Devoted to Lucia, Susana and Mario Brunetto, who made this adventure possible, opened my eyes to the beauties of Northern Argentina and taught me spanish.
Original Description:
Original Title
Kollas in Argentina, The Struggle of the Territory
Devoted to Lucia, Susana and Mario Brunetto, who made this adventure possible, opened my eyes to the beauties of Northern Argentina and taught me spanish.
Devoted to Lucia, Susana and Mario Brunetto, who made this adventure possible, opened my eyes to the beauties of Northern Argentina and taught me spanish.
Dedicated to Luca, Susana and Mario Brunetto, who made this
adventure possible, opened my eyes to the beauties of Northern
Argentina and taught me Spanish. Gracias.
Aalborg University 2013
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Table of Contents
1. Introduction .............................................................................................................................................. 3 2. Methodology............................................................................................................................................. 6 2.1. Specifications and Limitations ............................................................................................................ 6 3. Concepts & Theory: Exploring Indigenous People, Identity, Nation and Modernization ............ 8 3.1. Indigenous, Identity and Nation conceptualized .......................................................................... 9 3.1.1. Indigenous People ......................................................................................................................... 9 3.1.2. Nation & Identity .................................................................................................................... 11 3.1.3. Modernization theory ............................................................................................................ 13 4. Historical background: a People Descending from Boats ............................................................... 16 4.1. The Rise of a Nation ...................................................................................................................... 16 4.2. Malon de la Paz 1946 ..................................................................................................................... 17 4.3. 1990s - The rise of Qullamarka ..................................................................................................... 19 5. Analysis and Discussion ...................................................................................................................... 21 5.1. Kollas and Territory ....................................................................................................................... 21 6. Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................. 28 7. Appendix 01 - Qullamarka .................................................................................................................... 30 8. Appendix 02 - Indigenous in Argentina ............................................................................................... 32 9. Appendix 03 - Excerpts from a Qullamarka Press-statement : 2012 March. ................................... 33 10. Bibliography ....................................................................................................................................... 36
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1. Introduction In 1993 Kicza predicted that the remaining indigenous resistances in Latin America would disintegrate and assimilate. Similar, other authors, as for example Young, concluded that indigenous people in Latin America had suffered from such brutal fragmentation and cultural starvation that it was highly unlikely that a mobilization could take place within a Latin American context ( Warren & Jackson, 2003 :1). However, despite these pessimistic predictions, Latin America has experienced an increasing and growing indigenous uprising and mobilisation during the last two decades. In some cases, the mobilisation have lead to the election of indigenous presidents, as exemplified by Juan Evo Morales Ayma in Bolivia. In others, they are still an opposition to governments, yet an opposition that is managing to influence those governments decisions. Indigenous populations in the Americas are the descendants of the original inhabitants of the continents. Nevertheless, they have arguably been profoundly shaped by centuries of colonisation and by more modern processes of globalization. Scholars have argued that the recent uprising of the indigenous populations, can be seen as a response to, and a critique of the neo-liberal economic trends of the Washington Consensus that swept over the continent in the 1980-90s. The critique of the neo-liberal paradigm is arguably reflected by the emergence of an indigenous discourse, which celebrates the otherness of the indigenous people. An agenda which emphasizes the non- materialist, non-consumer and spiritual relations to the land, consensual decision-making, a holistic environmentalist perspective, and a reestablishment of harmony in the social and physical worlds (Morrissey, 2009; Warren & Jackson, 2003: 13). The seemingly contradiction between indigenous tradition and western thinking can be approached and analysed from a number of different perspectives. Due to the immense amount of indigenous population groups situated around the globe, it is not possible to investigate all cases. I have, therefore, decided to explore the indigenous peoples' territorial struggle inside Argentina and what importance the access to territory has for the identity of an indigenous population. Furthermore, I have limited my case-study to one Aalborg University 2013
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indigenous people, the Kollas. They were selected for the case-study as I in 2012 undertook a three month internship with their organisation - Qullamarka 1 , which gave me an opportunity to observe them more closely 2 . The Kollas are an indigenous people living on the high planes of the Andes in Argentina and Bolivia. According to themselves, and scholars, they are descendants of the native peoples that formed part of the Inca Empire (Valente, 2006).
In Argentina the Kollas are found in the provinces of Jujuy and Salta 3 , and are according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) "the most developed of the Argentine indigenous groups". However, economically and socially they remain disadvantaged in comparison to the majority of the Argentine population (UNHCR, 1993).
According to the Kollas themselves, the main problem they face is the controversy over land. Land is regarded as a common good, and for that reason they have never held individual ownership titles to the land on which they live (Qullamarka 2012a). For centuries the Kollas have been displaced from their ancestral land, and today they find themselves without a legally valid document demonstrating their rights to the land (UNHCR, 1993) for which they have been fighting for more than a 150 years.
The main research question that I seek to answers is : To what extent, if any, has the Kolla's perception on territory been seen as an opposition to development in Argentina? To explore the issue above, we need to, first of all, undercover, how the Kollas perceive territory. In order to do this, ideas of identity and nation-state are to be utilized. The modern nation is seen as a part of the modernizing project of industrialized societies
1 See appendix 01 2 See "2.1. Specifications and Limitations" for more explanation with regard to my choice of case-study. 3 See appendix 02 Kollas in Argentina - Their Struggle for Territory
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(Guibernau & Rex: 1997: 2), thus to explore whether their held perceptions can be considered as an barrier to development, the notions of the modernization theory will be applied. Based on the above question the paper is structured as follows: Section two outlines the methodological foundation on which the paper is resting. Section two is split into two sub-sections. Sub-section one, advances a number of definitions of key concepts and formulates a framework for the analysis. Sub-section two formulates a theoretical framework for the analysis, based on the modernization theory.
Section three presents an analysis and discussion, based on the gathered qualitative data.
Finally, a conclusion - based on the findings from the analysis - will be provided. Aalborg University 2013
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2. Methodology
The paper sets out to add to existing literature on the topic of indigenous, territory, identity, and nation in Argentina, as in my perspective, much academic writings have tended to overlook indigenous groups in Argentina. A fast scan of the academic discussion of indigenous groups in Latin America, reveals that while the indigenous movements of Bolivia, Ecuador, Mexico, and Peru are widely studied, indigenous groups in Argentina have mainly been left out and remain largely an undiscovered case. There may be several of reasons for that, one being that the indigenous movements of these countries, as indicated by Morrissey, "represent the strongest form of indigenous mobilization" (Morrissey, 2009: 495). A view supported by Warren and Jackson who argue that the mobilisation of indigenous in Argentina is immature compared to other countries within the region (2003: 6). The somewhat narrow focus of this paper means that only a small fraction of this issue is explored. Before moving on to an explanation of the utilized data and its limitations, an explanation of the choice of focus is presented, followed by some remarks on the selected theoretical framework. 2.1. Specifications and Limitations My paper represents a case study, chosen due to personal affiliations, as explained earlier. Thus, it does not necessarily represents other cases or can illustrate a specific trait or problem. As indicated by the research question the focus of this paper is on the issue of territorial rights. This focus was chosen, as it has and continues to be the most persistent demand of not only the Kollas, but indigenous organisations throughout the region (Rutledge, 1977: 236), and it therefore offers a constant factor in the struggle of indigenous in Latin America which makes it an ideal component for an overtime analysis.
