Cr equi-Montfort Expedition (1903) By Gabriela Zamorano El Colegio de Michoac an R e s u m e n En 1903, la Expedici on francesa Cr equi-Montfort visit o Bolivia y sus fronteras para estudiar a la poblaci on local. La expedici on transport o c amaras, instrumentos fo- togr acos y un sistema de fotografa prestado del m etodo Bertillon de identicaci on criminal con el n de producir y recolectar retratos pintorescos y m etricos de los pueb- los indgenas. Con base en este caso, este artculo explora las maneras en que la raza fue normalizada en el emergente estado liberal boliviano. Especcamente, examina c omo las ideas raciales se apoyaron en la fotografa y contribuyeron a validarla como una herramienta cientca. Mediante el an alisis de cuatro grupos de im agenes, el artculo explora el rol de la fotografa en la autenticaci on de la ciencia; los contextos polticos en los que las ideas e im agenes raciales circularon en Europa y Latinoam erica; los usos de la puesta en escena fotogr aca para apoyar el argumento del potencial de las razas andinas para salir adelante; y el rol de los pies de foto, textos, composici on y manipulaci on t ecnica para atribuir relevancia cientca a las im agenes. [Fotografa cientca, raza, Bolivia] A b s t r a c t In 1903, the Cr equi-Montfort French Expedition visited Bolivia and its borders to study the local population. The expedition transported cameras, photographic instruments, and a photographic systemborrowed fromthe Bertilloncriminal identicationmethod in order to produce and collect picturesque and metric portraits of indigenous peoples. Based on this case, this article explores the ways in which race was normalized in the emerging Bolivian liberal state. Specically, it examines how racial ideas relied upon The Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Anthropology, Vol. 16, No. 2, pp. 425455. ISSN 1935-4932, online ISSN 1935-4940. C 2011 by the American Anthropological Association. All rights reserved. DOI: 10.1111/j.1935- 4940.2011.01165.x Photography and the Racialization of Bolivian Indians 425 photography and contributed to validating it as a scientic tool. By analyzing four groups of images, the article explores photographys role in authenticating science; the political contexts in which racial ideas and images circulated in Europe and Latin Amer- ica; the uses of staged photography to support the argument of Andean races potential for accomplishment; and the role of captions, texts, composition, and technical ma- nipulation in attributing scientic relevance to images. [Scientic photography, race, Bolivia] In April 1903, the steamship Amazone left the French port of Pauillac for South America, transporting a team of French scientists known as the Cr equi-Montfort Expedition. Preceded by the naturalist explorations of travelers such as Hum- boldt, Darwin, and DOrbigny, South America had already witnessed a wave of meteorological, medical, geological, anthropological, geographical, archaeologi- cal, ethnological, linguistic, and economic research in the second half of the 19th century. 1 Following the tradition of such expeditions, the Cr equi-Montfort team spent six months in Bolivia and adjacent countries with the goal of studying men from the highlands, their languages and environment in the present and in the past from Titicaca in the North to the Jujuy region [in Argentina] in the South (Cr equi-Montfort and De La Grange 1904:82). 2 Arthur Chervin, the intellectual leader of the Expedition, never set foot in Bo- livia, but instead commissioned specialists in geology, mineralogy, anthropology, philology, zoology, and physiology to carry out the work (Chervin 1908:iv). Their task was to collect objects and data to be transported back to Europe. This included gathering human physiological and physical information including anthropomet- rical measurements and photographs (Cr equi-Montfort and De La Grange 1904). By emphasizing the relevance of anthropological and archaeological data, Chervin distinguished this project froma merely geographic exploration (1904:vi). In his preface to Anthropologie Bolivienne, the Expeditions main publication, politician L eon Burgeois summarized the ve key results of this anthropological focus. In his view the research offered, rst, an overview of the life and mentality of the studied peoples; second, it contributed to theories of the origins or ethnogeny of Americas inhabitants; third, it introduced a method of craniometrical photogra- phy; fourth, it analyzed the question of racial mixing or metissage; and fth, the Expedition studied human life at high altitudes (Chervin 1908:4). As was the case with most racial research by early 20th century European and Latin American scientists, the Expeditions anthropological focus was concerned with indigenous peoples mentality, origins, cranial characteristics, mixing, and adaptation with the environment. The contentious notion of race at the time was based both on biological and cultural parameters deployed as a way to legiti- mate relations of domination in the context of nation-building processes (De la 426 J ournal of L ati n A meri can and C ari bbean A nthropology Cadena 2000; Appelbaum et al. 2003). An analysis of the anthropological research undertaken by the Cr equi-Montfort Expedition in Bolivia helps explain the ways in which race was understood and normalized in an emerging liberal state. More specically, this article centers on the ways in which scienceand especially pho- tography as an emerging scientic toolcontributed to the crafting of such racial ideas while building upon them. The large amount of photographic equipment in the Expeditions inventory provides a clue to the role that scientists of the time attributed to this technology. The paraphernalia transported by the Expedition included, aside from meteo- rological devices, sophisticated photographic equipment: a few light chambers; eight photographic cameras . . . a panoramic chamber (Cr equi-Montfort and De La Grange 1904:8384). Among this ostentatious display of technology, a metric photographic instrument deserves particular attention. It was createdby Alphonse Bertillon, director of the identication division of the Paris Police Department; it enabled the capture of standard frontal and prole views that, together with anthropometrical and statistical data, would later be incorporated into individual identication cards. In addition to producing frontal and prole portraits of 208 Quichua, Ay- mara, and metis (mixed-race) people using the Bertillon system, Expedition mem- bers photographed daily life scenes, geographic conditions, and archaeological sites in Bolivia. The Expedition also hired local photographers and gathered pic- turesque scenes from French professionals working there. In Europe, Chervin used photography as a mathematically accurate method to measure the skulls collected by the Expedition (Chervin 1908:xxxvi). Such research was undertaken to study the effects of altitude on indigenous peoples organisms and to com- pare, from an anthropological point of view, the Aymara and Quechua peoples (Poutrin 1919:257). Hence, the Expedition saw photography as an instrument to gather proofs that could add to ongoing racial debates in Europe and Latin America. The uses that the Expedition made of photography exemplify how 19th cen- tury anthropologists valued this technology as visual evidence of racean elusive concept partly understood as permanent, separable types of human beings with innate qualities that were passed from one generation to the next (Wade 1997:8), and partly associated with cultural and environmental features. This particular use of photography relates to concerns recently addressed by scholars: that is, its scientic use as a method of observation, recording, and classication, and as a means of crafting