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DEALING WITH THE DONATIST CHURCH: AUGUSTINE OF HIPPO’S
NUANCED CLAIM TO THE AUTHORITY OF CYPRIAN OF CARTHAGE
There is but one baptism, and one Holy Spirit, and one Church founded by Christ our Lord upon Peter to be the source and ground of its oneness.
-Cyprian,
Epistle
70.3.1.
I. Introduction
The last years and dying days of Augustine are ones that are well recalled by historians
and theologians. Perhaps the most central recounting is Peter Brown‟s still
-magisterial biographyof the Bishop of Hippo wherein he vivified the near-certain anxiety Augustine likely felt not onlyin terms of the lingering threat of the Vandals outside the walls of his limnal city but undeniablythe concern over the value of his work and legacy in dealing with one of the greatest challengeshe encountered in his ministerial life: the Donatist controversy.
1
Altogether, from his ordinationas presbyter and then bishop shortly after in the 390s to his eventual passing, few years came andwent without some entanglement or conflict with the influential group
. Indeed, Augustine‟s
resilience year after year in engaging and defying the stand
as a testament to the bishop‟s
audacity and tenacious conviction.Truly, Augustine was entitled to die in peace. Because in retrospect, the Donatist Church
all but vanished into the history‟s background
as an active entity. And it is this fact that deservesrecognition, consideration, and understanding for it is this accomplishment that signals
Augustine‟s intellec
tual genius and political savvy, especially his leadership in the effort toneutralize a deeply engrained popular-movement like Donatist Christianity (which at the
 beginning of Augustine‟s ministry was undeniably the majority Christian group in Roman North
Africa [the present-day Maghreb:
برغملا
 
يرعلا
]).
2
 The reasons for such events are complex and beyond the reach of this article. But at the
core of Augustine‟s strategy towards the Donatist
Christians lies a most apt weapon, which waseffective against any who would dare question the au
thority of the bishop‟s Catholic Church. His
weapon was the name and repute, that is, the authority of Cyprian of Carthage.Augustine made a bedrock principle of his argumentation in many instances assuming theauthority (
auctoritas
) of the Carthaginian bishop. This was a clever tactic, as it in essence,reasserted the Catholic claim to the martyred bishop and attempted to overwhelm and deny thevalidity of the viewpoint and distinctive theological tradition of the Donatists which providedhim with an undisputed source of authority.
3
 At the same time as the invocation of 
Cyprian‟s name or „brand‟ gave Augustine (or for 
that case anyone who would attempt to utilize his legacy) a fail-safe position of strength, it has
1
 
P.
 
B
ROWN
,
 
 Augustine of Hippo: A Biography
, rev. ed. (Berkeley/ Los Angeles: University of CaliforniaPress, 2000), esp. 400-437.
2
This includes the territory of the present-day nations of northern Mauritania, Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia,and western Libya.
3
G.
 
B
ONNER
, on this point, adequately summarizes: “The theological issues of the Donatist controversy are
dominated by the majestic figure of St Cyprian. Both parties claimed him as their father and their inspiration; both
appealed to his life and writings to confirm their own doctrine”;
St Augustine of Hippo: Life and Controversies
 (Norwich: Canterbury Press, 1986), 276. See also J.
 
Y
ATES
excerpt in footnote #72.
 
