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THE TRIUMVIRI MONETALES

AND THE STRUCTURE OF THE COINAGE

OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

BY

KARL PINK

NUMISMATIC STUDIES

No. 7 -:

THE AMERICAN NUMISMATIC SOCIETY

New York

1952

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ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

THE AMERICAN NUMISMATIC SOCIETY

NEW YORK

PRINTED IN GERMANY

AT J.J.AUGUSTIN, GLOCKSTADT

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction 5

Abbreviations 6

I. The Literary Tradition:

A. Ancient Authors 7

B. Inscriptions 8

C. Laws 8

II. The Coin Evidence

A. The Coin Evidence and the Principles of Arrangement io

B. The Catalogue 16

1. Group with Symbols 17

2. Group with Names of Moneyers 17

3. Group to ca. 119 B.C 20

4. Group from ca. 118 to 104 24

5. Group from ca. 104 to 89 28

6. Group from ca. 89 to 80 32

7. Group from ca. 80 to 70 35

8. Group from ca. 70 to 50 37

9. Group from 49 to 41 39

10. Group from 20 to 7 44

III. Conclusions

A. Appointment of the Moneyers 49

B. Constitutional Development of the Office of Moneyer 53

C. The Office of Moneyer

1. Technical Operations 56

2. The Administrative Supervision

a. Management by Quaestors 58

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b. Activities of the Moneyers 60

D. Continued Existence of the Moneyers 66

Concordances witli British Museum Catalogue and Babelon 67

List of Moneyers 75

INTRODUCTION

Whenever I have been concerned with the coins of the Roman Republic, I have always

found this thought forcing itself on my attentions: With all the wealth of material at our

disposal, surely it must be possible to discover more about the inner organization of Roman

coinage and particularly about the triumviri monetales. Ever since the days of the Renais-

sance these coins have attracted the attention of collectors and students repeatedly. But

it was rather the cultural and historical questions which attracted them, especially what

relationship the coinage had to the history of Rome at home and abroad and what historical

figures might be found among the names of the moneyers. This method of approach is

popular even today. Eckhel was content to deal with the moneyers in a couple of pages

(DN, V, 61-65). Mommsen in his Geschichte des romischen Miinzwesens was the first - the

only one, we might say - to treat the constitutional aspect of Republican coinage at any

length. He began, it is true, with the few passages of literature and inscriptions at his

disposal and used coins only secondarily. But, for all that, his new arrangement of the

material constituted a great advance. All later works depend on Mommsen; Lenormant

openly declared that he was following him, and Babelon followed Lenormant. The same is

true of the British Museum Catalogue by Grueber. In the field of dating Republican coins,

great changes have taken place since the second half of the last century; but the constitu-

tional questions have either been as good as sidetracked or else solved in the main along the

lines of Mommsen.

In the following study I have attempted to gain an insight into the inner structure of the

Republican coinage by a fresh treatment of the coin evidence similar to that I have already

applied to the third century of the Empire. What is to be said on this point will be found

in Section II, which deals with the coins. Preceding them, the literary sources are treated

in Section I. The conclusions based on these two are given in Section III. If my premises

are correct, new facts emerge relative to the handling of the coinage under the Roman

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Republic and to the position of the moneyers.

ABBREVIATIONS

i. For the Most Important Works.

Babelon Description Historique et Chronologique des Monnaies de la Republique Romaine. Paris

1885.

Bf I Bahrfeldt, Nachtrdge und Berichtigungen zu Babelon. NZ 1897.

Bf II Bahrfeldt, NZ 1900.

Bf III Bahrfeldt, NZ 1918.

BMC Coins of the Roman Republic in the British Museum (Grueber). London, 1910.

CAH The Cambridge Ancient History.

DMzbl Deutsche Miinzblatter.

DN Eckhel, Doctrina numorum veterum. Wien 1792f.

Head Historia numorum. Oxford 1911.

Hill A Handbook of Greek and Roman Coins. London 1899.

Hirschfeld Vb Die kaiserl. Verwaltungsbeamten bis auf Diocletian. Berlin, 1905.

IN Giesecke, Italia Numismatica. Leipzig 1928.