While I managed to achieve some insight into the more recent fight (2000- 2012) of the Kolla from their perspective, I have not been equally successful with discovering material from a government perspective. Thus, the explore time period will mainly focus on late Kollas in Argentina - Their Struggle for Territory
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19th century to late 20th century. However, when possible a present day context will be included.
To answer the research question, a qualitative stocktaking and evidence-gathering process, which included a desk-based review of academic and grey literature was undertaken, on which the base of this paper rests. Needless to say, the presented secondary data, - as this type of data constitutes - is a more indirect approach to exploring the chosen problem, as opposed to conducting interviews or undertaking a direct personal observation for the purpose of collecting primary data. However, this paper combines these secondary data with primary documents, observations and conversations.
From September to December 2012, I visited local communities and encountered Kolla community members in the provinces of Salta and Jujuy, and in this connection undertook the work of digitalising community documents. Furthermore, I participated in traditional rituals which gave me an opportunity to make certain observation, and ask clarifying questions. Actual interviews was not deemed possible, due to a language barrier that proved it too difficult, thus as a consequence of the limited amount of material and the unstructured manner of the questions, I have decided not to undertake a conclusive transcription. However, where available, answers to my asked question will be employed to aid the identification of general characteristics.
As the utilized data (personal observations and journals from the desk review) mainly are based on direct experiences it is by nature empirical (Punch, 2009: 3). As the aim is to understand and explain the collected data, a theory is needed.
The theories put forward in section three, provide the framework for the analysis of the territorial claim of the Kollas in the light of development, and is the tool used to explain the observed phenomenon. The construction of a theoretical framework will be in accordance with the authors perspective, that the boundary between theory and practice is blurred, and at times overlapping. Aalborg University 2013
In part one of this section a working definition of indigenous people is presented, followed by a conceptualization of identity and nation. For the construction of a definition of indigenous people, the criteria proposed by Martinz Cobo in his Report to the UN Sub-Commission on the Prevention of Discrimination of Minorities (1986) and those of the International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention no.169 on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples will be utilized. It is worth highlighting in this connection that the ILO Convention no. 169, is an international binding convention concerning indigenous people, to which Argentina, among others, have committed to.
As stated in the research question, the paper seeks to explore what appears to be a two- folded dimension. Firstly, how the Kollas perception of territory is seen through the eyes of national identity theories. Secondly, how the same relates to modernisation theory. However, a leading number of a academics stress the emergences of nation-states as historically inevitability with the advent of modernisation (Anderson, 1991; Hobsbawm, in Sawyer, 1997: 76; Lpez-Alves, 2011: 275). In this connection the activities of indigenous people has often been labeled as an affront and threat to the nation-state and its sovereignty, and thus modernization, in official as well as unofficial commentary in Argentina (Sawyer, 1997: 74,76). Thus, the two dimensions are inevitably interrelated. Consequently, in order to understand the dynamics of modernisation and why the Kollas and indigenous people in general have been seen as a barrier to development in an Argentine context, one need to grasp the meaning of nations to place it within a modernisation context. However, the nation will not be the sole focus, as Murphy asserts, "forces of modernization have swept away primordial attachment to community and place, replacing them with state-defined national identities" (1999: 58). This quotes demonstrates, that the modernisation of a state, will outstrip traditional identities, such as that of an indigenous people, and substitute them with national identities. At such, a Kollas in Argentina - Their Struggle for Territory
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definition of identity and nation is not intended, as the idea is to reach a more holistic understanding of the modernization theory. The second part - the theoretical framework - will consider the modernisation theory. Well aware the modernisation theory prescribes a model for development, it will here be used to understand why the Kollas claim for land has been seen as conflicting with ideas of modernisation and development of Argentina. The assumptions on 'development' inbuilt in the modernisation theory will facilitate answering the second part of the research question. 3.1. Indigenous, Identity and Nation conceptualized To fully understand the usage of the concepts utilized in this paper, one must firstly define their meaning. Their explanation and possible implications are an obvious condition for their usage as variables in an analyzing context, and are thus provided prior to the actual analysis and discussion. 3.1.1. Indigenous People The great diversity of indigenous people have made it difficult for scholars to reach a consensus about what constitutes an indigenous people (UN, 2006). ILO Convention no. 169 is a legally binding document, which deals with the rights of indigenous - and tribal people. While it does not offer an exact definition of what indigenous people means and/or entails, it does list some characteristics which is believed to be commonly shared by indigenous people. These are: "Traditional life styles; Culture and way of life different from the other segments of the national population, e.g. in their ways of making a living, language, customs, etc.; Own social organization and political institutions; And living in historical continuity in a certain area, or before others invaded or came to the area." (ILO, 1989) These characteristics, point to that indigenous people are defined against an otherness, an outsider who have become the dominating segment of a given state. Similar to ILO, the UN does not exclusively use one definition of indigenous people; instead they handle all matters connected to indigenous people in an ad hoc manner and Aalborg University 2013
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use what they refer to as "a modern understanding of this term" (UN, 2006). Their understanding is based on the Martinz Cobo Report to the UN Sub-Commission on the Prevention of Discrimination of Minorities. His report from 1986 identified indigenous people as follows: Indigenous communities, peoples and nations are those which, having a historical continuity with pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies that developed on their territories, consider themselves distinct from other sectors of the societies now prevailing in those territories, or parts of them. They form at present non-dominant sectors of society and are determined to preserve, develop and transmit to future generations their ancestral territories, and their ethnic identity, as the basis of their continued existence as peoples, in accordance with their own cultural patterns, social institutions and legal systems. (Martinz Cobo cited on Intenational Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA), 2012a) As it may be observed, the ILO and UN share some ideas on what characterises an indigenous people, these are: Common heritage with the original occupants of a now occupied ancestral territory An outside culture/force has through colonisation or another form of conquest reduced the pre-culture/pre-people to a non-dominant position. They have retained distinct characteristics and in spite of another/new cultural domination this groups still practice its own traditions. A preservation of own systems and institutions By advancing these shared elements a definition may be constructed. For the purposes of this paper, the following workable definition of an indigenous people is proposed: An indigenous population is a group of people who derive from 'original' occupants of now certain occupied areas, but who today, as a result of a conquest, have been reduced to a minority inside the present society. However their history, way of life and community organisation have remained distinct from the majority, and are still being practiced within the frames of the now existing wider nation. Kollas in Argentina - Their Struggle for Territory
