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Mother Earth Magazine_January 1913 and Letters

Mother Earth Magazine_January 1913 and Letters

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The governmental situation today among the nations at the four corners of the earth appeal to the re-alignment of the educational systems and processes on all levels, and that is to be found in the fact that the light of knowledge and its benefits should not only be owned by the capitalists, but should also penetrate to the lowest grades of the slowly evolving people.
The same education for all levels of society should be considered, but here again we touch a threefold purpose which all classes have to hold before itself and which in the present instance consists of: (read further in the book).
The governmental situation today among the nations at the four corners of the earth appeal to the re-alignment of the educational systems and processes on all levels, and that is to be found in the fact that the light of knowledge and its benefits should not only be owned by the capitalists, but should also penetrate to the lowest grades of the slowly evolving people.
The same education for all levels of society should be considered, but here again we touch a threefold purpose which all classes have to hold before itself and which in the present instance consists of: (read further in the book).

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Published by: Philippe L. De Coster on May 12, 2014
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06/16/2014

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In Memory of Alexander Berkman, Emma Goldman, and Voltairine de Cleyre
Mother Earth Volume VII
 – 
 January 1913
A Few Letters from and to Emma Goldman
The Cause for the Momentous Situation
Philippe L. De Coster, B.Th., D.D.
© May 2014, Skull Press Ebook Publications, Ghent, Belgium
 – 
 Public Domain and Non Commercial
 
2
The Cause for the Momentous Situation
By Philippe L. De Coster, B.Th., D.D.
The governmental situation today among the nations at the four corners of the earth appeal to the re-alignment of the educational systems and processes on all levels, and that is to be found in the fact that the light of knowledge and its  benefits should not only be owned  by the capitalists, but should also  penetrate to the lowest grades of the slowly evolving people. The same education for all levels of society should be considered,  but here again we touch a threefold  purpose which all classes have to hold before itself and which in the  present instance consists of: 1.
 
Educating the working class of the different classes into which humanity divides itself, so that they become strictly and consciously human one towards another. Nowadays classes fail to be human with one another. This was the objective of the impulse which inspired the Renaissance and which lay behind the work of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, the great French  poet, writer and philosopher, political theorist, and this should be the impulse which is today responsible for modern humanism with its apparent materialism, an yet its deeply subjective programme and  purpose. This eventually produced a civilisation by the inflow of the light of knowledge, and not of religion. Jean-Jacques Rousseau was born in Geneva on June 28, 1712. His mother died when he was young, and Rousseau was initially brought up by his father, a watchmaker. He left Geneva aged 16 and travelled around France, where he met his benefactress, the Baroness de Warens, who gave him the education that turned him into a philosopher. Jean-Jacques Rousseau reached Paris in 1742 and soon met Denis Diderot, another provincial man seeking literary fame. They formed the core of the
 
3 intellectual group, the 'Philosophers'. Eschewing an easy life as a popular composer, in 1750 he published his first important work 'A Discourse on the Sciences and the Arts' (1750). Its central theme was that man had become corrupted by society and civilisation. In 1755, he published 'Discourse on the Origin of Inequality'. He claimed that original man, while solitary, was happy, good and free. The vices dated from the formation of societies, which brought comparisons and, with that, pride. 'The Social Contract' of 1762 suggested how man might recover his freedom in the future. It argued that a state based on a genuine social contract would give men real freedom in exchange for their obedience to a self-imposed law. Jean-Jacques Rousseau described his civil society as united by a general will, furthering the common interest while occasionally clashing with personal interest. Increasingly unhappy in Paris, Rousseau travelled to Montmorency. While there, he produced 'Èmile', a treatise on education and 'The New Eloise' (1761). This novel escaped the censors and was the most widely read of all his works. Its freedom with emotion was in tune with developing romanticism and won him many important fans. But it scandalised the French authorities, who burned it and ordered Rousseau's arrest. He travelled to England, a guest of the Scottish  philosopher David Hume, but grew unhappy and secretly returned to France. In his last 10 years, Rousseau wrote his 'Confessions', justifying himself against his opponents. He died on 2 July 1778 in Ermenonville, the estate of the Marquis de Girardin, who had given him refuge. What Jean-Jacques Rousseau politically suggested was not quite Anarchy, but was somehow on its way. Although the general will must be arrived at through reasoned deliberation in the state as a whole, its execution depends upon an embodiment in the structure of government. Thus, for Rousseau, distinct forms of government have to do only with the execution of the sovereign laws: democracy is dangerous in application to particular cases, where the general will can easily be lost in the pressure of private interests; aristocracy is acceptable so long as it executes the general will rather than serving the welfare of the ruling elite; and monarchy clearly raises the temptation to serve private welfare at the expense of the common good. The appropriate form of government for any state depends upon the character of its people and even its physical climate, Rousseau supposed, and its success can be measured easily by the extent to which its  population thrives. Abuses of power can, of course, threaten the very life of the state. When the government
 — 
 properly responsible only for carrying out the general will
 — 
takes upon itself the sovereign responsibility of establishing legal requirements for the  people, the social contract has been broken. For Rousseau, then, the

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