Kubitschek "Studien zu Mttnzen der rom. Republik" Sbr. Ak. Wiss. Wien 1911.

Lenormant La Monnaie dans V Antiquite. Paris 1878.

MW Mommsen, Geschichte des rom. Miinzwesens. Berlin i860.

NChr Numismatic Chronicle. London.

NZ Numismatische Zeitschrift. Wien.

RC Mattingly, Roman Coins. London 1928.

RIC Mattingly, Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum I. London 1923.

RN Revue Numismatique. Paris.

SBf Samwer- Bahrfeldt, Geschichte des dlteren rom. Miinzwesens. Wien 1883.

StR Mommsen. Romisches Staatsrecht. Leipzig 1887.

Sundwall "Untersuchungen zu den attischen Miinzen des neueren Stils." Verh.d. finn. Akd. Wiss.

Bd. 49. u. 50.

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SWM Schrotter, Worterbuch der Miinzkunde. Berlin 1930.

Willers Geschichte der rom. Kupferpragung. Leipzig 1909.

ZfN Zeitschrift fur Numismatik. Berlin.

2. Other Abbreviations.

The three metals have the customary forms AV, AR, AE, to which I have added PM for precious

metal, i.e. for AV and AR together. DAE signifies an issue, which consists of the denarius and denomi-

nations of bronze. As for the denominations, AV = Aureus, D = Denarius, V = Victoriate, Qu =

Quinarius, S = Sestertius, Sm = Semis, Tr = Triens, Qd = Quadrans, Sx = Sextans, Unc = Uncia.

D serr means the denarius with the notched edge (serratus). Obv. and rev. are obvious. Im = marks

of issue, Sb = symbol, Suppl. = Supplement, e.g., SupplD = supplementary denarius.

Further abbreviations, which are only used occasionally, will be found in the introduction to the

Catalogue or to the individual groups.

I. THE LITERARY TRADITION

A. Ancient Authors

We have very few passages in ancient writers, in which there is talk of moneyers.

I give them in full.

1. Dig. I, 2, 2, 30f. (Pomponius):

Constituti sunt eodem tempore et quattuorviri qui curam viarum agerent, et triumviri

monetales aeris, argenti, auri flatores, et triumviri capitales, qui carceris custodiam

haberent ... Capta deinde Sardinia, mox Sicilia, item Hispania, deindeNarbonensi

provincia...

2. Cic. de leg. III, 3, 6:

Minores magistratus partiti iuris plures in plura sunto. militiae, quibus iussi erunt,

imperanto eorumque tribuni sunto, domi pecuniam publicam custodiunto, vincula

sontium servanto, capitalia vindicanto, aes argentum aurumve publice signanto,

lites contractas iudicanto, quodcumque senatus creverit, agunto.

3. Dio LIV, 26, 6: Ol 8 8y) etxoo-iv outoi v8ps<; Ix tuv li; xal etxoaiv etoiv, ol t Tpeu; 01

tou; toO 6avarou Slxai; Tcpo^TeTayix^voi xal ol Sxepoi xpeit; <ri to tou vo[n<;[zaTO<; x6(x^.a

[isTaxstpi^jievoi, 01 8e tiaooLpsc; ol tuv sv tu Sorei 686>v s7ti(xsXo<i(Jievoi xal ol 8xa ol

ettI Ttov 8ixacT7)pltov T<3v it; tou? Ixaxov SvSpai; xX-qpoujiivtov aTco8sixvriji.evot.

4. Sueton. Caes. 41:

Minorum magistratuum numerum ampliavit.

5. Cic. ad fam. VII, 13, 2:

Treviros vites censeo; audi capitales esse; mallem auro aere argento essent.

6. Cic. ad Att. X, 11, 5:

Vettienum mihi amicum, ut scribis, ita puto esse. Cum eo, quod dbroTOfjico;; ad me

scripserat de nummis curandis, Bufxtxcoxepov eram iocatus: id tu, si ille aliter accepit

ac debuit, lenies. MONETALI autem ascripsi, quod ille ad me PRO COS; sed quoniam

est homo et nos diligit, ipse quoque a nobis diligatur.

