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TURKEY’S CHANGING NEIGHBOURHOODPOLICY
GENCER ÖZCAN 
Turkey’s relations with its neighbors have been steadily improving. The tenserelations of the mid-nineties were in stark contrast to the good neighborly rela-tions that Ankara has succeeded in cultivating with its contiguous as well aswith its second-belt neighbors for the last five years. The improvement of rela-tions with Russia, Syria and Iran, former rivals for several reasons, is exemplary.The successive Turkish governments seem to have held the common policy thatrelations should be governed by the principles of good neighborliness. Trust,engagement and dialogue, rather than confrontation and containment, appearto be the leitmotivs of the present rhetoric. In order to grasp the reasons thatpaved the way for such an overall improvement, one has to look at two aspectsof Turkish foreign policy: Success in putting down the Kurdish insurgency andincreasing prospects for accession to the EU.This paper will take a closer look at the reasons of the amelioration of relationswith a number of troubled neighbors (Russia, Iran, and Syria) and to delineatethe main elements of this transformation.
 
Turkey’s Security Policy FES Briefing Paper September 2004 Page2
1 A Changing Environment
The end of the Cold War did not improve Tur-key's security environment. New threats andchallenges generated a broader security agendafor Ankara. Despite initially positive expectations,disintegration of the Soviet and Yugoslavian fe-derations and, not the least, the
de facto 
partiti-on of Iraq fueled increased insecurities in thevicinity of Turkey. Moreover, the great disin-tegration exacerbated Turkey’s own Kurdish se-paratism, and the PKK’s armed insurgency gai-ned momentum after Baghdad’s authority brokedown in northern Iraq. Among the threats Anka-ra had to cope with, Kurdish separatism createdby far the greater insecurities for Turkey. It re-mained the epicenter of Turkey’s security con-cerns for the rest of the decade following theCold War.Although it reached its climax after the Gulf War,the armed Kurdish insurgency had already be-gun to undermine the premises of the classicinside-outside national security dichotomy in thelate 1980s. As the PKK began to operate moreeffectively within and outside Turkey, the milita-ry gradually assumed a greater role to engage incurbing the armed insurgency. The “asymmetri-cal” and non-conventional threat” required thearmy to change its mindset, force structure, ope-rational codes and even its inventory. In August1989, the General Staff had delivered a land-mark statement indicating that the threat wascoming from within as well as outside Turkey.The decisions taken in the National SecurityCouncil’s March 1990 meeting heralded a newera in the struggle against the PKK. Accordingly,a governmental degree went into force in April1990 taking extra measures to deal with separa-tist threat. In 1992 the
National Security Policy Document 
pinpointed Kurdish separatism as themajor source of threat.Notwithstanding the increased troop deploy-ment in the southeast of Turkey and active col-laboration with the KDP to uproot the PKK inNorthern Iraq, the army had considerable diffi-culty to contain the armed insurgency until itchanged its overall strategy in July 1994.
1
The
Area Superiority Strategy 
required the army tohave special training, different force structuresand relevant equipment in dealing with the in-surgency. By the middle of the decade fighting
1
TSK Bölgede ‘Alan HakimiyetiKonseptini Uygu-lamaya Basladi,”
Cumhuriyet 
, 28 Temmuz 1994.
the PKK went another step further when theTAF increased the scale of operations inside Iraqand began to deploy troops in the security beltformed along the border.Given security measures tightened by the firsthalf of the decade, political issues pertinent toidentity issues were rapidly oversecuritized. Thus,having precipitated the imposition of extra legalmeasures, the PKK insurgency eventually contri-buted to the further consolidation of securitysector in Turkey. Throughout the nineties, themilitary had retained and expanded its centralplace within the security sector and its
de facto 
 authority over security and foreign policy issues(SFP). Its influence became even more conspicu-ous when issues were concerned with the armedforces’ operational engagement. So the moreTurkey’s security agenda widened, the greaterbecame military’s involvement in SFP issues. Themilitary’s role therefore became more percep-tible, and in some cases uncomfortably coexistswith the role of the elected government and itsforeign policy. Moreover, this occurred at a timewhen the EU was becoming more sensitive tohuman rights issues as well as to what was cal-led the shortcomings of democratic control ofthe militaries in candidate countries, and did soat a time the sources and agents of the SFP werebecoming more pluralistic across Europe. Over-securitization of Turkey’s political system andtransgressions of human rights were thereforebitterly criticized by the EU. Against thisbackdrop, Ankara was not included among thenew list of candidates for eventual membershipat the Luxembourg summit of 12 December1997.