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On one hand, this definition emphasises the divergence between the others, in this case the descendants of European migrants, and the original inhabitants of South America, the indigenous. On the other hand, it points towards the fact that the two groups are not separated by a border but exist side-by-side within the same state. Having established the meaning of indigenous for this paper, I now move on to nation and identity as concepts and ideas. 3.1.2. Nation & Identity Identity is in itself an ambiguous term and scholars are yet to reach a consensus on a definition (Brubaker,1999: 55). However they, such as the prominent Stuart Hall the Birmingham School of Cultural Studies, seem to agree, that identity is a social construct which operates in a two-way process, that marks a 'boundary' between 'us' and 'the other'. Said differently, identity is not created through what a people have in common but by what separates them from other groups of people (Delanty, 1997: 292; Hall, 1996: 4-5;). As Hall asserts: "identities are constructed through (...) differences (...) only through the relation to the Other, to precisely what it lacks (...) the 'positive meaning of any term - and thus its 'identity' - can be constructed" (1996: 4-5). In its widest sense, identity covers everything from the individual, to local communities as well as larger grouping with no direct interaction, such as social classes, religious groupings and national identities (Perreault, 2001:382) A national identity is at the core of a nations' self-understanding. The concept of the national identity can be split into two groups; those who considered it to based on a political entity, such as John Stuart Mill, as opposed to those who see it as being based on ethnicity, such as, Anthony D. Smith. While the former is based on common citizenship, the later focuses at common ethnicity 4 as a binding force (Brubaker, 1999: 56, 59;
4 A. Smith explains national identity based on ethnicity as a: "named human populations with shared ancestry myths, histories and cultures, having an association with a specic territory, and a sense of solidarity" (Cited in Guibernau, 2004: 126) Aalborg University 2013
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Guibernau, 2004: 126). Being a country inhabited mainly by descendants of European immigrants, the Argentine national identity can hardly rest on a notion of a common kinship. Thus for the purpose of this paper, a civic understanding of national identity, as defined by Keating, will be applied: "[National identity is] based on territorially defined community, not upon a social boundary among groups within a territory. That is not to say that any piece of real estate can from the basis for a nationalism. There need to be a structured set of political and social interactions guided by common values and a sense of common identity(...) Anyone can join the nation irrespective of birth or ethnic origins(...)" (Keating cited in Brubaker, 1999: 62). Arguably, Keating considers the national identity of a given nation to be a collective enterprise. Broadening a formulation of Anderson, a national identity, can be seen as 'imagined' communities, by communities Anderson refers to the concept nation. According to Anderson a nation is: "(...)an imagined political community - -and imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign (...) It is imagined because the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion." (Anderson, 1991: 6) Thus, he arguably argues that a nation is an invented political construct. Moreover, similar to Keating, Anderson does not consider the nation to be conceived "in blood"(cited in Brubaker, 1999: 63), thereby revealing himself as a civic nationalist thinker. Along the same lines, Delanty, argues that the states is a geopolitical unit, used to delineate states, and to distinguish those who belong from those who do not (Delanty, 1997: 239). To sum up, it is clear from the above, that scholars of civic nationalism consider the state and the nation to be a functional fit. Or said differently, where the political unity stops (the state), the national identity ends (the nation). Interestingly, when looking at the definition of indigenous people above, and compare it to that of identity, it becomes obvious, that the notion of an indigenous people is in fact a separate identity, that besides citizenship shares few, if any, characteristic with a given country's national identity. In fact, the Kollas in Argentina - Their Struggle for Territory
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otherness of an original group is exactly what goes to characterise them as an indigenous people. 3.1.3. Modernization theory In the wake of the Cold War, the disintegration of European colonial empires and the simultaneous appearance of new nation-states, and with that Third World societies, it became evident that these emerging nation-states demanded special attention, as, the at that time, predominate economic theory did not provide them with a model of development. And for the first time the social sciences in the West went beyond its own borders and turned towards the economic development, and the social and cultural changes within the countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America. It was within this context that the modernisation theory made its first appearance and contributions to the development debate in 1950s (Bernstein, 1971: 141, 143; Tipps, 1973: 199-200; So, 1990: 17). Among scholars, there are some divergences of emphasis with respect to the meaning of the concept modernisation, due to its association with 'development' (Bernstein, 1971: 141, 143; Tipps, 1973: 199-200). Lerner argues that modernisation is: "the social process of which development is the economic component" (Lerned cited in Bernstein, 1971: 141), thus embedding development into the concept of modernisation and equaling modernisation with the economy. However, as Myrdal has pointed out economic growth within a country does not necessarily lead to improvement, thus highlighting that development process includes more (Sachs, 2012: 280-283). In contrast to Lerned, Huntington sees modernisation as: "a multifaceted process involving changes in all areas of human thought and activity" (Hutington cited in Tipps, 1973: 201). Thus, emphasising a complete transformation of society and not just economic growth, and hence, confirming the above assumption of the benefits of the inclusion of more indicators when asserting a country's level of modernisation, as it involves more than just the economy. Aalborg University 2013
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However, while not agreeing on a definition of modernisation, scholars tend to agree that is it a form of change, which has a transformational impact and a progressive effect on a society (Tipps, 1973: 202). Modernisation theorists argue that some countries are more developed than others, and that the others, in order to develop, need to look to the most developed countries. Or as spelled out by Peet and Hartwick "if you want to develop, be like us (the West)" (2009: 104). Explained plainly, the modernisation theory, divides the world into two blocks; one consisting of a center of modern progress - core-countries - and the other of a periphery of traditional backwardness - periphery-countries. To become a core-country a country must pass through certain stages, which will take them from their traditional state, to the take-off state 5 of the core countries (So, 1990: 29). The theory assumes that societies progress through similar stages of development, meaning that today's periphery countries, are in a similar stage to that of today's core- countries were at one point in the past, or said differently: " (...)thirteenth-century English society would have more in common with the society of the present-day Trobriand Islands than it would with modern England" (So, 1990: 24).
The task is therefore to help the periphery countries out of their underdevelopment by accelerating them through these stages of development. The role of the core-countries in this connection is to demonstrate, to the peripheries their future (Peet and Hartwick, 2009: 104, 139; So, 1990: 29). Some of the features of the different stages and of modernisation itself are: industrialisation, urbanisation, education, capitalist economy, independent legal system, and democracy, to name some (Przeworski & Limongi, 1997: 158; Charlton & Andras, 2003: 10).