2also created a dilemma for the historian and theologian.
4
 
 Namely, in recognizing Augustine‟s
appropriation of Cyprian, how can one make sense of the phenomenon that Cyprian, as anauctoritas, is used by Augustine incongruously in his dealings with his interlocutors? Morespecifically, how is it
that Cyprian‟s theology and name are
reservedly used for the purpose of eliciting a point of view in favor of the Catholic position when it is favorable to Augustine andhis allies and then downplays or critiques the Cyprianic tradition when it is of benefit to theDonatists
, all the while running into complications when Augustine‟s understanding and
utilization of Cyprian is sometimes at odds with Cyprian and the traditional Cyprianic-NorthAfrican hermeneutic?The answer, in short, is that Augustine of Hippo effectively, albeit not withoutcomplications, appropriated and then reappropriated Cyprian for his perspective based on thesituatedness and needs of his theology in relation to the challenges he faced. Another way of saying this is that he invoked Cyprian one way in a particular circumstance (say that of hisdebate with Donatists), and in other ways in other circumstances, even to the point of seemingincoherent. This is, however, not to say we can today accuse our subject with an innovation of North African theology of his period straightaway, instead it should be supposed that a ratherliberal
nuancement 
was undertaken so that the truth of the Church as Augustine knew it wascorroborated by Cyprian, even if arduously arrived at.Thus, I will respond to this seemingly problematic phenomenon and begin an approach tothis topic in the course of this article, especially in the area that appears to be one of the morerecurrent themes in the controversy. I will examine the interconnected categories of ecclesiologyand sacramentology within the Donatist controversy. Specifically, I will first consider
Augustine‟s need for an authority like Cyprian, and then examine sources from Cyprian on the
topic of baptism/ rebaptism and the nature of the Church and its relation to the world as well as
its usage by the Donatists later. Then I will analyze Augustine‟s filtration of such sources in the
development of his rejection of rebaptism. I will also attempt to decipher if Augustine arranged aspecific literary or theological line of argument that he used in discrediting his opponents. Afterthat time, a portrait will have begun to be revealed which speaks to the tensions, contradiction,and nuancement necessary for Augustine to advocate his theological agenda, clearing the way forfurther research.
II. Augustine’s Catholic P
latform and Need for an Authority Source Against the Donatists
Upon entering the theological arena of Romanized North Africa in the mid-390s,Augustine would quickly realize the need of having to deal with an audience and reception quitedifferent than what he himself had experienced in his initial adult faith formation in the Italianchurches of Milan and Rome.
5
On the one hand, Augustine would be pitted against the Donatist
4
I note there that Cyprian was a safe bet from a Catholic perspective because he was respected andvenerated in Africa not only by Donatists, but Catholics as well (for just one example see: A
UGUSTINE
,
Sermo
 311.5.5 (
Patrologiæ Cursus Completus
[
PL
] 38), ed. J.-P.
 
M
IGNE
(Paris: 1841), 1415) and outside of Africa as well;E.
 
D
ASSMANN
, “Cyprianus”, in
 Augustinus-Lexikon
, Vol. 2, fasc. 1/2, ed. C.
 
M
AYER
(Basel: Schwabe & Co., 1996),198; R. Garcia,
“San Cypriano y el Donatismo en la polemica antidonatista de San Agustin:
Estudio historico-pastrí 
stico”,
Teologia
13 (1976), 5-49; G.
 
B
ONNER
,
 Life and Controversies
, 324.
5
G.
 
B
ONNER
, “
Christus Sacerdos
: The Roots of Augustine‟s Anti
-
Donatist Polemic”
, in
Signum Pietatis
40.Festgabe für Cornelius Petrus Mayer OSB zum 60 Geburtstag (
Cassiciacum
40), ed. A.
 
Z
UMKELLER
(Würzburg:Augustinus Verlag, 1989), 327; M.
 
T
ILLEY
,
“Augustine‟s Unacknowledged Debt to the Donatists”, in
 Augustinus
 
3Church which was particularly dominant in his region of Africa (Numidia).
6
On the other hand,the Catholic Church in Africa had its own traditions unique in the Empire which he would haveto contend with.
7
Adding to this complication, if the fact that the Roman Empire maintained anever-changing relationship with the Donatist Church. Sometimes the church had the support of the government; sometimes it was opposed and persecuted.
8
 The Donatists created one the greatest challenges in the first decades of 
Augustine‟s
ministry as it created pressure on a theological and day-to-day basis. Not only were the Donatiststhe majority church and intensely eager to defend the well-being of their communities andculture, but more important (for the aims of this article) was their powerful claim to be the onlyauthentic and genuinely rooted church in North Africa. Thus the Donatists could confidentlyassert their self-assumed appellation of being the true church, heirs of Cyprian.
9
For Augustine topresume any level of authority in his efforts, he would face the task of tapping into the Donatistclaim to being sole-possessors of the North African tradition. This could be done mosteffectively by usurping their exclusive hold on the teachings and legacy of Cyprian, and thennuancing them when advantageous for the Catholic position, and disregarding elements thatseemed irreconcilable
. It would be to Augustine‟s credit that he managed to
implement a strategyto do so, and this section will cover from which sources the Catholic Augustine would have towork with and interpret.The North African understanding of baptism and the nature of the Church is rooted in atradition reaching back to Tertullian or earlier but received its enduring form with Cyprian.
10
A
 Afer: Saint Augustin: africanité et universalité. Actes du colloque international, Alger-Annaba, 1-7 avril2001
(
Paradosis
45/1), ed. P.-Y.
 
