Professional Documents
Culture Documents
http://www.geocities.com/icc_tt/
do-Caribbean Cultural Council Indo-Caribbean Cultural Council Indo-Caribbean Cultural Council Indo-Caribbean Cultural Council Indo-Caribbea
dian Arrival Day 2005 Indian Arrival Day 2005 Indian Arrival Day 2005 Indian Arrival Day 2005 Indian Arrival Day 2005 Indian Arrival Day 2005
ISSN 1683-4143
Editorial
The description and analysis of the collection of
artifacts in this magazine was a challenging enterprise
because there is no documented archaeological
reference about the material culture of Indians in the
Caribbean. The reason for the absence of such a source
lies both in the relative youth of the field of colonial
archaeology in the English-speaking Caribbean
and the research orientation of our past which has
tended to rely exclusively on historical documentary
material.
Though almost nobody in the community uses
these cultural objects, their uses are not forgotten
by the descendants of Indian immigrants who have
kept them etched in their memory. It was, therefore,
easy to elicit information from informants who lived
on or near the sites, and from elderly members of
the community who possessed that knowledge. The
attempt was also made to explicitly integrate the
ethnographic and ethnohistoric information with the
archaeological data.
This project focuses on the material remains of
those early migrants and settlers. Research was done
mainly through interviews with, and observations
of, the oldest members of that community. Here the
methods of archaeology and ethnography overlap.
This approach helps us to understand how the previous
generation used material culture what type of tools
they made and how, and the implications of the actual
material used to make the artifact ~ the significance of
wood, clay, gold, plastic aluminum, etc.
Oral accounts can provide substantive empirical
data which can supplement those available in the
published historical record. Moreover, oral narratives
can provide a different perspective of the history
which have so far been based on primary written
sources penned by biased Europeans and other elites
in official positions of power.
Historians of Indentureship in Trinidad, and the
wider Caribbean, have so far worked only from an
armchair position in the archives and libraries leafing
through tomes of colonial documentation. This
approach makes it difficult for them to gather sufficient
information from the point of view of the unlettered
colored Indian laborer whose expressions were
confined to oral and material modes of articulation.
In other words, historians who use this
conventional approach are constrained by subject
2
PRIME MINISTER
REPUBLIC OF TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO
Greetings on the occasion of Indian Arrival Day 2005
On May 30 1845 the first group of East Indian indentured immigrants arrived on our shores, heralding
a process of large-scale East Indian immigration to Trinidad that was to last until the early twentieth
century.
Several developments on the Indian sub-continent and in Trinidad and the Caribbean precipitated this
migration, which in turn profoundly impacted our nation and the Caribbean.
When groups migrate they do so always as bearers of culture, which can provide a lot of information
about the society from which they emerged, the challenges they faced in their old and new homelands, and
how they and their descendents have adapted and adjusted.
Undoubtedly, therefore, there exists a wealth of historical and other data associated with the immigration
of our East Indian and other ancestors to our country, and which we will do well to continue to ferret and
explore.
The Indo-Caribbean Cultural Council (ICC) has been at the forefront of many initiatives to improve
our understanding and appreciation of the East Indian presence in Trinidad and Tobago and elsewhere.
The ICCs dedication of this years Indian Arrival Day publication to Indian artifacts in the Caribbean
is a further reflection of the organizations commitment to our national progress in this regard.
When our sages and scholars advise us to study our history they really mean that it is the responsibility
of every generation to explore the past with the enlightenment offered by its own age.
Old household artifacts, tools, cooking utensils, musical instruments and other paraphernalia can help
in unlocking mysteries and revealing more about who and what we are, but more particularly through
what illumination and explanation only our age can proffer.
Our nation has only to gain. Recall Hitopadesas admonition that Amongst all things, knowledge is
truly the best thing. And what of the well known claim that As knowledge increases, wonders deepen?
As we come together once again to celebrate Indian Arrival Day, let us endorse and participate in all
efforts towards the perpetuation and advancement of the quest for self-knowledge of the people of our
nation.
Happy Indian Arrival Day to all.