5 Rostow's 'take-off model' -is linear model for development model - which focuses on economic development and its effects on society. The model consists of five stage, which a country must pass through in order to move away from the traditional stage and develop into a society of high mass consumption, which is the fifth and final stage, also termed the 'takeoff stage' (So, 1990: 29). Kollas in Argentina - Their Struggle for Territory
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Another element of the modernisation theory is connected with the direction of progress, how it occurs and human nature. The theory asserts that modernisation is inescapable, as societies always are penetrated by progress, and once begun, progress and development toward the modernisation stage of the core-countries is inevitable (So, 1990: 24), as Pollard states: "(...)a pattern of change exists in the history of mankind (...) that consists in irreversible changes in one direction only, and, that this direction is toward improvement" (Pollard cited in Lpez-Alves, 2011: 268). For that reason, it is impossible to halt modernisation at a particular point (Charlton & Andras, 2003: 4). The baseline of the modernisation theory is that the periphery countries should look to the core-countries and copy their actions. Arguably it creates legitimacy for Western countries, which have established themselves as the core-countries, to dictate and impose doctrines and conditions on the periphery countries (Peet and Hartwick, 2009: 104; Tipps, 1973: 212; Lpez-Alves, 2011: 245 ). As an example of this thought, may be mentioned the accession policy of the European Union (EU), which imposes strict conditions on new countries wishing to integrate with the EU. As defined by the Copenhagen Criteria, the conditionality policy is aimed at promoting democratic consolidation, free market economy, respect for human rights, and rule of law within the different candidates countries (Edwards, 2005: 46-47), or said differently bring them on the same level as the EU countries, since it is presumed they represent a higher level of modernization. The assumptions of the modernisation theory are interesting for this paper, as indigenous often are portrayed as pockets of traditional societies existing within a nation-state, which either is trying to reach, or is in the final stage of modernisation, the take-off stage. Thus it may aid the exploration of the contradiction between indigenous tradition and western thinking in relation to territorial issues in Argentina.
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4. Historical background: a People Descending from Boats
Mexicans descended from the Aztecs; Peruvians descended from the Incas; Argentines descended from the boats. (Warren, 2009: 769). Though this joking-phrase of course is not true, it does suggest a two-folded idea. On one hand it suggests that Argentina is a country of immigrants, and on the other, that any indigenous people that may have existed have been terminated and/or erased from the history (Warren, 2009: 769). This latter notion, of erasing indigenous groups from the history of Argentina, is however, as this historical account will demonstrate, not far from the truth Before embarking on the analysis and the discussion, a historical background will be sketched in order to achieve an in-depth understanding of the topic at hand. For this reason, attention is given to selected key-events within the context of the Kollas and Argentina between the 19th century and up to present day, thus some events will be excluded, such some of the marches of the Kollas, as it is impossible to justify all of these within the allowed STU frame, which also means that the historical context will be of a more general and summary like nature. Furthermore, while the paper will seek to bring the issue up to present day, it cannot be overlooked that the main part of the discovered and utilized data focuses on the period late 19th century to late 20th century, as mentioned earlier. Consequently, the analysis and discussion will mainly focus on the same time- period. Though it arguably is a herculean task, to provide a summary-like chronological order of the history, it will be attempted. With risks of missing important nuances, the following will be a simplified version. Nonetheless, this task needs to be undertaken to fully comprehend the issue at hand. 4.1. The Rise of a Nation After declaring independency from Spain in 1810, Argentina went through a period characterised by civil war. In the 1840s, voices began to rise among the elites that the creation of a nation-state required and all-out assault on 'the desert'. The desert in this Kollas in Argentina - Their Struggle for Territory
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connection was synonymous with everything that not considered civilised/modern and a barrier to the creation of the nation-state, such as indigenous groups. The desert had to be defeated and terminated in order to make space for a new nation (Gordillo & Hirsch, 2003: 9). One of the most outspoken supporters of this view was Samiento, who later was to become the seventh president of Argentina (Delany, 1996: 443). The 1870s saw the gradual end to the civil war, however, the voices from the 1840s were still heard, and it was decided to launch the Conquest of the Desert campaign. Though this campaign mainly focused on the Mapuche areas in the Patagonian Andes 6 (Gordillo & Hirsch, 2003: 10) it did not leave the Kollas untouched. In 1874, what marked the first key point in the their contemporary struggle for territory, the Kollas rose up in the Puna, Jujuy, to claim land titles during the often overlooked Battle of Quera (Rutledge: 1977). The government of Salta and Jujuy responded by dispatching military forces, who quickly managed to repress the uprising (Gordillo & Hirsch, 2003: 10).
At the end of the 19th century the 'indigenous problem', as it was termed, had been solved. Though the campaign by critics was described as an extermination of the original people, it was not so. However, this idea found footing and "'became part of dominant national discourses" (Gordillo & Hirsch, 2003: 10), and consequently Argentina had become a European styled nation-state, with a people descending from boats. This discourse was contradictory, for the presence of these indigenous groups, even if displaced, became an important part of the strategy of the state and "(...) the expansion of new relations of production." (Gordillo & Hirsch, 2003: 11). 4.2. Malon de la Paz 1946 A second key point in the Kollas' struggle for territory was in 1946, when Kolla people from the provinces of Salta and Jujuy walked to Buenos Aires on "the raid of peace" - (el Maln de la paz) in demand of land titles (Qullamarka 2012b). The background for this raid is to be found in, at that time, an expanding sugar cane production. In 1936 in the Kolla
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Tinkunaku community in San Andrs (present day member of Qullamarka) land was confiscated from the indigenous people and sold off at a public auction. The confiscation of land was part of an official state agenda which was to encourage "the proletarianization of indigenous" and "their integration into larger political economies" (Gordillo & Hirsch, 2003: 12). The land had not been bought for the intention of cultivating sugar cane (being located in the high planes of the Andes, it was too high and too dry for that) it was bought for its people. The Kollas living there as well as in other areas of the high planes, were forced to pay rent to their new landlord, but not in the form of money, but in work. Atarting in 1936 most women and men were to work from sunrise to sunset for six months each year (Schwittay, 2008: 132). This indigenous protest was the first to gain large scale attention inside Argentina, and despite articulated support from the then president Juan Pern; "You were born there and you have your home there, and nobody will throw you out or take you out, nobody" (Schwittay, 2008: 127). the Tinkunaku community did not receive any land titles. It would take intense mobilisation in the 1980s and the second Maln to Buenos Aires in 1993 to finally obtain the expropriation of 37,200 acres, about 10 percent of the San Andrs Finca (Schwittay, 2008), only to confiscated again in 1996 by the US based Seaboard Corporation (Schwittay, 1999).