2 Assertive Diplomacy: 1995-1999
By the second half of the nineties, Turkey’s FSPseemed to have been guided by two strategies:the „
2 ½ Wars Strategy 
and, less formally, theperipheral strategy. The former stipulated a newforce structure to deal with two-pronged con-ventional contingencies on the Greek and Syrianfronts, and simultaneously the Kurdish insurgen-cy at home. Formulated by a veteran diplomatand well-known expert on FSP issues, SükrüElekdag’s strategy guided the establishment andshaped the mindset of the security sector for thelatter part of the decade. Although articulatedless formally, the latter strategy produced morepalpable outcomes as far as Turkey’s relationswith its outer belt neighbors were concerned.Turkey's growing relations with Israel, Jordan,
 
Turkey’s Security Policy FES Briefing Paper Sepember 2004 3
Azerbaijan and Ukraine, primarily in security-related areas, led some analysts to label this acti-ve policy as the ‘
Turkish peripheral strategy 
.’ Itaimed to contain or counterbalance the conti-guous neighbors with whom Turkey had trou-bles.In the second half of the decade Turkey steppedup its efforts on the diplomatic front to cut offthe PKK’s logistics. By early 1996, Ankara haddropped its policy of critical dialogue with Syriacalling for end of its sponsorship of the PKK’sactivities within Syria and Lebanon. In a notedelivered on 23 January 1996, Ankara bluntlywarned Damascus that its current policy woulddraw retaliation in kind. Given the continuingSyrian indifference to continual Turkish warnings,the following months witnessed a great leapforward towards the improvement of bilateralrelations with Israel in military affairs, which hadalready taken off in 1993. The Military TrainingCooperation Agreement of 23 February 1996,the Defense Industry Cooperation Agreement of28 August 1996, strategic dialogue forums at-tended by the top FSP elite of respective count-ries, joint air and naval exercises, and large scalemodernization projects made the alignment thekeystone of Ankara’s peripheral strategy.Although the alignment, claimed Turkish autho-rities, had never been geared to take joint mea-sures to check Syria, the agreements were per-ceived by the Arab countries as a classic allianceforged against Syria in particular. So it becameanother source of irritation for Syria and Iran,whose efforts, however, to form a counter alli-ance proved futile for the rest of the decade.
3 Syria
Historically speaking, Turkey’s relations with itsMiddle Eastern neighbors were poisoned by avariety of issues. Yet for Ankara the regionaliza-tion of the Kurdish issue after the Gulf Warstood out as the most burning issue for severalreasons. Its regionalization caused controversialoutcomes/windfalls for all neighbours. While thecreation of the state of Kurdistan in NorthernIraq brought these countries together in searchof countermeasures, they, almost with no excep-tion, played the Kurdish card against each otherfor a variety of purposes. Providing shelter,transportation and training facilities to the PKKand hosting its leader in Damascus for almosttwo decades, Syria’s war by proxy against Turkeyremained an excellent case.Turkish-Syrian relations remained soured, par-ticularly after 1984 when the PKK intensified itsactivities within Turkey. However, Ankara’s poli-cy was a critical dialogue with Damascus invol-ving carrots rather than sticks. The protocols ofJuly 1987 and April 1992 assuring Syria of a re-gular downflow of the Euphrates were Turkishefforts of the kind, yet with no tangible result.However, after 1996, as a result of frustrationwith the Syrian indifference to Turkish demands,Ankara changed its policy and began to pressu-rize Damascus to stop its support for the PKK.Turkish policy was twofold: It stepped up its ef-forts to contain the Syrian policy first by forgingcloser diplomatic military relations with Israel,second, by resorting to the threat of use of forcemore often unless Damascus ended its supportfor the PKK. In a note to Damascus delivered on23 January 1996, Ankara made it clear that itretained the right to resort to self-defense mea-sures if Damascus failed to revise its policy asregards the PKK.
2
In May 1996, both countrieswere reported to be massing troops along theborder on the heels of bombing that shook Da-mascus and Latakkiya. In September 1996, thetension increased further with Turkey’s involve-ment in the Kurdish civil war in Northern Iraq,assisting the KDP in its struggle against the PUK.In the meantime, Ankara suspended high leveldiplomatic contacts, and the meetings of the joint security committees were discontinued untilthe final showdown in September1998, whenTurkey launched its ‘
deterring pressure policy 
against Syria. It called on Syria to cease hostingAbdullah Öcalan in Damascus. After the offerEgyptian and Iranian good offices, Syria bowedto the pressure and swiftly deported Öcalan,immediately after the conclusion of the Memo-randum of Understanding signed on 20 October1998 in Adana.After the Adana Memorandum of Understand-ing was signed, Ankara pursued a policy of cau-tious optimism towards Damascus. However,diplomatic contacts were gradually upgraded,and when Syria expressed its intent to take con-fidence-building measures, Turkey reciprocated
2
Hasan Cemal,
Kürtler 
(Istanbul: Dogan Kitap, 2003)p.444.
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