scientic objectivity itself (Edwards 1992; Pauwels 2006; Braun 2007; Edwards et al. 2010); the anthropological uses of racial photography as one more tool for disciplining knowledge, for scientically justifying domination in racial terms (i.e., Edwards 1992; Poignant 1992; Carre no 2002); and for crafting and disseminating racial ideas (Poole 1997). Photography and the Racialization of Bolivian Indians 427 Building on these studies, this article analyzes the relationship between racial thinking, photography, and scientic practices in the images published by the Cr equi-Montfort Expedition. It examines four cases that interrogate how ongoing racial ideas relied upon photography and contributed to validating it as a sci- entic tool. First, the Expeditions metric photographs (photographie metrique) facilitated inferences about the kinds of practices needed to solve methodological challenges to the study of non-European populations; they enhanced the impor- tance of photography for authenticating science. Second, the metric images that the Expedition produced of Aymara inmates in the La Paz Prison reveal its po- litical and ideological context and its tight relationship with the circulation and appropriation of racial ideas that fostered the belief that Andean peoples were dangerous in relation to national development. Third, Expedition leaders used photographs like those of the French consular agents servant, Pedro Sandibal, to describe their method and to support the underlying argument of Andean races potential for accomplishment through education. And fourth, the picturesque images presented by the Expedition provide clues to understanding the role of captions, texts, composition, and technical manipulation in attributing scientic relevance to images that Chervin considered nonscientic. In this case, the Expe- dition deployed picturesque portraits to argue for the superiority of the mestizo race over the indigenous one, as well as its eventual control over political and economic affairs. Rendering Elusiveness Visible: Race, Photography and Science The relationship between vision and modern science has stimulated a body of lit- erature that interrogates how technologies affected visualization, knowledge, and the constitution of the modern subject, especially during the late 19th century (i.e., Crary 1990; Brennan and Jay 1996; Benjamin 1999). Additionally, recent studies converge in their attempts to explain what photography, in comparison with other visual technologies, has contributed to extending vision through scientic prac- tices. Such studies analyze aspects as diverse as the role of photographic imagery in medical practices (Pauwels 2006; Edwards et al. 2010), the naturalization of gender relationships using visual scientic devices (Haraway 1989), and the uses of photographic portraiture in the institutionalization of criminal sciences (Sekula 1986), to name just a few. For example, two recently edited volumes on vision and science explore how the reproducibility and transportability of photography made it an effective pedagogical tool or mediator between specialized scientic knowledge and broad publics (Pauwels 2006; Edwards et al. 2010). Other studies focus on the scientic mobilization of photographys indexical link with reality to materialize the idea of objectivity, as well as on this mediums undeniably articial 428 J ournal of L ati n A meri can and C ari bbean A nthropology or ctional nature. Studies on science and visuality also note that photography offers science the possibility of separating vision from the human eye in order to amplify, expand, and make scientic ndings fromouter space, under the oceans, exotic locations, underground, [and] inside the body visible and accessible to wider publics (Edwards et al. 2010:6). Racial science also beneted from photographys ability to expand European vision during the late 19th century (Edwards 1992, 1998; Pinney 1992; Poole 1997; Naranjo 2006). The inclusion of photographic cameras on overseas expeditions permitted the transportation of accurate images of non-European populations to facilitate subsequent scrutiny, measurement, comparison, and display. This pos- sibility nourished ambitious projects like photographic compositions to identify common physiognomies among social groups (Galton 2006) and world atlases to visually classify the world population according to the abstract idea of racial types. 3 Deborah Poole (1997) states that the modern notion of race and racial typol- ogy relies on a transformation of scientists and travelers methods for observing and classifying nature during the late 18th and 19th centuries. In the 18th century, naturalists such as Carolus Linneus and Georges Louis Leclerc Comte de Buffon advanced the taxonomic categorization of plants and animals as well as the anal- ysis of physical variation within species (MacGee and Warms 1996:6). Later on, evolutionists such as Jean Lamarck and Erasmus Darwin discussed the impacts of geographic andclimatic conditions onplants andanimals (7). Participating insuch debates, Humboldt was one of the rst travelers who, as a result of his explorations in South America in the rst decades of the 1800s, defended a visual methodology based on just that notion of type or physiognomy (Poole 1997:68) as related to a visual abstraction and a general impression that landscapes provoked in the observer (74). Poole explains how the language of type became familiar among other travelers, such as Alcide DOrbigny. Following the taxonomic classication principles of his mentor Georges Cuvier, DOrbigny adapted Humboldts ideas of type and physiognomy to classify South American peoples into races, nations, branches, and tribes (79). Interestingly, DOrbignys racial classication cen- tered more on groups moral, emotional, and cultural characteristics than their physical traits (80). Nineteenth century scientists Charles Darwin and Herbert Spencer built upon naturalists debates to develop inuential evolutionist theories. These debates in- formed early anthropological inquiry during the second half of the 19th century in the work of Lewis Henry Morgan and Sir Edward Burnett Taylor, who pro- posed comparative analysis to prove the evolution from primitive to complex societies (8). Based on human evolutionist studies, anthropometry became one of the most fashionable methods to observe, measure, and compare representatives of different human races in order to classify them. Although there was never com- mon agreement on how to identify racial variation, anthropologists developed Photography and the Racialization of Bolivian Indians 429 numerous methods to demonstrate its existence following a general notion of racial type as a set of characteristics that repeated themselves on a great number of subjects, which allow one to suppose a certain link, a given blood community (Topinard 1881:457). In their attempts to explain racial typologies, evolutionist scientists and trav- elers developed photographic methodologies as part of anthropometric research from the 1880s to the early 20th century. 