In fact the government of Pern arguably saw this mobilisation as a political annoyance, as after being received by Peron, the maln participants were in the cover of the night forcibly shipped back in trains to Salta and Jujuy (Schwittay 2008: 133). Despite the fall to hand over territory, the years of Pern did bring about some improvement of the situation of indigenous as the government granted them citizenship, allowing them to participate in elections. However, in 1955 Pern was overthrown in a military coup and with that the state's perceptions of its indigenous changed (Gordillo & Hirsch, 2003: 15). With the rise of the modernisation discourse in the 1960s, indigenous groups went from being perceived as an internal threat to become "poor and indigent", illustrated by the fact that the government of Frondizi encouraged development plans and training of indigenous Kollas in Argentina - Their Struggle for Territory
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communities (Gordillo & Hirsch, 2003:15). Yet, this idea was not to last long. Between the 1976 - 1983 the most repressive military dictatorship in the history of Argentina took the power, and once again the idea of indigenous as 'savages and a threath' resurfaced, illustrated by the state's large scales celebrations of the centennial of the campaign 'Conquest of the desert'. The fall of the military junta in 1983, marked the beginning of some significant decades of Kolla mobilisation in the history of Argentina. 4.3. 1990s - The rise of Qullamarka In 1993, a group of Kollas returned to Buenos Aires on their second Maln de la Paz (Qullamarka, 2012b) in demand of land titles, where they were greeted by Carlos Menem, who two days after the indigenous audience in the Argentine Congress passed a law seizing 15,000 out of a total of 130,00 hectares of the Finca San Andrs to be handed over to the Kolla Tinkunaku community (Schwittay, 2008: 128). Yet another event appeared in 1994. As a part of an overall democratisation process, the part of the constitution that since 1853 had stipulated that it was the responsibility of the Congress to maintain the peaceful relationship with the Indians, and promote their conversion to Catholicism, was abolished (Anaya, 2012: 4). And after heavy lobbying from NGOs and indigenous activists a statement concerning the right of indigenous was included into the new constitution. Among other things, the new art. 75, incise 17, states unambiguously with regard to territory, that the attribution of the Congress are to: "(...) recognize the personetia juridica (legal status) of their communities, the collective possession and ownership of the lands they traditionally occupy; regulate the granting of other [lands] apt and sufficient for human development; none of these [lands] will be alienable (enajenable),transferable (transmisible) [sic], or subject to taxes and embargoes. To guarantee their participation regarding their natural resources and other interests that affect them" (Gordillo & Hirsch, 2003: 19). The application of this constitutional amendment, however, is of course left up to each province to manage. Since 1993 the Kollas' marches have been more numerous than at any other point in the past. To the knowledge of the author more than seven additional demonstrations have Aalborg University 2013
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taken place since 1993, however not all of these can be accounted for, as the culture of the Kollas mainly is based on oral delivery. What differentiates the current mobilisation of the Kolla with those of the past, are that unlike earlier, the communities now come together under one banner, that of Qullamarka. Where the marches of the past typically had about 160-200 participants and only involved a singular territorial claim (Schwittay, 2008), the two (2008 and 2012), organised by Qullamarka, each had more that 700 participating Kollas (El Tribuno, 2012), and involved various territorial claims. Such as the latest one in 2012, which incorporated four distinct territorial claims, more specifically, Rodeo Colorado, Mecoyita, Nazarene and Santa Victoria Oeste 7 . The historical account above of the Kollas struggle for territory, is the backdrop on which the analysis and discussion will take its point of departure.
7 See appendix 03 - Excerpts from a Qullamarka Press-statement released in connection with the 2012 March Kollas in Argentina - Their Struggle for Territory
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5. Analysis and Discussion In this section an analysis and discussion of the territorial claim of the Kollas will be further explored. This will be done by exerting the generated empirical data, and investigate it though the ideas of the modernisation theory. In the mindset of the modernisation theory the government of Argentina is arguably the developed core, which the periphery, the indigenous groups, should copy in order to develop. The structure of the sections is as follows: First, the question how the Kollas perceive territory will briefly be considered, before extending into an analysis and discussion on the Kollas' perception on territory in relation to development 5.1. Kollas and Territory As demonstrated earlier in the historical account, a reappearing theme for all of the marches has been the return of ancestral land to the Kollas. Their claim for territory has not sprung out overnight, it is based on the legitimising grounds of historical continuity, as demonstrated above. Thus, there can be little doubt that territory holds a special place in the mind and the culture of the Kollas, as indicated by the quote below: "La tierra, como el territorio y los derechos de sus recursos son de fundamental importancia para nosotros, ya que constituyen la base de nuestro sustent econmico, as como la fuente de los conocimientos tradicionales y prcticas, la identidad espiritual, y la vida cultural y social de los Kollas." (Qullamarka 2012a) This statement from the Kolla organisation Qullamarka eloquently links the issues of resource access and economic benefits, with more abstract concepts of territory, and indigenous cultural and social identity. This form what may be called an identity/territory nexus, the contestations for which take place in both material and discursive terrains.
The Kollas do not disregard the economic benefits of territory, however these are more connected to the opportunities of being self-sufficient. Nevertheless, territory more than anything else is perceived as a cultural and social component of their identity, thus emphasising a non-materialistic value of territory. Aalborg University 2013
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The importance of the territory and the nexus with their sense of identity becomes even more obvious with the following statement from Eucevio Condor, a cacique (Chief) of one the Kolla communties: "They are slowly killing us. Little by little they are tightening the noose around our necks. They are leaving us orphans without land, and without land we will simply disappear." (Condor cited in Schwittay, 1999) The territory in this sense becomes their mother, and by taking their land, they are left homeless. The notion of "slowly killing us", is arguably not to be understood literally, but rather in the sense, that without territory there can be no Kollas.