Patrick Manning
4
HIGH COMMISSIONER
Virendra Gupta
High Commissioner
8
Material culture of
indentured Indians
in Trinidad
The employer of the indentured laborer in
Trinidad had to furnish each immigrant with either
a house or a room in some building and a food
allowance per month. Food allowance consisted
of rice (45 lbs.), salt (l lb.), dal or split peas (9 lbs.),
ghee or oil (.25 gal.), saltfish (8 lbs.), and onion and
chillies (2 lbs.). Housing laws issued in Trinidad in
1872 required that all dwelling be properly drained,
floored with wood, whitewashed annually, and of not
more than one storey. Barracks were required to have
a gallery of at least four feet wide running their whole
length. In 1889 roofs were required to be of shingles
or galvanized iron boarding, floors to be of wood or
rammed earth, and walls of wood or concrete. Rooms
were usually 10 feet square and 8 or 10 feet high for a
couple with two children or three single men.
Huts in village settlements which arose from the
1870s were commonly nearly twice as large as the
barrack rooms. They were made of galvanized iron
roofs but more often of mud and tapia (wattle and
daub). Some were crudely constructed with a variety
of materials made of bamboo and palm-leaves. Each
barrack room and most of the huts were equipped
with a simple piece of furniture, a large bedstead
known as a charpai with a bottom made of rope or
wicker (the khatoola of British Guiana), which served
for seating by day and sleeping by night. In the 1890s
much improved and more substantial wooden houses
began to appear, usually built on pillars to protect
them from flooding.
Once the Hindu immigrants were settled, they
began to construct temples next to which they planted
jhandis (flags) fixed atop of bamboo poles. The temples
were attached to a shed under which a congregation
could have assembled. They installed wooden, stone
and brass images of deities on the inner sanctum of
the temple. Kingsley (1873: 363) describes the icons in
the inside of a temple: Sometimes the poor folk have
10
taken the trouble to bring them all the way from India
on board ship. Hung beside them on the walls are little
pictures, often very well executed in the miniaturelike Hindoo style by native artists in the island. Large
brass pots, which have some sacred meaning, stand
about, and with them a curious trident-shaped stand,
about four feet high, on the horns of which garlands
of flowers are hung as offerings. Kingsley notes that
sculptures of deities were sometimes also carved by
Indians in Trinidad.
For each year of indentureship the immigrant
worker was given clothes - males were given two
trousers, a woolen cap, a woolen cloth jacket, a felt hat,
two check shirts, and two blankets; women were issued
two strong shifts, two strong petticoats, one wrapper,
two handkerchiefs and two blankets (Weller 1968: 28).
When not in the fields, Indian immigrant males wore
their dhoti (loin cloth) and went about bare-chested.
Kingsley (1873: 123) notes that The dress of many of
the men was nought but a scarf wrapped round the
loins ... but the Hindu woman contrives to arrange it
[a longer scarf] in a most graceful, as well as a perfectly
modest covering, even for her feet and head. The
manner of male dress excited unfavorable comment
from the newspaper letter-writers and editors who
called on the government to pass legislation to save
the sensitive feelings of the gentler sex, especially from
being so often hurt at beholding these barbarous and
obnoxious spectacles.
Working men loaded the persons of their wives
with an abundance of silver ornaments, sometimes
one on each arm, sometimes six, or maybe ten armlets,
ear rings, nose rings, and silver chains around their
necks.
Indian women wore as much jewelry as their
husbands could have afforded, sometimes upwards of
a score of gold or silver bangles for a start. Kingsley
(1873: 121) observes that the indentured woman in
Trinidad was bedizened with jewels even on workdays while she was hoeing in the canefield. She wore
heavy silver bangles not only on her feet but also on
her arms, ankles, neck and nostril. The press began to
assert that by hoarding their wealth in this way, and
generally saving money instead of spending it, the
Indians were failing to contribute their fair share to
the internal retail trade. Melting coins to make bangles
was seen as a threat to the supply and circulation of
money (Laurence 1994: 242).
Artifact
Tarwaar
[pen cutlass]
Tarwaar [pen cutlass].