4 Most of these methodologies, which were laid out in detailed instructions about how to measure and photograph indi- viduals, insisted on the scientic character of anthropometric portraits over their artistic, picturesque, or emotional aspects. As Bertillon quoted: the less we are aesthetically impressed by the image subject to our examination, the more we will be interested on it from the scientic point of view (Naranjo 2006:103). During the rst decades of the 20th century, and after heated debates over how to make racial types visible, there was growing scientic disappointment over the inaccessibility of pure types, and therefore a general agreement on the fact that photography could not help make them evident (Jehel 2000:6263). The Cr equi-Montfort Expedition was undertaken before theorists such as Franz Boas in the United States and Bronislaw Malinowski in the United Kingdom started to question social evolutionism and the comparative method. At the time of the Expedition evolutionist thinking held sway; its reliance on racial classication, and its deployment of photography as evidence had a profound impact on racial imaginaries throughout the 20th century despite antievolutionary developments within the discipline of anthropology. A major example of this was the appropria- tion of anthropometrics and metric photography in Nazi eugenics projects. On a smaller but still signicant scale, even nowthe idea of race associated with physical typology permeates social imaginaries about indigenous peoples in Latin America and beyond. This is due in large measure to the photographic images produced by scientic projects such as the Cr equi-Montfort Expedition. The Bertillon System and the Rigorous Construction of Type In the introduction to Anthropologie Bolivienne, Chervin states his concern about the lack of regularity in the photographic documentation of world populations: There is no traveler or tourist who does not take with him one or several pho- tographic cameras. All of them bring back panoramic shots and portraits that let us witness a thousand travel adventures. Unfortunately, these photographs do not offer any scientic value, especially from the anthropological point of view. They were made, most often haphazardly, according to what was most convenient in terms of operation, without method, without rule, without precision, in one word, 430 J ournal of L ati n A meri can and C ari bbean A nthropology without any precaution that would allow them to be rendered comparable with each other (1908:xix). Chervin insisted that non-metric photography is like a geographic map in whichthe scale is ignored (xxii). This pragmatic emphasis onmetrics andaccuracy beyondaesthetics points tosome of the scientic andanthropological practices that attributed value and meaning to metric portraiture as valid data about indigenous populations. By the time of the Expedition, disciplines suchas medicine, psychology, biology, anthropology, and criminology had already experimented with the possibilities of photographic accuracy to record the characteristics and variation of their subjects of study. This is how, in response to his concern for controlling all imprecision, Chervin proposed taking advantage of the criminal photography methods recently developed by his colleague Alphonse Bertillon. Besides being the director of the identicationdivisionof the Paris Police Department, Bertillon(1882) had studied with physical anthropologist Paul Broca, and published a book on savage races. While working at the Police Department from 1880, Bertillon developed a system for identifying recidivist criminals. He believed that photography could capture all of an individuals facial details in side and frontal bust portraits. The Bertillon instrument included a photographic camera with a parallel viewer and a mecha- nism to obtain standard anthropometrical pictures; a tripod; and a special posing chair with a ruler, an adjustable base, a head support, and a glass stand (Chervin 1908:295; Fig. 1). Figure 1 The Bertillon instrument (Chervin 1908:294, Fig. 126). Photography and the Racialization of Bolivian Indians 431 According to Chervin: The special automatic instrument for metrical photography was introduced and planned by M. Alphonse Bertillon in an attempt to standardize and regulate the process of taking prole and frontal portraits in such an absolute way that it allows one to easily obtain, through its use, two identical portraits of the same individual at different moments. The adopted mechanism imposes uniformity and accuracy through the material impossibility for the operator to produce anything other than our type. (1908:293) This statement shows Chervins concern for uniformity, accuracy, and control over data as indispensable conditions for producing scientic knowledge, as well as his belief that such accuracy was possible with the aid of photography. Such conditions were partly due to what Roland Barthes (1981) called the indexical quality of photography, namely, the technological possibility of maintaining a link with the photographed object by accurately registering a trace of its real presence. 5 Photography was considered a privileged form of indexicality because it implied an embodied eyewitness and offered unique opportunities to access, amplify, scrutinize, reorganize, and display to mass publics the objects visual characteristics without requiring its simultaneous presence. This degree of visual accuracy offered scientists the possibility of manipulating photographs as rational data and recreating ideal laboratory conditions both in the eld and at the moment of analysis (Fig. 2). The Bertillon photographic instrument was invariably accompanied by a portable anthropometrical measuring kit consisting of various rulers, calipers Figure 2 Measures of metric portraits (Chervin 1908:316, Fig. 137). 432 J ournal of L ati n A meri can and C ari bbean A nthropology Figure 3 Measuring kit (Chervin 1908, Fig. 1). to measure skulls and other body parts, nail clippers, a table with samples of eye shapes, a chromatic sampler to identify skin colors, and empty anthropometric cards (Cr equi-Montfort and De La Grange 1904:108). Hence, while photography was supposedto recordall possible facial information, additional instruments were designed to provide details that escaped photography, such as calipers and rulers to obtain sizes of body parts, and eye and skin color samplers to control color variation that could not be captured in a black and white image (Fig. 3). Additionally, cards were designedtocompile all physical andsocial information that could not be captured in an image but that in the view of the authors helped identify common patterns associated with the idea of race. As in the Bertillon method, the cards designed by Chervin enabled capture of 15 anthropometric Photography and the Racialization of Bolivian Indians 433 measures to accompany the frontal and prole portraits, along with a narrative description of details like skin, hair, and eyes. Other data on the card were the subjects race, sex, age, name, profession, place and date of birth, civil status, and visible diseases. The association of race with both biological characteristics and demographic data shows how much race informed wider statistic systems in which individual information about specic populations would allow for com- parison and average results. At the same time, compiled information conrms the contentiousness of dening what a racial type was and the relevance of histori- cal, cultural, and social elements that authors considered germane to race, which obviously varied according to emerging theories and hypotheses. Bertillonpredictedthat eachsubjects informationcouldbe condensedonboth sides of 14 centimeter 15 centimeter cards; up to 12 cards could be kept in a drawer, and then 100,000 records could be led in a grid of le drawers (Sekula 1986:30). In other words, the Bertillon method was also an advanced exercise in the rational bureaucratic organization of photographic documents (Sekula 1986:30). Chervin saw in metric photography the possibility of simplifying and complementing anthropometric tasks in the eld. An Expedition report includes the studys anthropometric conclusions in terms of Andeans small body size, muscularity, absence of abundant body hair, eye characteristics, and hair color, often in comparison with European bodies. Aside from these general conclusions that result more from the Expeditions anthropometric andcraniometrical studies thanfromits metric photography, it re- mains unclear