When Kollas explain their perception of territory they normally highlight a certain combination of three word; identity - practice - territory (Qullamarka, 2012c). David Sarapura, one of the caciques of the Comunidades Originarias de Lipeo y Baritu (member of Qullamarka), explained to me, the connection between the three the following way: "Sin territorio, no puede haber prctica de nuestros rituales ancestrales, y sin la prctica no puede haber identidad." Similar to my findings, Perrault has found that the identity of indigenous in Ecuador rest on notions and ideas of territory, rather than on factors such as citizenship and/or kinship (Perreault, 2001:383). As he explains: "Indigenous organizations (...) incorporate these spaces (...) into the construction and representation of ethnic identities, reinforcing the identify/territory nexus (...) Territory (...) continues to be central to indigenous construction of identity"(2001: 404) This link between territory and identity, reveals an overlooked factor in the work of the civic as well as the ethnic-nationalist scholars. Where the Argentine national identity rests on a civic-notion (see sub-section 3.1.2,), the Kolla emphasizes a complete different identity marker, that of territory. Or said differently, to be Kolla is to have territory, thus when seeking to explore whether their perception of territory can be seen as a barrier to development, one, at the same time, is exploring whether the Kollas as a whole is an obstruction. Kollas in Argentina - Their Struggle for Territory
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With these perception of territory in mind, the paper turns towards addressing, to what extent, if any, the Kolla's perception on territory has been considered an opposition to development. As demonstrated, the indigenous territory of the Kollas holds a specific cultural space that has a great spiritual importance for their identity as a people. And for that reason one territory cannot simply be traded or replaced for another, unlike the logic of private property, where everything can be bought and sold. As explained earlier, the Kollas operate under the idea of communal property, meaning that the territory does not belong to one person or one family, but a whole community. These ideas of collective 'ownership' and spiritual relations to the land, is arguably distinct from a modernist and western idea of territory, which emphasises its economic benefits, and depict the cultivation of land as a large-scale business enterprise, where farmers are to engage in commerce (Kirkendall, 1985: 8). This modernist perception of territory holds no sense of identity, as it is seemingly based on a notions of monetary and materialistic values. The Kollas' perception of territory has arguably over the years been seen as barrier to the government of Argentina. As depicted in subsection 4.1, it was believed than an all-out assault on the indigenous was need in order for Argentina to be born as a nation. The campaign included the attack on a group of Kollas, who were demanding land titles. During the creation of the nation Argentina, its European elite sought to destroy and /or delete the past. The newly established national identity came to emphasis an open and unknown future, where belonging was marked by citizenship (Lpez-Alves, 2011: 244). The deleting of the past, included the exclusion of Kollas from the new nation's self- understanding. A circumstance reflected by the fact, that indigenous groups did not gain citizenship before the Peron era, and that the constitution for more than 150 years located indigenous people as groups outside the Argentine nation and Christianity, as described in subsection 4.3. Arguably, the Kollas and other indigenous people living in Argentina, became the 'other' against which the Argentine national identity was constructed in the 19th century. Aalborg University 2013
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An 'other' who in the words of Sarmiento (1876) were "Incapaces de progreso" (Sarimiento cited in Finchelstein, 2010: 279). Seeing indigenous as incapable of progress meant for Sarimiento, they should be exterminated to give way for civilisation, as he rhetorical asked:
"Lograremos exterminar los indios? (...) exterminio es providencial y til, sublime y grande. Se los debe exterminar sin ni siquiera perdonar al pequeo, que tiene ya el odio instintivo al hombre civilizado" ( Sarimiento cited in Finchelstein, 2010: 279). By claiming that men of civilisation have an instinctive hatred toward indigenous, Sarmiento arguably assert it is in the nature of development to be revolted when encountering something deemed an obstruction of further advancement, such as the indigenous groups deemed incapability of progress. Furthermore, by stating they should be terminated, it become evident that indigenous people, and hence Kollas in the late 19th century were considered an opposition to development. Termination can of course be both literally and/or meant in a figuratively sense. Alberdi, a contemporary rival of Sarmiento, metaphoric asked: "Do we want the habits of order and industry to prevail in our America? Let us fill it with people that profoundly possess them. (These habits) are contagious: beside European industry, soon American" (Alberdi cited in Delaney, 1996: 443).
European immigrants were to shape the original people with the qualities required for further modernisation (Delaney, 1996: 443). While not directly stating indigenous people were an obstruction to development, Alberdi did believe they had to be contaminated and infected with European ideas, to pave the way for industrialisation. Arguably, he sought to terminate the identity of the indigenous people, as they were perceived a barrier to progress. This idea of infection, though ahead of it time, highlights an element of the modernisation theory; that societies penetrated by progress will see the light and start to develop towards the standards of the core-countries, in this case, the abandoned homelands of the European immigrants. Kollas in Argentina - Their Struggle for Territory
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As highlighted in the end of sub-section 4.1 , indigenous became an important part of a state production-expansion strategy, as explained in sub-section 4.2 this new strategy involved the confiscation of Kolla land and the Kollas communities insertion into the political economy of the newly created nation-state Argentina. The confiscation of land was to serve the Argentine state well during the early 20th century. Unlike, the nation-states of Western Europe and the United States, where economic prosperity resulted from domestic industrial development, the great wealth that Argentina enjoyed during this period derived from the export of agricultural products (Delaney, 1996: 438). Thus territory remained salient and imperative for the modernization of Argentina, hence the government remained unwilling to respond to indigenous land claims. As it was seen in sub-section 4.2, the Kollas once again rose up in demand of land titles in 1946. However the government of Pern was arguably unwilling to meet their demands, as explained earlier. The forcible shipment of the Kollas back to Northern Argentina, and the reduction and later replacement in 1946, of the Consejo Agrario, an institution founded in 1940 to deal with indigenous territory claims (Schwittay, 2008: 133), arguably reflect a reluctance of the Pern government to deal with the demands of the Kollas. The 1946 uprising of the Kollas can be understood as a uprising against the system at that time(see sub-chapter 4.2), a system that kept them away from their community for six months of the year. This arguably had a disastrous effect on their sense of identity, as they need to be close to their ancestral land to practice their rituals, in order to maintain their identity. When applying the ideas of the modernization theory, the separation of the Kollas can arguably be interpreted as in the interest of the state. As described the modernisation theory asserts, that it is the responsibility of the core-states to accelerate a periphery country through the different stages of development. Separating or simply displacing the Kollas from their ancestral land, hence preventing them from 'doing' identity, could serve as means to meet the goal of the government, the assimilation of Kollas into the political economy of Argentina. Aalborg University 2013