Length 76 cm. (30 in); length of blade 61 cm. (24 in.);
widest width of blade 11 cm. (6.5 in.).
Metal, wood.
This is a rare find in the surface recovery of agricultural
tools used by early Indian laborers in Trinidad. Like
a fork, the tarwaar was held with both hands by its
handle to dig and cut well-defined shallow trenches
in the soft soil where animals were kept.
Artifact
Artifact
Artifact
Chimta
[cymbals]
Chimta [cymbals].
Length 35.5 cm. (12 in.).
Metal.
This is a pair of tongs to which are attached shaking
platelets. The arms are made of metal, thin and flat.
Short rods were passed through the plates to give
them the freedom to produce a clashing or jingling
sound. The chimta was used for rhythmic purposes
in folk music and dance. It was popular in Punjab
and neighboring states in India during the time of
indentured emigration to Trinidad(Krisnaswami
1971: 102).
Chimta [cymbals]
18
Janj
[cymbals]
Artifact
Janj [cymbals].
Diameter 25 cm. (9 in.).
Copper, wood.
Brass cymbals are still played by men today in the
tassa ensemble, but this pair was made by heating
and pounding two flat pieces of copper.
Janj [cymbals]
20
Artifact
Simthaa, Belna,
Kalchool, Dabla,
Daahl ghotnee
Simthaa [a pair of tongs].
Length 40.5 cm. (16 in.). Metal.
Belna [rolling pin].
Length of large one 45 cm. (17.7 in.). Wood.
Kalchool [spoon].
Length 35 cm. (13.7 in). Metal.
Dabla [pallet].
Length of large one 55 cm. (21.5 in). Metal.
Daahl ghotnee [swizzle stick].
Length 66 cm. (26 in.); base 14 cm. (5.5 in). Metal.
The pair of long tongs was normally used for picking
up food items from direct fireside heat. It has
become useless with the use of gas-fueled stoves. Its
function is now accomplished by using the handle
of a pot spoon or spatula to turn the side of the roti
[Indian bake].
Rolling pins are still used but they are store-bought
instead of home-made like these in the collection.
The deep spoon, made by beating a heated metal, was
used for lifting liquids from pots. Wooden pallets of
different sizes were used to stir pots. They are used
today by men to stir food in huge pots only during the
preparation of meals for large gatherings. The swizzle
stick was made with large serrated edges around its
base. Its main function was to swizzle daahl [split
peas].
Artifact
Sarangi
[Indian violin]
Sarangi [Indian violin]
Length 56 cm. (22 in.); height 14 cm. (5.5 in.).
Wood, parchment, cloth.
The sarangi was made by hollowing out a single
block of wood and covering its pinched belly with
parchment. Only 1 of the 3 gut strings is left. One
can only assume that other strings were of varying
thickness. A fourth brass string was used as a drone. A
bridge fixed in the middle of the belly with a support
under the parchment is missing or was perhaps never
present. Only 3 of the 4 tuning pegs are intact. The
sarangi also had between 35 to 40 sympathetic strings
under the 4 main ones. These were fastened to small
pegs on the right of the broad fingerboard. They were
tuned chromatically according to the scale of the raga
played and were made of brass and steel. The neck is
slightly tapered. The instrument was usually played
with a horsehair bow, but sometimes a plectrum was
used. Neither was found at the site.
There is a floral design on the upper belly of the
parchment and a patterned border around the skin.
The pegbox and the resonator are polished and
carved.
Artifact
Dipper
Dipper.
Circumference 33 cm. (13 in.);
Length 46 cm. (18 in.).
Calabash fruit, wood.
Water was dipped from wells and drums with this
gourd made from a mature calabash fruit. An auger
was used to drill two holes through which a stick was
inserted. The wooden stick served as a handle.
Dipper
26
Artifact
Hasswa
[sickle]
Hasswa [sickle].
Length of handle: 11.5 cm. (4.5 in.); length of curved
handle 30.5 cm. (12 in.).
Metal wood.
One side of the crescent-shaped blade is jagged and
the other is blunt. The grass knife was used by both
men and women to cut green grass for cows and
goats.