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- ad Att. XV, 13, 5:

(Dolabella) Vettienum accusat - tricatur scilicet ut monetalis.

7. Cic. pro Fonteio, 5:

Duorum magistratuum, quorum uterque in pecunia maxima tractanda procurandaque

versatus est, triumviratus et quaesturae, ratio sic redditur ...

The evidence of these passages is scanty enough. Nos. 1-4 concern the office of viginti

(or vigintisex) viri in general. No. 1 is discussed below (p. 54). From No. 4 we do learn a

fact, confirmed by the coins, that Caesar raised the number of moneyers from three to

four. No. 6 will claim our attention later (p. 54!.), as it names a moneyer who struck no coins.

I exclude No. 7 from the passages relating to moneyers, for I follow the view of Drumann-

Triumviri Monetales

Groebe (V. 531) that it concerns a triumvirate a.d.a. The exact rendering of the text in

question will fit the leader of a colony, but not a moneyer. The moneyer is responsible only

to the quaestor, who himself must render a public accounting.

B. Inscriptions

No less scanty is the evidence from the inscriptions, numerous though they are.

Strasburger, in his article, "Triumviri" in RE, lists sixty-three in Latin: to these we may

add XI. 5171, XIV. 3609 and Dessau 8979.1 The inscription, XIV. 4245, quoted by Groag

in the Arch. epigr. Mitt. 19, is doubtful. There is also the elogium XXXIII, CIL I.2 200.

Greek inscriptions number six, two of which are quoted by Magie in the article in RE cited

above. From all these inscriptions we only learn something about the title and the curstts

honorum. The usual title is IIIVIR AAAFF or IIIVIR Monetalis AAAFF. It occurs about

fifty times. Twice (XIV. 3592 and 3593) the AAAFF is missing. Exceptionally, there

appears IIIVIR AD MONETAM (II, 4609), XXVIR MONETAUS (XIV. 3609) and

IIIVIR MONETARVM (Dessau 8979). The following inscriptions are imperfect: In III, 87

and XIV. 1414810, IIIVIR AVR ARG FLANDO, AERE and FERrVNDO has been

omitted; in VIII. 23831 and XIV. 4240, one A has dropped out (AAFF); in VI. 1455-6,

on the other hand, both inscriptions of the same man, a third F has been mistakenly added

(AAAFFF). All these are simply errors on the part of the stone-mason or his model, and it

is superfluous to draw any conclusion from them.

In about half the inscriptions the cursus honorum is found in the descending order, with

the vigintivirate mentioned near the end. In the remaining half, the cursus honorum is

found in the ascending order from the lower offices to the higher. The order is occasionally

disturbed, as in XIV. 3609. The elogium gives Q IIIVIR AAAFF AED CVR etc. - that is to

say, Pulcher is called first quaestor and then moneyer. Whether this has any constitutional

meaning or is only a mistake in writing may be left unsettled.2 On principle I draw no

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conclusions from isolated instances. Perhaps the inscriptions might yield more information,

if we submitted their peculiarities to a close scrutiny and comparison. Groag, for example,

by using the inscriptions from Vespasian to Severus, which show a cursus honorum including

the vigintivirate, has shown that all patricians of the vigintivirate held only the office of

moneyer (AEM 19, 145f).

Inasmuch as almost all these inscriptions come from the Empire (they extend into the

middle of the third century) their value for the Republic is limited. But they do show that

the office was still in existence down to that date. See also below, p. 66.

C. Laws

No laws concerning the moneyers are preserved, if such laws were ever issued. I will

quote those laws which refer to the coinage, that is to say, to the activity of the moneyers.

1 This inscription is quoted in its context by Strasberger; Dessau 1155 is now CIL VI. 32412.

2 That a lower office was sometimes actually held after a higher is shown by Mommsen StR. I.

537 and note 1. But these are only rare exceptions, even if the sources are above reproach.

The Literary Tradition

We do not have the text of any, but Pliny gives us the contents of three. He writes (N. H.

