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nature physics
| VOL 5 | JANUARY 2009 | www.nature.com/naturephysics
commentary
Economics crisis
Thomas Lux and Frank WesterhoffEconomic theory failed to envisage even the possibility of a nancial crisis like the present one. A newfoundation is needed that takes into account the interplay between heterogeneous agents.
O
nce viewed as mystic monetary engineer, Alan Greenspan, ormerChairman o the US FederalReserve, has been re-cast as irresponsible villain, one who laid the ground or thepresent worldwide nancial catastrophe.Asked whether his ‘ideology’ had pushedhim to make decisions he now regrets,Greenspan conessed
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that he would havedeemed impossible the ongoing disruptionsto the nancial system and that “his belie in deregulation had been shaken”.He is not the only one who has beentaken entirely by surprise. Most economistsdid not in any way oresee the depth o the current crisis, or even consider itpossible. Even those who warned
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o over-exuberance in the US housing market didnot have any clue about the impendingmeltdown, which, to the shocked public,looks as i some Dr Strangelove on WallStreet had pushed the button on a nancialDoomsday Device. Greenspan’s supposedideology certainly coincided widely withthat o mainstream economists who believein the sel-regulating orces o unrestrainednancial markets, the ‘eciency’ o asset-price ormation, and the increasedeciency in risk allocation and sharingthrough the introduction o ever morenancial instruments.All o this is just the nance versiono that textbook economic paradigm,‘homo economicus’, who has unlimitedinsightulness and capability o deliberation(economists typically speak o ‘rationality’).Tis admirable person manages hisnancial aairs as a side-aspect o hisutility maximization problem, taking intoaccount all potential uture happeningswith the correct probabilities. As thereis only one way to be perectly rational,this agent is usually the lone actor ineconomic models — a representativeRobinson Crusoe.O course, this Crusoe has been oenderided as a straw-man illustration o the dominant paradigm, criticized by non-mainstream economists, unbelievingnatural scientists and a similarly unbelieving public. Still, the straw manis alive, and was well — at least until thecurrent nancial crisis started to unold.Although the principles outlined aboveare still the basis o most contemporary scholarly activity in economics, there areother trends. Tese include innovativework in ‘behavioural economics’ andexperimental work with human subjects —recognized in the award o the 2002Nobel Prize to Daniel Kahneman andVernon L. Smith — which have revealeda plethora o behavioural patterns thatcontradict the assumption o perectly rational behaviour.However, these developments still occupy only a marginal position. Te widespreadperception within our proession is thatbehavioural research delivers a curious set o anomalies or exceptions that lack coherence,and whose impact gets washed out in theaggregate. In contrast, the mainstreamparadigm is seen as a more solid andconsistent ramework. Economic policy advice, particularly in nancial economics,will thereore typically be based on a set o axioms and hypotheses derived ultimately rom the Robinson Crusoe scenario. Asthe prevailing nancial crisis cannot beexplained using these standard tools,economic theory basically oers policy makers little guidance about what to do inthe current situation.A major problem is that despite many renements, this is not at all a system basedon and conrmed by empirical research(as the naive believer in ‘positive science’might expect). Te vision (or ideology)encapsulated in the mainstream approachis o a more ‘pre-analytical’ nature and issupported mainly by elegant but idealisticmodels o the economy. Perect rationality and optimizing behaviour are used sopervasively in economics education thattheir basic tenets are taken or grantedas the principles ruling the real world,despite all o the anomalies and exceptionsdiscovered in empirical research.For instance, it would be hardto nd supporting evidence or thermly held belie that more derivativeinstruments — which should allow agentsto insure themselves better against thestochastic wheels o ortune — lead to abetter allocation o resources and thusan increase in market eciency. Tisassertion is based entirely on the benetso contingent claims in the textbook general-equilibrium model. Derived inthe abstract, the eciency gain throughderivatives is only a hypothesis, yet this isnot how economists are used to thinkingo such theorems: it is the mathematicalproo within the model economy that isconsidered its validation, rather than any empirical evidence.A glance at real-lie operations inderivative markets easily shows why thetheory ails: instead o hedging away risk,many market participants use derivativesin an ‘anomalous’ way, to build upspeculative positions so as to prot romhigher returns, as long as the downsiderisk does not materialize. Te near disasterbrought about in the late 1990s by thecollapse o notorious hedge und Long-erm Capital Management (intellectually based on modern derivative theory) shouldhave raised some doubts. I that was notcompelling enough, the present crisisshould constitute its ultimate rejection.Te dominance o the rational-agentparadigm is intimately intertwined withan even more cumbersome ‘conceptualreductionism’. As there can only be oneway to act ully rationally, everyoneshould display exactly the same behaviour.Tereore, a representative agent would besucient. aking both aspects together,the typical ormat o current economicmodels is that o a single household or rmmaximizing its utility or prot over a niteor innite liespan. echnically, this is adynamic programming problem.
To the shocked public, it looksas if some Dr Strangeloveon Wall Street had pushedthe button on a nancialDoomsday Device.
© 2009 Macmillan Publishers Limited. All rights reserved
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