seen an article, that is part of a work in progress, which argues precisely this. It can, inother words, perfectly well be argued that the notion of diaspora not only gives Muhajirs of today a sense of displacement, but also that the notion has been among Muhajirs since theirmigration, or perhaps even longer, and that, thirdly, this notion is itself one of the reasonswhy Muhajirs have become or remained a distinct group in Pakistan. In other words, theirown fear has significantly contributed to the realization of that fear. Always feeling distinct,and fearing that this feeling would one day turn against them, they have indeed become, inMary Douglas' words, an 'abomination' towards the end of the 1990s.There is a lot to say for this and yet I think that the argument falls short insofar as it fails totake into account that the diasporic identity, and the anxiety of displacement, seems to befrom a much more recent date. Or rather, the notion of diaspora itself is not new, but itseems to have been fairly absent for, perhaps, several decades after independence. I wouldtherefore be inclined to endorse only part of the argument I just sketched.I think it canhardly be denied that diaspora and displacement are central features of Muhajir identitytoday.Yet, I am not so sure that this has always been the case. And that leads me to thinkthat the notion of diaspora has returned with a vengeance because of a rather recentreevaluation of Muhajir's history and place in Pakistan rather than because of a givenproblematic position as migrants.This is, in fact, one of the claims I want to make this afternoon. Initially, independence-related migration was not at all interpreted as a new chapter in the history of a diasporicpeople. It was, initially, not talked about as an uprooting process. Migration was - certainlycollectively, but I think also in many cases personally - rather experienced as an home-coming - or even a second birth into an homeland finally found.Migration was initially verymuch the end of the nation's diasporic destiny.This is in fact expressed in the term Muhajirthat refers to the Islamic exodus that marks the beginning of the Islamic calendar.Whenlearning about Muhajirs today, one can of course never forget that Muhajirs, as a group,were among the most vocal nation-builders in the first few decades of independence. To avery large extent they managed to make Pakistani nationalism into a profoundly migrantnationalism.In that sense, Pakistan forms an intriguing reminder to the fact that, althoughnations are connected to an homeland or have a longing for an homeland, the imaginationof several nations also rests heavily on collective memories of migration, travel, movement.Israel is of course an example that comes easily to mind, but one can think of others. TheUS, or the Americas in general, are also examples. The comparison between Pakistan andthe US was in fact made in Pakistan itself, in the 1970s, when Sindhi intellectuals becameincreasingly afraid that they would be marginalized in Sindh, and in order to express thatanxiety said that they were on the verge of being 'red indianized', that is, of sharing the fateof the native Americans in the New World.I think, therefore, that the present-day Muhajir diasporic identity and the sense of beingdisplaced, and of having been so for already many, many generations, should be seen inrelation to more recent political developments in Pakistan, and especially in Sindh. This is, Ithink, not simply a story of Muhajirs gradually losing their privileged position after the firstdemocratic elections of 1970,as is often argued - or rather, taken for granted. I think thestory is slightly more complicated. The transition of the democratic political process thatbegan to set in the late 1960s were, indeed, the background for the founding of the MuhajirQaumi Movement in the mid-1980s, but initially the MQM was, in my view, not areactionary, conservative, nostalgic movement of an overprivileged people under threat. It