XXXIII. 13): "Postea Hannibale urgente, Q. Fabio Maximo dictatore asses unciales facti

placuitque denarium sedecim assibus permutari, quinarium octonis, sestertium quaternis

... Mox lege Papiria semiunciarii asses facti ... Is qui nunc victoriatus appellatur lege

Clodia percussus est." All the dates in Chapter XXXIII are confused and different periods

are mixed up with one another. Recent research by Mattingly and others has brought this

out clearly. Hence, it is now established that the so-called Lex Flaminia or Fabia - that is,

the uncial standard and the retariffing of the denarius at 16 Asses - belong to the age of

the Gracchi. The Lex Papiria is placed with some certainty at 89 B.C.; I have widened its

scope by means of new observations (p. 32). Thus, the "mox" in Pliny, otherwise

unintelligible, becomes understandable. The date of the Lex Clodia, which perhaps did

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contain further prescriptions, is certainly ca. 104 B.C. (p. 28).

II. THE COIN EVIDENCE

A. The Coin Evidence and the Principles of Arrangement

The coin evidence which is pertinent to our research is found fairly complete in

Mommsen's MW, Babelon and the BMC. Indispensable, however, are the three supplements

of Bahrfeldt, who has tracked down and faithfully tested almost every piece. Corrections

by Bahrfeldt are not always expressly mentioned here, but they are often tacitly adopted.

Therefore in checking my material, comparison must be made with Bahrfeldt who has also

many important additions.1

Of course the attempt has long since been made to provide a chronological order for

the great mass of Republican coinage in addition to the alphabetical arrangement by fa-

milies which is so convenient, but so completely unscientific. To this end, various ap-

proaches have been tried - studies of persons, dates fixed by historical characters or by

laws of known date, results of metrology (weights, denominations), finds, style, develop-

ment of types.2

Identifications. The approach by the study of persons is the oldest and goes back to

Fulvio Orsini.3 It has been a fascinating game - identifying persons mentioned in history

with the names on the Republican coins - fascinating, but dangerous. There is nothing to

tell us whether likeness of name justifies identification, especially if we consider how little

variety prevails in the Roman names of the Republic. One has only to study the list of

"gentes" in MW 864ff. to see how often a whole series of members of the same families,

especially of the great ones, occurs on coins, - to say nothing of the literary sources - the

Aurelii, Caecilii, Calpurnii, Cornelii, Furii, Julii, Junii, Licinii, Marcii, Plautii, Pomponii,

Porcii, Servilii, Valerii. This method of study, which Kirchner (ZfN, 1898, 74ff.), Sundwall

and Head have also applied to the Athenian Tetradrachms of the New Style, is still popular

and has been especially exploited by Mommsen, Babelon and the BMC. A comparison of

the statements of the last three cited authors shows how vague all these attributions are.

In my catalogue, the dates of Babelon and the BMC can be readily compared for each

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moneyer, inasmuch as I have placed them in each case at the beginning. Often, it is true,

such identifications are well supported; often fixed dates do exist which are subsequently

questioned. To take one example, Sydenham has quite recently criticized the date of Piso-

Caepio, which used to be considered basic, and I think that he is right (seep. 29). The laws

in question give equally scanty results, as they can usually only be dated approximately.

1 I have omitted many single issues of no special importance, e.g. the As of Metellus (BMC I

79 = Bf III 100); the Triens with S V. (BMC I 109 = Bf III 123); the Uncia with LH \fi (BMC II

588 = Bf I, 140); the As of CN PISO FRVGI (BMC II 592 = Bf II 271.); the As with CS AE. (BMC I

107. BMC I 154 (CCAAP) = Bf III 116) is a counterfeit. Issues, which in the BMC are separated, are

often brought together here.

a A summary is given in Matt. RC. 39.

3 Familiae Romanae quae reperiuntur in antiquis numismatibus ab urbe condita ad tempora

D. Augusti. Rome 1577.

The Coin Evidence and Principles of Arrangement

11

Metrological Data. The case is, if anything, worse with the data supplied by metrology.