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Moreover, the actions of the government, can , when seen in the light of the modernization theory, be understood as a continuation of the idea of penetrating the Kolla communities with progress, which had first been promoted in the late 19th century. The acceleration of the Kollas through the stages of development, was arguably increased during presidents Frondizi in the 1960s, who sought to train and educate the Kolla communities (See sub-section 4.2). Thus, the politics of near extermination, of which the Conquest of the Desert in 1879 was the most notorious expression, was in 20th century replaced by a milder notion, that the Kollas, and indigenous people in general, should be guided paternalistic into the economic progress of Argentina. This was to be done through the confiscation and displacement from their land, and consequently their identity. While, the Kollas were not seen as direct obstacle to development, their claim for territory arguably was. As it was demonstrated above, the territory and the groups of indigenous people living on it, were two key components in the modernization of Argentina. During the years of Menem in 1990s, Argentina saw a great increase in foreign acquisitions of land. In 1996, the near-bankrupt Tabacal in San Andrs, was sold off by the Argentine government to the US based Seaboard Corporation. The corporative refused to recognize a 1986 land donation, which had been handed over in 1993, to the Kolla Tinkunaku community. Unable to buy the Kollas out, Seaboard took to more violent means, such as destruction of property and death threats (Derechos, 1997; Schwittay, 1999). However, despite not haven initiate the conflict the Kollas were the once blamed (Schwittay, 1999; Clarn, 1998), as Marita Simon, editor of El Tribuno, said in an interview with the Miami Herald in 1997: "In 400 years the Kollas haven't produced anything, while [Seaboard] wants to reactivate its business, plant new fruits, sugar cane and provide jobs. What we want is factories, industries and production. The time of tradition is over and done with. It's in the past" (Cited in Schwittay, 1999). Arguably Marita Simon considered the Kollas' claim as irreconcilable with modern development. The statement is interesting, as it, when applying the thoughts of the modernisation framework, arguably creates legitimacy for state violence, as a way to dictate and impose doctrines of modernisation on the Kolla communities. Kollas in Argentina - Their Struggle for Territory
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While the above statement dates back to 1997, it is still a held belief, by among others the provincial government of Jujuy, that Kollas, and their perception of territory, is a hindrance to development. During meetings with Kollas communities the government of Jujuy has expressed the idea that they regard the Kollas as being opposed to development within the extraction of natural resources (Valent, 2006). The present day call for high-technological development in rural areas, along with the constant concessions being granted to mining and hydrocarbon companies for the exploitation of non-renewable natural resources, is dangerously competing with indigenous peoples territorial demands, which in contrast is displayed as an obstruction to development. The current president Cristina Fernndez de Kirchner, who commenced her second term in office 2011, has largely ignored the demands of the indigenous people in her political manifesto (IWGIA, 2012b). Arguably, by not addressing their continually demand for land titles, she is continuing and repeating the exclusion policies of the former presidents. However, the Kollas know that the times are changing, and they do not themselves directly object to development. What they demand, is a greater inclusion, so that the development happens under their terms and control. As stated by Sajama a member of the Tinkunaku community: "We are not opposed to the mining companies, but we need title deeds to ensure that our children can inherit our land, and to be able to participate in the debate on natural resources" (cited in Schwittay, 1999).
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6. Conclusion
The purpose of this study was to explore first, the meaning of territory to the Kollas, an indigenous people in Argentina; and second, place their claim for land inside an Argentine context, in relation to the paradigm of the modernization theory. The main research question asked was: To what extent, if any, has the Kolla's perception on territory been seen as an opposition to development in Argentina? When applying the ideas of the modernisation theory to the discussed literature, it becomes obvious that the Kollas, and their claim for territory has, and is, to a large extend considered a hindrance to development in Argentina. The land claims of the Kollas arguably represents a clash between two identities: one that seeks national development based on a policy of accumulation and, is dominated by the economic system; and another that focuses on communal ownership, doing identity, the right to alternative development, and, is dominated by access to territory. Despite Murphy's prediction that the forces of modernisation would sweep away traditional identities - such as the one of the Kollas' - and replace them with a national identity, this has not occurred in Argentina. The Kollas' identity appears resistible to the presumed overpowering dynamics of modernisation. Despite an increased and stronger representation of the Kolla communities through Qullamarka, the situation has arguably worsen. In the light of the exploitation of non- renewable natural resources, the state, has remained unwilling to display the political will to resolve conflicts, as the Kollas territorial claim, in their mind is a barrier to further development. However, as this paper demonstrates, it would be one-side to perceive the Kollas' claim for territory and their perception of territory solely as an obstruction to development. Like the rest of Argentina, they too are living in the 21th century and are well aware about it. They do not reject development, but demand a greater inclusion of their ideas and Kollas in Argentina - Their Struggle for Territory
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vision. What they seek is a development, that will respects their ties with the territory, and permit future generation of Kollas to practice their identity on their ancestral land.
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7. Appendix 01 - Qullamarka
In the autumn 2012 I undertook a three-moth internship with Qullamarka, in Salta, Northern Argentina. Qullamarka is the coordinating platform for a number of indigenous Kolla communities living in the provinces of Jujuy and Salta in Northern Argentina. Quallamarka was born out of the need to articulate and strengthen the national legal framework (namely Art. 75 inc. 17 in the constitution) and various international treaties on the subject of rights of the indigenous people, such as, ILO Convention 169 and the United Nation (UN) Declaration of the Rights of the Indigenous People. The first tentative steps towards the formation of Qullamarka were taken in the beginning of the 2000s before it finally consolidated in 2007.