Hasswa [sickle]
28
Jharoo
[broom]
Artifact
Jharoo [broom].
Length 38 cm. (15 in.).
Leaf ribs, bark strips.
The short length of this broom is an indication that it
was made to sweep ashes, charcoal and wood scraps
around an earthen fireside. It was made from the
green ribs of coconut leaves and tied with the strips
of a tree bark.
Jharoo [broom]
30
Sup
[scoop]
Artifact
Sup [scoop].
Length 36 cm (14 in.);
Right height 12 cm. (4.75 in.).
Aluminum.
This was used almost exclusively to winnow locally
grown rice. It was made by cutting an empty cooking
oil tin crosswise and folding the sharp edges over to
protect the hands.
Sup [scoop]
32
Goglet
[goblet]
Artifact
Goglet [goblet].
Height of left one 33 cm. (13 in.);
height of other 43 cm. (17 in.).
Circumference of left one 58.5 cm. (23 in.);
Circumference of other 72.5 cm. (28.5 in.).
Ceramic.
These vessels may have been salvaged from a nearby
sugar or rum factory. They were made from ceramic
and then glazed with fine lines and an ochre color
added to the top rim. The handles have been broken
and are missing. They vessels were used to store and
keep water cool.
Goglet [goblet]
34
Artifact
Website: www.cott.org.tt
Artifact
Sapat
[sandals]
Sapat [sandals].
Length of left sandal 23 cm. (9 in.);
width 10 cm. (4 in.).
Wood, rubber.
Ethnographic information indicates that most sapats
were cut with curves on the side to match the soles of
the feet. They were not decorated. This pair was made
of cedar wood strapped with a strip of bicycle tyre.
The strap was fastened to the sides by means of a nail.
There were worn by both men and women at home.
Sapat [sandals]
38
Artifact
Esraj
[stringed instrument]
Esraj [stringed instrument].
Length 81 cm. (32 in.).
Wood, metal.
This is an upright fretted bowed instrument with a
small resonance box. There are metallic movable
frets. This Bengal variety of the sarangi is made only
of wire strings. The tuning is Sa Sa Pa Ma (C C G F),
the Ma being the chief string.
It was a very popular instrument in Bengal, India,
where it was played by both professionals and
amateurs (Deva 1978: 169; Krishnaswami 1971: 58).
Artifact
Veena
[stringed
instrument]
Artifact
Boli
[gourd vessel]
Boli [gourd vessel].
Circumference 61 cm. (24 in.), left,
and 70 cm. (27.5 in.), right.
Calabash fruit, wood, wire.
None of these gourds has a cover or stopper, though
one has a roll of wood for a handle. The vessel on the
left has a hard smooth outer surface; the one on the
right has lost its round shape and glossiness because
of age. A boli was made by extracting the intestines
of a mature fruit using a sharp pointed stick through
a hole made on the top. Generally, they were used to
carry water to the fields. The shell was then left to
dry for a few days. A cracked gourd would have been
discarded and not mended or painted/decorated with
symbolic figures. If the pieces were hollow enough,
they served as bowls to dip water and as eating
untensils for man, animals and birds.
Artifact
Pot
and cup
Pot and cup.
Height of pot 20.5 cm. (8 in.);
Circumference at belly 66 cm. (26 in.).
Height of cup 12 cm. (5 in.):
Circumference 28 cm. (11 in.).
Brass and aluminum.
This is an unusual brass pot to be found in Trinidad;
it is commonly used in India by women who carry it
filled with water on their heads. Its lips are torn and
the curve where the top rim narrows is cracked. The
aluminum cup was used by Hindus of the high caste.
MUSIC THE
MELODY OF
MONEY
Artifact
Wooden
shovel
Wooden shovel
Length 84 cm. (33 in.);
width of scoop 27 cm.(10.5 in.)
Wood.
The shovel was used in the drying houses of the
cocoa and coffee estates to scoop beans into a heap.
Cocoa beans were oiled and danced on to add
weight and to radiate a shine for better prices. The
shovel was made from a single block of light wood. A
metallic blade would have damaged the beans.