Generally speaking it is admitted that in the case of al marco coinage, that is to say, when

a given number of coins has to be produced out of a given weight of metal, without regard

to the weight of the individual coin, the single specimen can only be used with the greatest

caution. Such a system was in general use in antiquity. There are also divergent theories4

about the determination of the average weight. Furthermore, the number of surviving

specimens is often very small and their preservation poor. No wonder, then, that, with the

foundations so shaky, the view of experts differ widely. Theories begin at once to diverge

over the determination of the standards of the "Aes Grave". Semi-Libral, triental and

quadrantal standards are contested. To realize this, one has only to consult the authorities

in question - Mommsen, the BMC, Haeberlin, Sydenham and Giesecke.5

The most reasonable view seems to be that the gradual decline in weight happened de

facto, as is natural in the development of coinage and that this gradual decline was sub-

sequently regularized by law. The only literary information that we have (in Pliny) con-

cerns the sextantal, uncial and semiuncial standards, which has to be interpreted first of

all. Today, the sextantal standard is generally considered to have begun with the denarius

at the end of the third century; the uncial standard comes in during the age of the Gracchi;

the semiuncial was introduced by the Lex Papiria of 89 B.C.

Hence it is impossible to be too careful in the use of standards for the determination

of chronology. Bahrfeldt himself, who lays such stress on weights, writes (SBf, p. 89): "Bei

der verhaltnismaBigen Gleichgiltigkeit, welche man in betreff der Fehlergrenze im Ge-

wicht der einzelnen Miinzen hat, ist es daher bei diesen Miinzen auch oft unmoglich an-

zugeben, welchem Fufi das einzelne Stuck angehort. Durchschnittsgewichte sind dafur

meist ohne Bedeutung und konnen nur in wenigen Fallen herangezogen werden."

At this point I will treat a difficulty which Bahrfeldt has discovered in the so-called

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"heavy" and "light" series of Aes. Again and again, in dealing with individual moneyers,

he refers to this unexplained peculiarity. He has recorded the following series (all in Bf III):

p. 98 Baebius Tampilus 2 Series Semisses: a) heavy at 17.6 (As 34.42,) b) light

at 6.72 (As 13.44), sext-semiunc.

p. 98 Caecilius Metellus 2 Series Quadrantes: a) at 7.92 (As 31.68), b) 3.4

(As 13.6), sext-semiunc.

p. 121 C. Fonteius 2 Series Quadrantes: a) at 6.5 (As 26), b) about 2.5

(As 10), unc-semiunc.

p. 139 P. Licin Nerva 2 Series Quadrantes: a) 7.13 (As 28.5), b) about 3.0

(As 12), sext-semiunc.

p. 142 P. Maenius Ant 2 Series Quadrantes: a) about 7.0 (As 28), b) 3.5

(As 14), about unc-semiunc.

p. 164 C. Scribonius 2 Series (Triens) and Quadrantes a) as 26-23, D) As

14-13, unc-semiunc.

4 Cp. the very worthwhile article of Regling on "Metrology" in SWM and Giesecke IN. 182.

note 3.

5 The triens, for example, in BMC I, 152, is lighter than the quadrans. The works of these authors

can be consulted conveniently in NChr. 1938, iff.

12

Triumviri Monetales

Here, too, belongs L. Pompon. Molo (p. 158) with two series from As to Sextans -

the heavy 36-26, the light 17-14 - that is to say, sextantal to uncial. But inasmuch as there

are only five specimens in the light series against 151 in the main series, which is the heavy

one, the so-called "light" series may be regarded as mistakes in weight and, as such,

neglibible. Perhaps, I should also quote M. Cipius M. F. (p. 110) with a new reverse, and

C. Numitorius (Bf I. 26), Triens and Quadrans with C.NVM.

Light and heavy series are generally related to one another, it will be seen, in the

proportion of 1 to 2 or a little more. But it must be observed that between these limits,

every intermediate stage occurs so that the division into two series becomes doubtful.

These differences also occur in other series e.g. hP, (SBf 121), where the As weighs from

52.51 to 27.35, and Bahrfeldt has not assumed two series here (cp. Catalogue, no. 13).

With its stereotyped portraits, there is no certainty to be had from differences of style of

the Aes.

