame thing can be said about those who look at the world selectionistically.This problem of self-validating circularity is especially great in the human/ social sciences. Because they deal with non-repeatable and non-mechanisticevents and processes that cannot be subjected to experimentation, “normal sci-
7.
 Ibid.
, 169, 163. There are actually two questions involved here, namely: “does cultureevolve?”—which we addressed as a transformational theory of a macroevolutionary process; and “docultures evolve?”—which we addressed as a variational theory of microevolutionary processes.Though concerned with the latter question about microevolutionary processes, Runciman regularlyinvokes the associative power of real and counterfactual macroevolutionary sequences to legitimizeselectionist explanations of microevolutionary processes. Though we agree that there have been evo-lutionary stages from simple chemical elements to plant and animal life to human culture andmachines (CDE, 3), that scores of Mozartian-like symphonies will not be found in Stone Age burialsites, nor an electronics-based telecommunications industry among Kalahari foragers (SPIS, 172),these examples of macroevolutionary path-dependence do not prove that selectionism is the surestmeans of explaining microevolutionary social/cultural processes.8. W. G. Runciman, “Heritable Variation and Competitive Selection,”
Proceedings of the British Academy
112 (2002), 13. Hereafter cited as HVCS.9. Thomas Kuhn,
The Structure of Scientific Revolutions
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press,1970), 52.10. G. W. F. Hegel,
 Reason in History
(Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1981), 11, 13.
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