Wooden shovel
48
East Indians in
the Caribbean: an
Illustrated History
...provides a new and fascinating account of the arrival
and settlement of this ethnic group in the Caribbean.
This beautifully illustrated work is a general guide
to East Indian history and culture for young Indo
Caribbean readers and for all Caribbean peoples. This
book gives reasons for emigration from India and
describes life on the estates and in the early villages,
the education of the East Indian the transition from
immigrants to permanent residents. An overview
of migration indentureship and settlement is given
but the focus is on three former British territories Trinidad, Guyana and Jamaica.
Florence Pariag is a librarian at the University of the
West Indies, Mona, Jamaica. Her ancestors came as
immigrants from India to the Caribbean.
Artifact
Ektar(a)s
[stringed
instruments]
Ektar(a)s [stringed instruments].
Length 122 cm. (48 in.) and 91.5 cm. (36 in.).
Wood, gourd.
It is a very old simple instrument in India itself (Popley
1966: 115). It had only one metal string, without any
frets, which was plucked with the forefinger.
Unlike the bamboo rod which was inserted into a
pumpkin in India (Deva 1974: 134), a straight stick was
driven through a hollow flat-sided gourd resonator
in Trinidad. It was used mainly by beggars to give a
twanging rhythm to accompany their songs in north
India (Deva 1978: 150; Popey 1966: 115). It is believed
that the ektar was the precursor of the modern veenas
of north and south India (Krishnaswami 1971: 82).
Two ektars were recovered, the larger one had a peg
attached to its distal end. A nail was fixed close to
the carved end of the smaller instrument on which
the single string was fastened. There is no evidence
that a bridge was placed over the skin table. Why did
immigrant laborers chose to bring this instrument of
low status from India or recreate it in Trinidad? The
answer supports documentary evidence that there
were homeless people among the recruits.
A Silent Life
A Silent Life
51
Artifact
Goglet
[goblet]
Goglet [goblet].
Height 33.5 cm. (13 in.).
Circumference of belly 94 cm (37 in.).
Baked clay.
This globular kitchen water pot had to be lifted by its
two handles because of its weight. The handles were
made by attaching a roll of clay to the body. The fine
circular lines and the dark shadow on the body are
evidence that the vessel was wheel-thrown and fired.
Its lid is missing. The unglazed pot was mostly used
to store anchar (hot spicy pickles).
Goglet [goblet]
52
V. S. Naipaul:
A World in
Tension
SIR Vidiadhar Surajprasad Naipaul has been either
praised to the skies or he1d up to public obloquy;
he is considered as the greatest writer in the English
language, or as a writer whose ideological and
political attitudes are sometimes considered dubious
few writers have been as controversial as V S.
Naipaul. The tensions that surround the man and
his oeuvre are only echoed by the multiple strands
that his writing has been taking over the past fifty
years multifarious and yet paradoxically more and
more centred. V S. Naipaul not only writes fiction
and non-fiction, he covers a wide spectrum of the
literary practice, writing short stories and novels,
essays and travel writing. A few academics among
the specialists of V S. Naipauls work present us with
papers on different aspects and periods of the writers
oeuvre, from 1957 to 2002, as well as the richness
and complexity of the writing. They make it easier
to understand how generic boundaries are not what
matters. The sense of form and creation is simply
at work in every text. It is the same furrow that is
being ploughed with different tools. The papers were
originally presented at the conference V S. Naipaul: a
World in Tension (Paul Valery University, November
2002)
V. S. Naipaul
A World in Tension
Une oeuvre sous tension
Texts collected by Judith Misrahi-Barak
Textes reunis par Judith Misrahi-Barak
Coll. Les Carnets du Cerpac n 1
Universite Montpellier III
V. S. Naipaul: A World in Tension
53
A Dictionary of
Common
Trinidad Hindi
TT $30
Order copies by communicating to
Chakra Publishing House (Caribbean)
LP 52, Swami Avenue, Don Miguel Road,
San Juan, Trinidad and Tobago, West Indies.
Tel (868) 674-6008, 675-7707.
E-mail: mahab@tstt.net.tt
Incredible
India