what kind of proofs Chervin sought from the Bertillon instrument. Beyond any deduction resulting from photographic analysis, Chervin focuses on the methodological and technical instructions that the Expedition teamhad to fol- low. This focus suggests a tension that the scientists probably experienced in terms of having to demonstrate their methods effectiveness over others. At the same time, the photographs and identication cards potential for data manipulability beyond their utility is close to what Walter Benjamin describes as the collectors art: What is decisive in collecting is that the object is detached from all its original functions in order to enter into the closest conceivable relation to things of the same kind. This relation is the diametric opposite of any utility, and falls into the peculiar category of completeness . . . a grand attempt to overcome the wholly irrational character of the objects mere presence at hand through its integration into a new, expressly devised historical system: the collection (1999:204205). Benjamin continues with a reection on the encyclopedic role of collected objects, whichat the moment of being ownedacquire a reverential value. According to Deborah Poole, this is the kind of value that native portraits in the 19th century acquired, solely through the acts of ownership, collection, accumulation, and 434 J ournal of L ati n A meri can and C ari bbean A nthropology Figure 4 Bertillon Card. Arthur Chervin (Chervin 1908:295, Fig. 127). exchange (1997:141). The fascination with method beyond its utility can be also appreciated in a game played by Bertillon and his friends. In order to demonstrate his instruments functioning to his colleagues, Bertillon produced an identication card of himself, with his side and frontal shots. He also made a card for Francis Galton during his visit to the Paris Police Department. 6 Similarly, samples of the metric portraits of Chervin and Julien Guillaume, the Expedition member in charge of metric photography, illustrate the operating instructions inAnthropologie Bolivienne (Chervin 1908:295296). Contrary to the kind of subject that this instrument was intended to study, such as criminals or indigenous people, these men pose wearing suits and ties. Their titles and family names are handwritten in the lower left corner (Fig. 4). These ctional images are used to illustrate the universality of the scientic method, as if experimenting on themselves demonstrated their theorys efcacy before applying it to real subjects. At the same time, these images function as cartes de visite: exchangeable staged photos that associate subjects with their profession, thereby certifying their status as technologically versed scientists. The images reviewed here leak information about an issue that pervades the history of modern scientic practice: the power relations in which it has been im- mersed. In agreement with the scientic model of the time, it is plausible to suggest that studied people were approached as objectsbodiesto be arranged in order to make themobservable. This issue also relates to the disciplining of ethnographic subjects, especially in relation to Chervins adoption of a criminological system Photography and the Racialization of Bolivian Indians 435 into anthropology. Indeed, Chervin and his team ended up amalgamating the anthropological subject into the criminal one, as the following section details. Traitorous Physiognomy: Race in the Emerging Bolivian State Despite the logistical precautions that Chervin took to avoid visual noise in the production of metric portraits, he and his team failed to prevent other eldwork contingencies. Chervin complained that the nal number of 208 measured and photographed subjects, was much lower than what I had anticipated because of the very serious resistance of most indians who even refused money to allowbeing photographed (1908:328). For this reason, a rst part of the work was created with the support of the Pulacayo mine administration, where 103 individuals16 women includedwere photographed and measured (328). Frustrated by his subjects resistance, Guillaume, the Expedition member in charge of anthropometrical portraiture, was forced to contact the prisons direc- tor [in La Paz] to gather the documents [measurements and photographs] (328). Even inside the prison, out of 200 detainees, with the greatest difculties he could only measure 105 subjects (328). As discussedbelow, Chervindetails that these de- tainees were imprisoned during the Federalist War after participating inthe indige- nous revolt by the community of Mohoza against Federal forces in February 1899. The support that the Expedition received from mine administrators and Bo- livian state institutions suggests a deeper collaboration between them. Indeed, political conditions in Bolivia at the time of the Expedition have led scholars to state that Liberal creole elites imported French experts in order to support with scientic arguments the idea of Andean indigenous peoples as inferior (Dem elas 1981; Irurozqui 1994; Larson 2004). Debates about indigenous peoples alleged inferiority appealed to a series of events that preceded the Liberal victory over the Conservative forces during the late 19th century, and particularly to the Mo- hoza Massacre. During the Federal War of 189899, Aymara communities that for decades had resisted the economic and racial violence of harsh tribute systems and a growing hacienda system looked to advance their struggles by establishing strategic alliances with the Liberal forces to ght the Conservatives. One of the principal military leaders allied with the Liberals was Aymara leader Pablo Z arate Willka. At the local level, many indigenous peasants experienced this alliance as creating potential to settle old scores against mestizo townsthe administrative site where servile labor had to be rendered, taxes paid, commercial monopolies set, and indian justice mocked (Larson 2004:236). This possibility often led to violence beyond the control of organized resistance, such as the night in Febru- ary 1899 on which inhabitants from the Aymara community of Mohoza took a group of 100 white Federal soldiers hostage and killed them. Authors attribute the 436 J ournal of L ati n A meri can and C ari bbean A nthropology Mohoza Massacre to a series of tensions that affected indigenous communities, such as the imposition of taxation systems and usurpation of communal lands (Dem elas 1981; Platt 1987; Irurozqui 1994; Larson 2004; Mendieta 2010). These tensions were accentuated by the ordinary abuses that Federal troops inicted on people living in communities, such as torture and public beatings of those who disobeyed them (Mendieta 2010). A few months after the Mohoza Massacre, in October 1899, the Liberals under General Jos e Manuel Pando took over the government, and remained in control until 1920. This government sought to continue the countrys modernization by developing mining and railroads, free trade, and agrarian reforms that favored in- dividual landed property. The newnational project also sought to solve what many Latin American politicians of the time referred to as the indian problem (Larson 2004). As in many other Latin American countries, Bolivian postindependence governing elites were anxious to reorganize internal colonial hierarchies subor- dinating indianness to the creole domain of power, civilization and citizenship (Larson 2004:14). The need to dene the problematic relationship with a poten- tially useful but possibly dangerous indigenous population(Larson2004:239) was intensied by the fact that, as the Liberal government soon realized, Bolivians had no knowledge of their territory and the peoples who inhabited it. This ignorance added to elites perception of native peoples as a threat to the Liberal