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Law and Economics of Development
0580identification and specification of these improved mechanisms is the firstproblem waiting to be solved by the economic analysis of law in developingcountries.A modern market economy requires laws that are able constantly to redefinerights and market relationships when new forms of corporate structure emerge;to provide ever-changing determinations of contractual obligations, and extendthem to new forms of financial instruments, tangible and intangible property;to redefine and enforce the rights of victims of new technologies and activitieswhile protecting the environment from newly emerging risks. These are onlysome examples of the tremendous flexibility that the legal and judicial systemsrequire in order to adapt the laws to a dynamic economic system. As Cooter(1996a, pp. 2-3) states in his pioneering piece, ‘if economic law is poorlyadapted to the economy, expectations conflict, cooperating is difficult, anddisputes consume resources. Conversely, if economic law is adapted to theeconomy, people cooperate with each other, harmonize their expectations, anduse resources efficiently and creatively’. If public institutions are defective andpolitical conditions too unstable, private contractual arrangements will alsobecome riskier and negatively affect private investment. In short, the formationof larger markets and the possibility of longer-term contracts, both necessaryconditions for economic growth, are hampered by an unclear or undefinedsystem of legal rules and inconsistent application and interpretation of thoserules. The application of the economic analysis of law to development issuessponsors a clear and consistent definition and enforcement of the conditions of ownership in developing countries undergoing transformations. As Orr andUlen (1993, p. 3) argue,
‘a government that credibly commits itself to upholding rights of property andcontract enforcement not only provides a basis whereby partners in economictransactions can trust each other; it also reinforces the hope that the governmentitself can be trusted to transact honorably and to meet its contractual obligations’.
Yet high costs for determining property rights are still common in mostdeveloping countries. Confiscations and multiple, high and unanticipatedtaxation applied to the same bundle of property rights again and again, uncleardefinition of contractual obligations, inconsistent application of the lawscoupled with corruption, and ad hoc regulations have all made property rightsmore insecure and have also caused increased transaction costs within themarketplace. This institutional instability increases the discount rate applied tosocial interactions in future periods, thereby hampering investments, savings,and the consumption of durable goods. The most interesting question thenremains: What are the structures of the most effective legal and judicialmechanisms that would be able to interpret and translate those social normsinto laws in less developed countries?
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I do agree with your ideas. There is a lot of wealth in the so-called underdeveloped countries but it seats idle for lack of formal recognition! Your chapter is worthy reading! Sunguramjanja
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