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War is Terrorism, Is War

War is Terrorism, Is War

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Published by G2V[12]
Opinion pertinent to American foreign policy and internal propaganda. The flexible nature of defining terrorism and its adaptation to Washington/corporate strategic interests.
Opinion pertinent to American foreign policy and internal propaganda. The flexible nature of defining terrorism and its adaptation to Washington/corporate strategic interests.

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Published by: G2V[12] on Dec 18, 2009
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05/28/2012

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War is Terrorism, is War
By Tracy E. Tomlinson, earthproject@inorbit.com Newsblaze Op-Ed Contributor 12/17/2009
 By 2009 various well organized studies have cumulatively abridged Iraqi war casualty counts. John Tirman, (executive director and principal research scientist at the MIT Center for  International Studies) wrote a commentary for the February issue of The Nation…
Throughout history war has been the catalyst of scenarios culminating in acts of genocideand mass murder in such grand proportion that the sociopolitical impact has been that of a terrorism campaign. Indeed, protracted conflicts configure the ideal conditions for elements of terrorism from all sides.For the past eight years the US has committed to what it calls a war 'against' terrorism.Though perhaps few Americans question the rationale for an aggressive movement tominimize the possibility of future attacks on American soil, there is a critical world viewof the tactical results and the effort to withhold timely, factual information regarding onthe ground realities of a two front conflict.Terrorism is not just a term inserted into the script of foreign policy. It is a conceptionwrought of the violent acts and ideological attitudes formulated in orchestratingcollective influence and social change. It is administered with the intent of reducing the public psyche to a simple equation of fear and submission. This is potently clear withinthe deconstructive campaigns of Hitler, Stalin and Mao Tse Tung for example.With this in mind I would mention that although history illustrates the brutal necessitatesof power brokering between nations and within societies, the consequence of modernstate terror has never been so relentlessly challenged by small, covert cells of civilianagents, nor has it been so blatantly justified in the broad political theater as the means to aan end.As an example, I would refer to the Russian invasions of Chechnya (in 1994 and again in1999), in which Grozny was mercilessly decimated by the Soviet war machine, withhundreds of thousands of civilians dead, missing, imprisoned, tortured. Ruthlessmeasures employed to establish authority and root out separatists led to many reports of human rights abuses. In 2008 Richard Boucher, former spokesman of the U.S. StateDepartment said, "the lack of a political solution and the number of credible reports of massive human rights violations, we believe, contribute to an environment that isfavorable toward terrorism."A paradox which may be associated with the west's opposition to communistexpansionism during the cold war era was expounded in the expression of right wingterrorism in Latin American politics. The CIA organized the Salvadoran death squads in
 
Central America to combat left wing insurgencies and revolutions in the making. In ElSalvador alone, an estimated 130 thousand civilians were murdered in their beds, weredisappeared and tortured.In response to an open-ended conflict with Al-Qaeda soldiers and anti-Americaninsurgents the Bush administration has taken a scholarly approach to the application of accumulative collateral damage and disproportionate violence among civilians. With political advisers and legal consul, he coupled revised legal definitions with a concept of institutionalized terror dubbed Islamo-Fascism. A title which one of thought would finddifficult if not impossible to apply as a valid term of description.His administration officially classified terrorism as a unique act of combat against societyoutside or beyond that of conventional war. In doing so, his policy created a three pronged stratagem designed to promote and rationalize state sponsored aggression whichhe knew would ultimately victimize millions of innocent Muslims.In one of the US government's first acts of suppressing public knowledge of the reality onthe ground, the Al-Jezeera headquarters in Baghdad was destroyed by US tanks after a journalist began publishing photos showing civilian carnage of the invasion.Through the reclassification process Washington was able to, (1.) accumulate and directthe political will of the conservative right, (2.) establish that excessive force andcollateral damage in civilian populations did not equate to terrorism in reverse and, (3.)create legal instruments which circumvented constitutional checks and balances designedto protect the innocent (i.e. Guantanamo - detention without trial).These and other elements resulted in the alignment of public support for sustainedaggressive force as a military necessity based on the idea of a preemptive security policy.To further this end, the Bush administration used the media to establish an ideologicalterminology transmuting the efforts of small, poorly organized groups into a virtualglobal conspiracy threatening the western material lifestyle.The result of implementing various fear and ideological applications richly enhanced theBush doctrine of maximum force, punitively reaping destruction in one of the mostdensely populated areas in the Middle East.Even President Obama has been converted by the forward thrust of the war, inasmuch ashe now sees fit to escalate, instead of mitigating the loses and withdrawing fromAfghanistan now. There is little doubt that the Taliban will once again rule the country.This is especially evident in the light of a hopelessly corrupt and ineffective governmentof criminals propped by US policy, disdained by average citizens. President Obama isescalating the conflict prior to a gradual withdrawal as Afghan forces are capable, only toavoid the charge that he wasn't tough on terrorism.
 
By 2009 various well organized studies have cumulatively abridged Iraqi war casualtycounts. John Tirman, (executive director and principal research scientist at the MITCenter for International Studies) wrote a commentary for the February issue of The Nation, in which he propounded the statistics underscoring the consequence of the Bushanti-terrorist (terrorism) strategy. According to the best accumulated evidence there areapproximately 1 million dead, 4.5 million displaced, 1 to 2 million widows and 5 millionorphans.According to a statement by the Iraqi Health Ministry on Al-Iraqya TV in July 2006,many of these orphans were being housed in filthy prisons.As perhaps a sign of anti-American nationalism in January, an eight foot bronze replicaof the shoe indignantly hurled at Pres. Bush by journalist, Muntadhar al-Zeidi, waserected at an orphanage complex in Tikrit. Days later it was unceremoniously removed atthe behest of the central government which uses US liberated oil revenue to support theorphanage complex.The wife (Amina) of my wonderfully hospitable friend Ahmed Chalabi (not associatedwith the former Iraqi oil minister and Congressional patsy, Ahmed Abdel Hadi Chalabi)who resides as a naturalized American citizen recently went to Baghdad for a visit. Uponher return, she lamented about the twisted wreckage that was her home town, once brimming with commerce and the aroma of kabob.Amina alluded to infrastructural damage done during the US invasion bombings alone.After six years of occupation she resented the lack of public services, 4 hours of water and electricity; due to wide spread destruction of water treatment and generator plants byUS military.Though Amina and her family are grateful and enjoy the benefits of American life shewas unable to control instinctively feminine emotions regarding the human toll wreaked by reckless policy and the shear destructive terror of military force. Her daughter (Sarah)showed me a disfiguring skin graft on her left forearm from the bombing of her neighborhood by a US jet fighter when she was 15.Amina also repeated stories circulating about, that US and British intelligence operationswere instrumental in covertly inciting sectarian violence through the bombings of Shiitemosques which were then blamed on Sunni insurgents. Ahmed exclaimed that Shia andSunni marriages were not uncommon before war operations brought sectarian strife. Andas a matter of fact, he was Sunni and Amina Shia.Suspicion of western meddling was further strengthened in 2005, when according to Iraqiofficials, two men identified as British agents were detained, who apparently wore robesand shot their way through a security checkpoint in Basra (not verified by the Britishgovernment). They were subsequently arrested after leaving their vehicle in whichweapons and explosive devices were discovered.

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