govern- ment. This concern was heightened by the discovery from the 1900 Census that 75 percent of the national population was indigenous, which led the government to encourage demographic studies during the rst decade of the 20th century, to which the Cr equi-Montfort Expedition undoubtedly contributed. Racial theories and imagery mobilized by this and other Expeditions provided crucial insights for reorganizing social hierarchies. This, according to Larson, accentuated the racial binarism that oriented liberal governmental practices and informed later racialized indigenista discourses (2004:16). In this context, the Mohoza episode, which resulted in the incarceration and highly publicized trial of community members, contributed to the Liberal creole elites idea of Andean indigenous peoples as violent, traitorous, and as potential instigators of a fearedracial war, arguments that were oftenexplainedinterms of a supposed racial inferiority (Dem elas 1981; Irurozqui 1994; Larson 2004; Mendieta 2010). Photography and the press reports made the trial a roving public spectacle through which creole elites scrutinized and judged the native defendants and, through them, the indian race (Larson 2004:239). Throughout the 20th century, the Mohoza Trial remained a racial justication for the continued oppression of indigenous peoples and the attempt to integrate them into the national project. Interestingly, the metric photography undertaken by the Cr equi-Montfort Expedition converged with the ideas of Bautista Saavedra, the Bolivian attor- ney in charge of the Mohoza trial, whose work articulated creole elites racial Photography and the Racialization of Bolivian Indians 437 fears. Saavedras legal education was shaped by the ideas of positivist criminolo- gists such as Cesare Lombroso and by the work of evolutionists Gustave Le Bon, Spencer, and Morgan. Many other liberal politicians, attorneys, and intellectuals, such as Gabriel Ren e Moreno, Nicomedes Antelo, Alcides Arguedas, and Manuel Rigoberto Moreno, were also inspired by social evolutionist thinking, which in- formed their adoption of racial theories into national politics (Egan 2007; Alvizuri 2009; Mendieta 2010). During the trial, Bautista Saavedra argued, for example, that the Mohoza Massacre was a logical result of the terrible Spanish oppression combined with the primitive character of Aymara peoples. This, according to the attorney, imposes on them a particular two-faced and traitorous physiog- nomy (Chervin 1908:xxx). 7 The fact that the Mohoza prisoners became a com- mon research subject both for the Cr equi-Montfort Expedition and for Baustista Saavedras study of Aymara peoples identies this contentious case as a site where European and Latin American racial ideas converged. This case was important for the French expedition to legitimate its research and methodology on South American indigenous races as part of a European ambition to study human or cultural evolution and therefore to justify colonialism and imperialism. Moreover, for Bautista Saavedra and the creole groups he represented this case was crucial for justifying the ongoing domination of Aymara Indians. Table 10 in Anthropologie Bolivienne shows the frontal and prole metric portraits of some Mohoza prisoners produced with the Bertillon instrument in the prison of La Paz. The background, camera distance, pose, and lighting are almost identical in all images. The standardization of faces is accentuated by the short haircut usually imposed on inmates (Fig. 5). In these images, the faces of men at the heart of a national political contro- versy are abstracted both from their individual humanity and historical context in order to create a neat comparative display of Aymara types. This transformation from particular historical subjects into generalized racial types illustrates one of the mechanisms deployed by scientists to produce an effect of objectivity. The portraits purport to show Aymara faces, but the caption notes that they are from Mohoza, thereby orienting the spectator to associate these faces with the public argument for a traitorous physiognomy of the Aymara race, which Chervin cites in his anthropometric section. Paradoxically, the captured trace of the sub- jects expressions still allows us to perceive their individual humanity, giving the images an aesthetic force despite the pragmatic intentions for which they were produced. Photographys technological qualities, together with its embedding in particular historical situations, are what give these images an ambiguous openness that makes it possible to approach them as scientic, political, historical, or even personal documents. 438 J ournal of L ati n A meri can and C ari bbean A nthropology Figure 5 Aymaras. Mohoza (Chervin 1908:Planche 10). Photography and the Racialization of Bolivian Indians 439 Pedro Sandibal: The Achieved Specimen Although Chervin developed instructions for Guillaume to take metric pho- tographs of naked subjects standing, he included only two of these images in his publication. Chervins attention to naked bodies as sites of racial observation is in tune with other studies of the time. According to Roslyn Poignant, pho- tographing naked bodies was an attempt to give a more scientic character to the anthropological work by means of avoiding the visual noise that clothing, adornments, and other cultural information recorded at the moment of the photographic shot (1992:4951). One of them is a frontal, side, and rear portrait of a Quichua man. His rigid posture is accentuated by his stiff arms and sts. The only information aside from the naked body is the inscription of letters and numbers. Given the difculties Guillaume had already faced in taking facial shots, it is possible that this was one of the few portraits of a standing naked subject obtained in Bolivia (Fig. 6). The second image of this kind is used to illustrate the metric photography instructions in Anthropologie Bolivienne. It shows the side and frontal shots of a naked man standing. Both images have a neutral background and oor, which makes the naked body stand out as if oating in an empty space. The only visible traces aside from the body are a horizontal rope crossed in the middle by a vertical line, which produce two measuring indicators (Fig. 7). In a different section, Chervin explains that the picture was taken in Paris under excellent conditions. The man in the picture is Pedro Sandibal, from Cochabamba. He had worked as a domestic for the consular agent of France in Bolivia, Edouard Wolff. When Wolff retired and returned to France, he took faithful Pedro with him. At Chervins request, Wolff took Sandibal to Paris to be studied and interrogated, where he obediently responded to all questions and, in good grace [and] full of trust, he let himself be measured and photographed from every angle, as long as this was the desire of the friend of his beloved master (Chervin 1908:334). Aside from taking the naked portraits of Sandibal, Chervin produced a similar series with Sandibal attired in traditional indigenous dress, arguably from the Cochabamba valleys. He holds a staff of authority and wears a hat, woven poncho, short pants, and leather sandals. As in the previous picture, Sandibals pose and face are calm (Fig. 8). The neat clothing arrangement and information alluding to Sandibals urban origins lead us to infer that this was not his ordinary garb, but that Chervin instructed him to wear it for the picture. Here, then, Chervin uses traditional clothing to display the racial identity of which Sandibal, always inexpressive, serves as model. As in the naked images, these pictures present Sandibal as pure, as if both nudity and traditional clothing could visually reveal the Quechua typology. 