Today five years after its creation it integrates nearly all the indigenous councils in the provinces of Jujuy and Salta. The five councils that make up Qullamarka are: Comunidades Aborgenes Victoreas (UCAV); Asociacin de Comunidades Aborgenes de Nazareno (OCAN); Comunidades Indgenas de la Alta Cuenca del Rio Lipeo (CIACRL); Consejo Indgena Kolla de Iruya (CIKDI) and Comunidad Indgena del Pueblo Kolla Tinkunaku (CIPKT). Together these five councils represent more than 20.000 residents, who are living in more than 80 different communities, and which cover a territory of more than one million hectares. Qullamarka is a two tier organisation. Tier one is the community level, where the communities are created. These 80+ communities provide the basis for the five local councils, as mentioned above. The smaller communities come together both within the "lowest" level (the community level) and the "medium" level ( local level) on a regular basis to discuss matters of interest to the community. Tier two is the coordinating board of Qullamarka. This is made up of 15 people who are the political, administrative and legal representatives of the five different member Kollas in Argentina - Their Struggle for Territory
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associations. The persons who/that make up the board are elected from one of the local five councils and the election procedures are decided upon within the different assemblies, thus while one assembly may have election every year another organisation may only hold elections for the board every second year. The board members are obliged to adhere to work and/or efforts agreed upon at the meetings. Assemblies are normally held every third month, in different locations within "the Qullamarka territory". The legal and political struggle for territory, including natural resources, is of primary concern for the organisation, however the board members come together at the assemblies to debate other issues of shared consensus, and, if needed, perform administrative, legal and political monitoring of achieved progress. Aalborg University 2013
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8. Appendix 02 - Indigenous in Argentina
source: America Invisible y el Bicentenario 2012 Kollas in Argentina - Their Struggle for Territory
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9. Appendix 03 - Excerpts from a Qullamarka Press- statement released in connection with the 2012 March. PARTE DE PRENSA 4 Marcha del Pueblo Kolla QULLAMARKA en Resistencia por el Territorio Ejerciendo Autodeterminacin Territorial El Pueblo Kolla Qullanas QULLASUYU seguimos caminando Ciudad de Salta, 3 de septiembre de 2012 La esencia del QULLAMARKA, Coordinadora de Organizaciones y Comunidades Kollas Autnomas de la Provincia de Salta, es el espacio donde discutimos, planificamos, consensuamos y debatimos las diferentes problemticas del territorio y realizamos planes de lucha de manera colectiva y recproca. Buscamos la autonoma territorial en defensa y cuidado de los bienes y recursos naturales que nos brinda la PACHA-MAMA para el existir de nuestra cultura e identidad, haciendo uso equilibrado, complementario y cclico; Del ALAJ PACHA (Mundo de arriba, aire, cielo los astros, espritus etc. ) el KAY PACHA( tierra y todo lo que habita en ella) y el UKU PACHA ( recursos no renovables, los minerales, el Agua, el petrleo, y espritus etc. ) para el uso de sus eternos hijos. Por esta razn las prcticas ancestrales estn basadas en los vnculos comunitarios. Nuestro Qullamarka en la actualidad ocupa un territorio de ms de un milln de hectreas en la Provincia de Salta y comprende a las siguientes organizaciones de comunidades: la Unin de Comunidades Aborgenes Victoreas (UCAV), la Asociacin de Comunidades Aborgenes de Nazareno (OCAN), el Consejo Indgena Kolla de Iruya (CIKDI), la comunidad Indgena Alta Cuenca del Ro Lipeo (CIACRL) y la Comunidad Indgena del Pueblo Kolla Tinkunaku (CIPKT). Ejercemos el Derecho Adquirido como Nacin y Pueblo Preexistentes al Estado Nacional. Desde que nuestra cultura y forma de organizacin de vida como pueblo Indgena se vio avasallada, violada, amenazada y torturada, comenzamos a resistir; en el ao 1946 caminamos hasta Buenos Aires, lo que fue el maln de la paz. Vimos en esta etapa poltica la posibilidad de concretar nuestras demandas de propiedad de nuestros territorios que por LEGTIMO DERECHO NOS CORRESPONDEN, llegando hasta el ao 2008 donde fue la ltima marcha como QULLAMARKA a la capital Saltea exigiendo las mismas demandas incumplidas, Y EN ESTA CUARTA MARCHA OBLIGAMOS Y EXIGIMOS A LOS GOBERNANTES LO SIGUIENTE:
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TIERRA Y TERRITORIO
Suspensin inmediata de desalojo a las familias de ACHIRA ordenado por el juzgado 1 instancia civil y comercial II nominacin de Salta.
Deposito, de la Ley de Expropiacin de entrega de ttulos comunitarios de finca RODEO COLORADO y MECOYITA ante la falta de voluntad poltica por parte del gobierno.
Entrega de ttulos comunitarios a las comunidades de Santa Victoria Oeste y Nazareno.
Urgente aprobacin y entrega de 7 planos de mensura de las comunidades de IRUYA por parte de la secretaria de recursos hdricos y direccin general de inmuebles.
Urgente relevamiento territorial dispuesto por LA LEY 26160 DE ENERGENCIA DE LA PROPIEDAD COMUNITARIA en las comunidades del Arazay, San Ignacio, Barit, Lipeo, Achira y Tinkunaku. compromiso acuerdo entre Qullamarka INAI y el incumplimiento descarado por el presidente del INAI Daniel Fernndez.
LA LEY 26160 DE EMERGENCIA DE LA PROPIEDAD COMUNITARIA en Salta gast $ 2.252.008,00, sin embargo durante tres aos de relevamiento, no se llegaron a aprobar dentro del relevamiento territorial ni el 5% de las ms de 300 comunidades. Denunciamos al gobierno provincial y nacional ya que son responsables de este atropello y violaciones sistemticas contra los derechos de los pueblos indgenas.
INSTITUCIONES VIOLADORA DE DERECHOS: Ministerio de Ambiente y Produccin-Gobierno de Salta, Ministerio de Produccin y Medio Ambiente de Jujuy y La Administracin de Parques Nacionales. Violacin del consentimiento libre previo e informado, proyecto en ejecucin y planes estratgicos por parte de estas tres instituciones, en territorio del Qullamarka.
INSTITUCIN VIOLADORA DE DERECHOS: El Parque Nacional Barit, a travs de su Autoridad en reiteradas ocasiones ha violado el derecho de las Comunidades Originarias de Lipeo y Baritu. La Ley de Parques es obsoleta en territorio del Qullamarka ya que fue creada en la poca de la dictadura militar y nunca fue modificada, por tal motivo pedimos que esta institucin debe actualizar y adecuar a las normas vigente con respecto al derecho indgena y pedimos a la Presidenta de Parques Nacionales Dr. Patricia Gandini revierta su actitud, sobre todo reconozca que el Qullamarka es la Autoridad mxima de este territorio y al Consejo Asesor de Poltica Indgena CAPI.
PARALIZACIN INMEDIATA: Ministerio de Ambiente y Produccin- Gobierno de Salta, est financiando a travs de proyectos en el marco de la ley de bosques a gente extraa en el territorio de las comunidades de San Ignacio y Las Juntas violando el derecho a la consulta. La Instalacin de un basurero dentro del territorio de la Kollas in Argentina - Their Struggle for Territory
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comunidad el Arazay Los Toldos, Financiamiento externo BID GEF violando el derecho a la consulta.
NO A LA CONSTRUCCIN DE LA RUTA LOS TOLDOS A SANTA VICTORIA, ya que esta ruta no beneficia a las comunidades indgenas de este territorio, al contrario, desequilibra la vida de las comunidades. Esta ruta es negocios para algunos polticos empresarios que saquean nuestros recursos y cultura.
DEFENDEMOS EL AGUA: NO A LA MUERTE, NO A LA MINERIA A CIELO ABIERTO, este Gobierno es cmplice de las multinacionales y avala el saqueo de los recursos naturales de los territorios de las Comunidades Indgenas.
POR TODO LO EXPUESTO INVITAMOS A LOS HERMANOS DE TODOS LOS PUEBLOS INDIGENAS y ORGANIZACIONES A SUMARSE A LA MARCHA EL DA 3 DE SEPTIEMBRE Y ADHERIRSE CON TODA LA FUERZA DE LA PACHA PARA EL BUEN VIVIR DE NUESTRAS COMUNIDADES.
JALLALLA LOS PUEBLOS INDIGENAS UNIDOS VENCEREMOS JALLALLA, JALLALLA.
Source: Qullamarka 2012b
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