In the series just quoted from Bahrfeldt, it will at once strike the reader that the

quadrans is almost without exception cited. This denomination, as our Catalogue will

show, was certainly the commonest of all, occurring in almost every series of Aes, and often

by itself. When the output was so large and protracted, it is no wonder that weights should

vary. Therefore it is most reasonable to abandon the theory of two distinct series. Bahrfeldt

himself could not discover any reasonable explanation in support of his hypothesis.

A parallel to these series of Aes is supplied by the so-called heavy and light denarii

of the first period, were the distinction is just as weakly founded. Samwer-Bahrfeldt has

used them to establish the chronological order of the earliest group of denarii with symbol

(see below, Group I). Mattingly (JRS, 1929, 31) rightly observes: "When we turn to the

coins, we find it hard to trace any clear line between sextantal and uncial bronze and

between heavy and light denarii. To judge from them, there was no sudden change of

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standard either in silver or in bronze, but a gradual decline - which need not have been

prescribed by any law. Within groups of coins in both metals, very closely related in style,

we find serious variations in weight. To make weight a main criterion and to class all the

heavy denarii as early, all the light ones as late, would make havoc of any arrangement.

In finds, too, there is no clear distinction between sextantal and uncial bronze and heavy

and light denarii." But all these observations go back only to weights, which are certainly

very relative. So Mattingly rightly continues: "From the coins we have inferred a change

from a denarius of four to one of three and a half scruples and have associated the reduction

more or less closely with the change from sextantal to uncial standard in bronze.'' And again

he remarks, on p. 33: "Both in silver and in bronze there was a steady decline in weight

towards a three and half scruple and an uncial standard for denarius and As respectively:

but this was dictated by stress of necessity - not by any law." Mommsen (MW, 384) in his

day had already made the same observation (Cp. p. 296, on the reduction to one eighty-

fourth of a pound, as established by weights): "Nach den jetzt vorliegenden, wenig zahl-

reichen Wagungen, laBt sich nicht mit volliger Sicherheit entscheiden, ob sie (die Reduk-

tion) gesetzlich, oder, wie wahrscheinhcher, allmahlich stattfand, und welches die Sorten

sind, die der alteren Wahrung folgen."

Therefore I have not taken into consideration the distinction between the heavy and

light denarius in Group 2.

The Coin Evidence and Principles of Arrangement

13

Finds. There is no need to waste words on the importance of finds, but we should take

to heart what Regling says (SWM 416) about their use. As a genera] rule, finds can be dated

by their so-called "key" coins - pieces capable of receiving an exact date. But the reverse

process, the dating of coins by finds, is far more difficult and demands very great caution.

The relative sequence can usually only be established, when a sufficient number of hoards

is available, and then the argumentum ex silentio plays its part. Mattingly, for example,

in his article on the "Serrati" (NChr. 1924) has pointed out the incorrect use made of finds

in the BMC and has redated many of the finds. Sydenham in NChr. 1940 has also made some

comments that deserve full attention, and he has set a good example in his table of finds

for the age of Piso-Caepio. A new list for all finds of Republican coins should be drawn up

with it as a model. It must further be noted that finds have often been falsified (cp. for

example, BMC I. 395n. I) or even invented. Bahrfeldt has given many pertinent examples

in his Addenda and in his Gold Coinage. For the Greek field Gaebler has recorded a series

of interesting examples in his valuable articles on Macedonian coin forgeries in the Sitzungs-

berichie der preu/3. Akademie der Wissenschaften. The argument ex silentio can also be cor-

rected occasionally by later finds, e.g., the find of Cajazzo supplies the hitherto missing

gold of P. Clodius and C. Vibius Varus (BMC. I. 555). On the whole question, see Mat-

tingly (RC. 42 f.) with his supplementary list of hoards published in the meantime.

Mommsen (MW) made full use of hoards and the BMC even in greater degree - subject,

however, to the qualification observed above. Bahrfeldt refers quite often to finds, especial-

ly in his Romische Goldmiinzenprdgung. In my Catalogue I have not checked the finds, for

this would exceed the limits of this essay. However, for a final arrangement, a new exami-

nation of this nature will be absolutely necessary.