440 J ournal of L ati n A meri can and C ari bbean A nthropology Figure 6 Quichua man (Chervin 1908:Planche 25). Photography and the Racialization of Bolivian Indians 441 Figure 7 Quechua man from Cochabamba (Chervin 1908:323, Fig. 141). Figure 8 Quechua man from Cochabamba (Chervin 1908:324, Fig. 142). 442 J ournal of L ati n A meri can and C ari bbean A nthropology Figure 9 Pedro Sandibal (Chervin 1908:334, Fig. 148). To produce this image, Chervin utilized mise en sc`ene and ctional objects to emphasize the impressionof reality andto abstract Sandibals individuality into the Quechua of Cochabamba type. The staging through which Chervin produced a racial type may be compared to the function of a scientic laboratory, in the sense that the latter also articially creates the conditions for a phenomenon to be repeated before the eyes of a researcher and even publicly reproduced. In contrast to this impersonal image in which Sandibal is only presented as a Quechua from Cochabamba, Chervin displays a nal portrait of this man. It is a medium side and frontal shot produced with the Bertillon instrument, in which Sandibal wears a European suit with a white collared shirt and a tie. Sandibals face is as serene as in his previous pictures. The side shot shows the head supporter and the chair ruler. His family name is handwritten on the lower left side, preceded by the title Monsieur. This portrait is identical to those of Chervin and Guillaume published in the tome and to the aforementioned photographs of Bertillon and Galton (Fig. 9). Chervinpresents this image after describing his positive impressionof Sandibal not only because of his docile response to his request, but also because the an- thropologist himself corroborated the maturity of his spirit and his capacity for intellectual work, because he speaks not only Quechua, but also Spanish and French (1908:334). By including Sandibal inChervin, Bertillon, andhis collabora- tors play of presenting themselves in identical images, this portrait grants Sandibal a personal title and identity. Yet at the same time, this image once again abstracts Sandibals individuality by presenting him as the exemplary type of the potentially civilized Indian. Chervin ends Sandibals description as follows: Photography and the Racialization of Bolivian Indians 443 Pedro is an accomplished specimen with all the qualities that these strong indige- nous races present when they know how to stay sober and nd a medium in which kindness and humanity are, as with Mr. Wolff, the inexible rule of behavior vis- ` a-vis these old children who are the indians from America. Therefore, I offer with greatest pleasure Pedros portrait, to whom I express here my affectionate feelings (1908:334). Thus, Chervinsummarizes a paternalistic solutiontothe Indianproblem that many Latin American intellectuals and politicians of the time discussed when con- structing national projects. Postcolonial governing elites in Latin America sought to justify their continuing domination over indigenous populations in biological terms, by adopting European racial theories to argue for indigenous peoples in- feriority, and in historical terms, by explaining the negative effects of colonial domination over this population. In tune with these ideas, Latin American intel- lectuals Jos e Carlos Mari ategui in Peru and Manuel Gamio and Jos e Vasconcelos in Mexico proposed an indigenista civilizing policy of educating and incorporating indigenous peoples, together withpolitical actions infavor of racial mestizaje, as the best solution to consolidate national projects. In Bolivia, similar ideas materialized in educational strategies fromthe rst decade of the 20th century (Martnez 2010). Such debates on education and incorporation policies are present in Chervins comments on Mr Pedro Sandibals portrait, in which he displays an image of Latin Americas potential historical protagonist. The images discussed present two opposing yet complementary examples of how photography, as an intrinsically ambiguous technology, became a useful re- source for staging scientic objectivity while engaging specic historical debates. While the portrait series of the Mohoza prisoners allowed for a logical association of the Aymara type with a traitorous physiognomy, by displaying those images amid political controversy, the type portraits presenting Pedro Sandibal both as a Quechua type and as an accomplished specimen engaged creole elites concern with how to solve the indian problem. The last section of this article reviews additional resources that Expedition members found for accentuating a sense of scientic objectivity in photographic technologies. The Photographic Crafting of Racial Types The rst tome of Anthropologie Bolivienne includes pictures that Chervinpresented as picturesqueas opposed to metric portraiturebecause of their heterogene- ity and supposed lack of scientic methodology. Most probably, Chervin dened as picturesque all those images including cultural information that risked distract- ing the gaze from the merely physical details that metric portraits attempted to register. Nevertheless, the fact that Chervin ended up using picturesque portraits 444 J ournal of L ati n A meri can and C ari bbean A nthropology to illustrate his sections on different racial groups points to the tension between biology and culture that scientists found in trying to dene racial typologies. The picturesque images included in this volume show peoples physical characteristics, clothing, and daily activities with different compositional and posing styles. All these elements lead to the conclusion that they were originally taken for a variety of purposes: while some portraits of wealthy people were clearly produced in studios as cartes de visite or small portraits exchanged as markers of social status, other images of indigenous people were taken randomly by Expedition members and other travelers to document their encounters. Despite picturesque photographs lack of method, all images of this kind were presented as equivalent when they were published in Anthropologie Bolivienne. All of them evidence a common typifying tendency that allowed Chervin to present subjects as representative specimens of tribes and branches whose trade was often related, following Expedition questionnaires, to their racial group. Thus, portraits of domestic workers and market vendors are captioned as Aymara and are used to describe Aymara people as part of the Peruvian branch of Andean tribes (Chervin 1908:2325). 8 Meanwhile, cartes de visite, like those of la belle Mathilde, fashionable young Chola from La Paz (67) and the portrait of a bureau chief miner in Pulacayo, are used to illustrate the questionnaire on the metis, or mixed people, a race that the author associates with the management of the Bolivian national industry par excellence, namely mining (Chervin 1908:59). Both images have a European garden background: the young woman dons an elegant dress and the man appears in a mining uniform with tools (Chervin 1908:58). The caption of the later reads: A metis very similar to white people, bureau chief of the Pulacayo mine. Such a statement, which assigns a racial typology to the subject, is further developed in the questionnaire illustrated by this picture: the metis preferably exercise white peoples professions, trades and occupations, except for the liberal careers which they currently exercise very rarely (Chervin 1908:57). The text also advances the hypothesis on the raza mestiza in Latin America at the time: this race would gain superiority over Indian and white populations to constitute the core of Latin American nations progress (Wade 1997). The questionnaire asserts that the mestizo aristocracy will take the direction of great industrial and commercial businesses, and will afrm its numerical and nancial superiority by its supremacy in directing