F
UX
,
 
J.-M.
 
R
OESSLI
,
 
O.
 
W
ERMLINGER
(Fribourg, 2003), 144.
6
Donatist Christians were often found to take pride in their isolation, see: F.
 
M
ARTROYE
, „Une tentative de
révolution sociale en Afrique. Donatistes et circonc
elliones‟, in
 Revue des questions historiques
76 (1904), 389-90;S.
 
L
ANCEL
,
Saint Augustine
, ed. A.
 
N
EVILL
(London: SCM, 2002), 162.
7
Among these variances were: the North African penchant for maintaining a position of equality with othersees in the wes
tern Mediterranean (even with Rome, although this declined towards the end of Augustine‟s life, as
attested to in the
 Divjak Letters
), see: J.
 
M
ERDINGER
,
 Rome and the African Church in the Time of Augustine
(NewHaven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997), esp. pp. 43-49, 205, unique para-liturgical rites (A
UGUSTINE
,
Serm.
 311.5.5 (
PL
38, 1415), and the distinction (within North Africa at least) of the Catholic Church being concentratedin limnal cities with more Latinized populations and being less successful in the African interior. For thesociological underpinnings of this phenomenon, see: W.H.C.
 
F
REND
,
The Donatist Church
:
 A Movement of Protest in Roman North Africa
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1952), esp. pp. 1-93; P.
 
B
ROWN
, “Christianity and Local
Cu
lture in Late Roman Africa”,
 Journal of Roman Studies
58 (1968), 85-95, reprinted in P.
 
B
ROWN
,
 Religion and Society in the Age of Augustine
(London: Faber & Faber, 1972), 283; M.
 
T
ILLEY
, “North Africa”, in
The Cambridge History of Christianity, Volume I, Origins to Constantine
, ed. M.
 
M
ITCHELL
and F.
 
Y
OUNG
(Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 2006), 383 ff.
8
 
The main examples are: Constantine‟s scrutiny of Donatism (312
-337), the Marcarian persecution (346-348), toleration by Julian (361-363), and the uprising of Gildo and Optatus of Thamugadi (late 390s).
9
L
ANCEL
stipulates in this regard that:
“Actually, the Donatists had remained faithful to the doctrine of St
Cyprian in this matter [i.e., rebaptism] whereas the rest of the African Church had renounced it following the council
of Arles in 314”,
Saint Augustine
, 172.
10
T
ERTULLIAN
,
 De Baptismo
15.2 (
Corpus Christianorum Series Latina
[
CCSL
] 1, pars 1 (Turnhout:Brepols, 1954), 1.290):
“unus omnino baptismus est nobis tam ex domini
evangelio quam et apostoli litteris,quoniam unus deus et unum baptisma et una ecclesia in caelis. sed circa haereticos sane quae custodiendum sit dignequis retractet. ad nos enim editum est: haeretici autem nullum consortium habent nostrae disciplinae, quos extraneosutique testatur ipsa ademptio communicationis. Non debeo in illis cognoscere quod mihi est praeceptum, quia nonidem deus est nobis et illis, nec unus Christus, id est idem: ergo nec baptismus unus, quia non idem. quem cum ritenon habeant sine dubio non habent, nec capit numerare quod non habetur: ita nec possunt accipere, quia nonhabent.
”;
C
YPRIAN
,
The Letters of St. Cyprian of Carthage, Volume IV, Letters 67-82
, Ancient Christian Writers 47,trans. G.W.
 
C
LARKE
(Mahwah, NJ: Newman Press, 1989), introduction, 7.
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