The dream of an independent Kurdistan stands as one of the lost promises of the last century. From a Kurdish standpoint the world powers that hampered out the map of the modern Middle East were shafted in what was initially an act of arbitrary betrayal. Despite the successes achieved under the flagship of the Iraqi Kurds, can they coherently and competently withstand the challenges of independent statehood? From a diplomatic channel the concept of Kurdish independence is rather controversial because that runs contrary to Turkish and Iranian foreign policies; the combined forces of the latter fear that Kurdish regions in their own respective territories will break off and join Iraqi Kurds in what would become a Greater Kurdish Union. Any hope for an independent Kurdistan rests almost entirely on the shoulders of the United States. If that were achieved, a newly proclaimed Kurdish nation would probably transform into a permanent base of American military operations; after all, geo- political strings will be attached to the attainment of Kurdish independence. From a big picture standpoint it must be realized that an independent proxy is always needed in order to maintain regional stability which plays out in a way that defends the prevailing status quo that dominates the entire region. From a tactical vantage point, a new Kurdish nation can serve as a geographic barrier between oppositional forces that desire the mutual destruction of each other. However, it would be rather unfortunate if the Kurdish people had to pay the price of state proxy-hood considering that the newly formed nation will be caught in the middle of a great battle between sectarian geo-political interests. In this scenario it seems that the moment American support declines will be the same moment when Kurdish statehood is jeopardized as the nations of Turkey, Iran, and Iraq would eagerly demonstrate an urge to absorb an independent Kurdistan back into their own respective orbits. The aftermath of forced sectarian absorption is assured to bring about genocidal crimes of the most heinous kind against the Kurdish people; if anything such actions would fall into degenerative efforts of punitive vengeance. On a side note Kurdish Americans must realize that it was the combined efforts of independent humanitarian outreach organizations that sponsored them into the nation as opposed to initiatives spearheaded solely by the federal government; serving Kurdistan and the American dream does not necessarily imply that survivors of the Kurdish Diaspora should become accessorized by American Foreign Policy from the bottom up. In addition, an independent Kurdistan should also not find its sovereignty 2
accessorized by the same world power that endorses its independence. In the world of the twenty-first century causes for national liberation are only considered if they prove to be economically viable to a superpowers interests. If an outside power invests in a cause that promotes national liberation, the underwritten motive behind that action of support is overshadowed by an expectation that demands a return investment. That goes on to transforms into a wide array of political favors.
Cotton is King, and Pro-Slavery Arguments: Comprising the Writings of Hammond, Harper, Christy, Stringfellow, Hodge, Bledsoe, and Cartrwright on this Important Subject