political affairs to the detriment of white people (Chervin 1908:57). Together with captions, this argument not only orients the gaze to conrma potential superiority of the mestizo race, but also to naturalize an ongoing stratication of gender roles in which women are notable by their beauty and men by their profession (Fig. 10). In successive sections describing other branches, captions describe women withbeautiful hair (61), as horribly ugly (121), graceless, or not unpleasant Photography and the Racialization of Bolivian Indians 445 Figure 10 Pulacayo mine chief (Chervin 1908:59, Fig. 34). (134). Contrarily, comments on mens portraits evaluate their strength by pointing to well-proportioned and not thin bodies (43), skin color very close to a white (59) or copper ochre (111), or their skills at shooting a bow (123). These captions orient vision toward racialized and sexualized traits that nevertheless help read photographs as scientic evidence of what a branch representative or type looks like. Aside fromcaptions, authors also used composition and photographic manip- ulation to direct spectators gazes toward physical, clothing, and adornment details 446 J ournal of L ati n A meri can and C ari bbean A nthropology that could, intheir view, constitute particular racial traits. Interms of composition, photographers and travelers often borrowed random elements from criminal and anthropometric photography to portray people they met. For example, they made people pose for side and frontal facial or body shots (i.e., Chervin 1908:111), took portraits of couples dressed in traditional clothing (Chervin 1908:Planche 9), used walls or pieces of cloth to neutralize the background, or had subjects pose nude or in traditional clothing, but without a systematic methodology. Examples of these kinds of images are a couple of portraits of a young Quechua man by Jean Baptiste Vaudry (Chervin 1908:43). They show two full-body shots of a man standing by a door half covered with a white cloth. The left portrait shows him naked, with a chuspa or woven bag for coca leaves covering his genitals. In the second image, the man appears wearing regular clothes: a short poncho, short pants, and an aguayo or Andean textile around his neck. The arrangement of the background cloth covering the door in the rst image was probably the photographers attempt to make the naked body stand out. The caption notes that the subject shows a well proportioned body, and that hes not thin. The caption also explains that he is wearing his chuspa because he did not want to get rid of it, obviating the fact that it is covering his genitals. We do not know if this resulted from a negotiation with the photographer or was a gesture of humor and modesty by the photographer himself (Fig. 11). Vaudry does not state why he photographed this man naked. Although his images might not have been produced with a scientic goal, they allow us to speculate that Vaudry was familiar with the uses of photography for clinical and racial purposes and that he knew the scientic value of images of naked indige- nous bodies. In this image, the scientic elements that Vaudry adopted for his composition, such as the neutralized background and the nakedness contrasted with traditional clothing, orient attention toward racial traits like the Quechua representatives body shape. Nevertheless, because no systematic method was used to take these pictures, this orientation remains implicit. The loose arrangement of the background cloth, the humoristic caption, and the subjects smile are probably elements that reinforce the presentation of this image as picturesque. In other cases, individuals with physical diseases were used to exemplify both racial and clinical alterity. The picture titled Giant and Dwarf, also by Jean Baptiste Vaudry, shows twomenposing next toeachother. As the captionindicates, one of them is only one meter tall, while the other is two meters tall. Following the strategy of identifying trade with race, the caption also indicates that they are Quechua and that the giant is arriero or a mule driver. This image appears next to a statistical chart of physical diseases in Bolivia (Chervin 1908:256; Fig. 12). As in many other clinical portraits of this kind, the choice of the subjects orients the gaze toward visualizing the idea of alterityaspects associated with Photography and the Racialization of Bolivian Indians 447 Figure 11 Quichua man (Chervin 1908:43, Fig. 28). the exoticism implied in the notion of race. Aside from being related to ex- otic types, physical alterity was also connected to what the language of the time classied as phenomena and monstrosities, that is, diseases manifested in physical appearance. Photographs that documented these cases bounced between scientic publications and entertainment journals, just as a variety of exotic human samples brought from overseas were often exhibited with other phenom- ena in European circuses and world exhibitions, particularly during the last two decades of the 19th century. This ambivalent value of photographs as both sources of entertainment and scientic knowledge is contingent upon the ways in which they are located in relation to other images and texts. In the case just mentioned, the location of the Giant and Dwarf portrait in the clinical section of the study is what grants it scientic value. Its visualization of physical alterity synthesizes 448 J ournal of L ati n A meri can and C ari bbean A nthropology Figure 12 Giant and dwarf (Chervin 1908:257, Fig. 125). a general idea of disease, even when the portrait does not illustrate any of the illnesses listed in the questionnaire. In other cases, inscription and the use of measuring props both draw attention to particular physiognomic traits and serve as visual resources to underline the photographs scientic character. Examples of inscriptions are the written name Photography and the Racialization of Bolivian Indians 449 and measurements on Bertillon type images (see Fig. 2), and the use of rulers and squared backgrounds in images to indicate the scale of different body parts. The examples discussed here illustrate some of the strategies that Cr equi- Montfort Expedition scientists used to highlight specic traits in picturesque photographs. In their view, such traits were points of comparison from which the spectator could gradually learn to visually identify racial difference. This is how captions, compositional conventions associated with scientic imagery, and printing techniques became visual aids with which the ambiguous language of race could be broken down into particular traits. These visual aids allowed spectators to relate dress, adornments, and body features like skin color, body shape, or phys- ical disease, to intellectual or aesthetic attributes like beauty, physical strength, or professional capacity. Such associations were not coherent; instead, they implied tensions and contradictions that, following race scholars, demonstrate that the language of racial difference is a historically situated combination of biological, en- vironmental, and cultural elements as varied as civilization, honor, education . . . dress, language, religion, body type (De la Cadena 2000:19). By gradually establishing connections between the visible and invisible body, and cultural, moral, and intellectual features, the language of race helped photography acquire scientic authority. Conclusions This article has analyzed the scientic, political, and photographic practices that validated photography as a medium through which racial discourses could be crafted, visualized, and normalized. In all the cases discussed here, photographys technological qualities were instrumental to racial science. Its indexicality, or the need of a real presence for the image to exist, was central to giving a sense of objectivity because it proved that the portrayed event actually happened. Pho- tography was also seen as an effective instrument of scientic observation since it permitted cropping, enlarging, inscribing, measuring, and comparing images without requiring subjects real presence. The mediums reproducibility allowed for the mass distribution, transportability, exchange, and display of images of indigenous human bodies. And paradoxically, in contrast to its realistic quali- ties, photography also depends on its ctional or staged character. In the studied cases, portraits required long exposure posing times, the subjects posing before a heavy camera, and a series of instructions that both operators and subjects had to follow. The Expeditions scientists took advantage of this set of requirements to emulate laboratory conditions of control, reproducibility, and demonstration, as in Pedro Sandibals case, or to present staged images as objective representations of racial types. Finally, photography offered the possibility of building specic 450 J ournal of L ati n A meri can and C ari bbean A nthropology narratives through editing and montage. By combining text, images, captions, and photographic editing, the Expeditions publications built a scientic narrative that displayed Bolivian demographics and politics in racial terms. Photographys social practices and uses also helped present and understand the images as scientic. For example, the already established practice of exchanging cartes de visite to display peoples status and professions allowed scientic images to be seen as markers of prestige, as discussed in the case of the metric portraits that scientists produced of themselves and their friends. Conversely, by including cartes de visite to illustrate a section on the metis race, Chervin tried to erase their social value to make them comparable to anthropometric images. Scientists also sawphotography as a pedagogical tool. In the Expedition publications, images served to instruct travelers on howto measure and photograph subjects, but also to demonstrate the functioning of their methods to mass publics. Finally, a common use of photography in the medical, psychological, and criminal sciences was to record and render visible otherness, difference, and abnormality. As discussed, this practice also served as a source of public entertainment. Photographys technological qualities and its social uses laid the ground for its adoption by racial science. In the case analyzed here, the Cr equi-Montfort Expe- dition, together with Bolivian governing groups, appealed to positivistic scientic methods to explain Bolivian social stratication in racial terms. For example, this is how Chervin concluded with the aid of images that the region lacked sufcient population to fully exploit its agricultural and mining richness (xii) and that it was necessary to push for civilizing [indigenous peoples] by all possible means (xiii). Additionally, following a growing celebration of mestizaje as the ideal way to unify Latin American national identities, Chervin concluded that the metis race had a promising future in the nations economy and politics (xiii). 9 While some of photographys technological qualities contributed to crafting and displaying a sense of objectivity, other characteristics escaped the authors intentions, leaving hints, noise, or excess that give additional information about the power relations in which the photographs were produced. Visual noise also reveals the negotiations and ambiguities between the individual posing body and the generic portrait produced out of that body. These ambiguities, revealed by the photographic images very indexicality, still project physical and emotional traces of subjects long since disappeared. It is as if, to paraphrase Barthes, the body (corps) insisted on negotiating its individual space within the corpus. In the photographic archives, the excess and uncontrollable recorded effects reveal the failure of the methodthe impossibility of classication. As Greenblatt (1991) and Taussig (1993) suggest in relation to colonial records, through these images the other slides into the dominant les to challenge the racial agenda that motivated the production of the image. Photography and the Racialization of Bolivian Indians 451 Hence, if for Bautista Saavedra the metric portraits of the Mohoza prisoners revealed the traitorous physiognomy of the Aymara people, at the same time the individual physiognomy captured in those portraits betrays the generalizing concept of race. Acknowledgments The research for this article was possible thanks to a postdoctoral fellowship received from the Research Department of the Quai Branly Museum in Paris, France. I am grateful to Christopher Pinney, Jes us Bustamante, Pascal Riviale, Francoise Martnez, and Christine Barthe for their comments on earlier versions of this text. Many of the questions that motivated this research emerged from a productive dialogue withDeborahPoole, especially inrelationtoour workcurating the photographic exhibit De Frente al Perl: retratos fotogr acos de Frederick Starr (see Poole and Zamorano, In press; N.d.). Notes 1 As Pascal Riviale (2003) explains, exploration in South America was relatively less important than in Africa or Asia, a fact that derives from European colonial interests at the time. Nonetheless, ethnographic research became an increasingly important part of expeditions to Latin America fromthe 1880s to the mid-1930s. The most signicant explorations in the region were by German geographer Alexander Von Humboldt, who traveled through Latin America from 1799 to 1804; French traveler Alcide DOrbigny, whotouredSouthAmerica from1829 to1834; andBritishnaturalist Charles Darwin, who visited some South American countries as part of the Beagle expedition from 1831 to 1836. 2 All translations from French and Spanish presented here are my own. 3 See, for example, Anthropologisch-Ethnologisches Albums in Photographien by Carl Dammann, Hamburg (187374) and the photographic collection of Roland Bonaparte fromthe 1880s, nowhosted at the Mus ee du Quai Branly in Paris. 4 Scientists who used photography as part of anthropometric methods include E. R. A. Serres, Ernest Conduch e, Louis and Elizabeth Agassiz, J. H. Lamprey, Gustav Fritsch, Francis Galton, Paul Broca, Gustave Le Bon, Arthur Batut, and Alphonse Bertillon, among many others (Naranjo 2006). 5 The scientic search for an indexical trace was not exclusive to photographic images, but was also explored through phonographic records and the common 19th century anthropological practice of making plaster busts of studied peoples. See Taussig (1993) and Papet Edouard et al. (2001). See also Calder on (In press; N.d.) for an analysis of the plaster busts by American anthropologist Frederick Starrs eldworkers during his research in Mexico in the late 19th century. 6 This image can be seen at http://cgredan.blogspot.com/2008/07/bertillon-galton-y-la- criminologa.html (accessed December 20, 2010) 7 Based on similar arguments, Bautista Saavedra (1910) wrote El Ayllu, a study on Aymara social organization, which, following Morgans theories on kinship, situates ayllus [political and territorial systems of Andean organization] as a particular stage in human evolution (Alvizuri 2009:63). 452 J ournal of L ati n A meri can and C ari bbean A nthropology 8 See, for example, a series of eight pictures of Aymara domestic workers and water carriers taken by Ricardo Villalba and provided to Expedition members by Louis Galland (Chervin 1908:23 25). 9 Referring to the consequences of living between 2,000 and 4,000 meters above sea level, Chervin concluded, life in high altitudes naturally leads to the habits of an apathetic existence (xvi). 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