Types and Style. The development of the types supplies a good guide for the relative

chronology. It can be followed in BMC I LXXXIV or in one of the works cited at the

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beginning. First comes the stereotyped representation of the head of Bellona6 and of the

Dioscuri; then come the deities in chariots, which Mattingly assigns to the age of the

Gracchi; then follow historical reminiscences referring to the moneyers; finally references

to contemporary events which give only a terminus a quo, for the immediate use of a type

after an event can hardly be proved. A much more dangerous attempt is the interpretation

made from distinctions of style, for a large subjective element comes into play here. Long

practice, a certain intuition and a very sober judgement are essential. De Salis, the real

authority behind the BMC, often let himself be led too far by his sense of style. And this

brings us to a vital question - that of the local Italian issues.

The older school, Mommsen, in particular, assigns only the first coinage of the Aes

down to the Second Punic War to mints outside Rome (MW 37if). We find the names of

mints on some of these Aes and on the victoriates. Apart from this, Roman coins, not

produced in Rome, are confined to the coinage of the generals. The idea of attributing a

large number of denarii, with moneyer's names, to local mints in Italy derives from De

Sabs, who was influenced by impressions of style. Chronological difficulties, as Mattingly

(RC 145) points out, are not found in the purely Roman series. How unconvincing these

distinctions of style are, may be seen from a glance at the Plates in the BMC. Generally

Instead of the Head of Roma. I agree with Mattingly and Robinson. Proceedings of Brit. Ac.

XVIII. 2Qff.

14

Triumviri Monet ales

speaking the coarser work is transferred to the provinces. To realize the fallibility of this

argument, simply compare the Roman issues of 1o2-92 B.C. on PI. XXIX with the sup-

posedly rougher Italian issues of the same period on PI. XCIII. This one example will

prove sufficient.

Serious constitutional difficulties also come into consideration. The office of moneyer

was a city office in common with the rest of the cursus honorum, with the exception of the

provincial quaestors of later institution. But these quaestors were financial assistants of

the military general. That their special function was necessarily first of all of a distinct

nature, is quite understandable because of the Roman tendency to separate financial

administration from military administration (cp. below p. 58). On the other hand, it is

quite inconceivable that moneyers appointed as the Roman ones and performing their

functions should wander about the countryside working now in this mint and now in that.

Even the BMC (II. 143) observes: "These local moneyers seem to have been chosen from

the same class as those employed in Rome, for the types of their coins show that most of

them were members of the most celebrated Roman families. In some cases they may have

been moneyers who held office at the mint in the Capitol." The mint of Rome was sufficient

for the civil requirements in Italy even during the major part of the Empire, inasmuch as

communications were good and easy. However, the generals enjoyed the right to strike

coins for the purposes of war. Hence, I do not accept local issues of denarii in Italy at the

time of the Republic.

Because of the above considerations I have been obliged to create a new arrangement,

which of course has not forced us to go into every detail. In this matter I have been guided

by the principles which I set down in my "Aufbau der romischen Miinzpragung in der

Kaiserzeit" (NZ 1933-1936). I believe this new system has proved its worth in other works

too, for example, in Elmer's "Miinzpragung der gallischen Kaiser" (Bonner Jahrbiicher,

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194o) and in Delbrueck's Die Miinzbildnisse von Maximinus bis Carinus (1944). It has

received recognition from Le Gentilhomme (RN 1942, p. 5) and from Mattingly, who

assured me by letter, that he is now using my system in his continuation of the catalogue

of Coins in the British Museum. The principal idea is quite simple. Every official coinage

must be rigorously arranged and controlled, otherwise the financial administration will

collapse. History gives us enough examples of this. These principles must have prevailed at

Rome all the more, for at Rome especially there was prevalent a most precise and an exact

organization which suited the psychology of a peasant nation. Moreover, this order is

capable of being discovered in the coins at our disposal, if we arrange systematically and

investigate the great masses of common pieces. All exceptional and special issues, on the

other hand, must be put to one side and be added subsequently after the main structure

is complete. This method has yielded good results for the imperial issues of 192-253 A.D.

With Republican coins conditions are of course different. Here we are without dated pieces

and the key-coins, which are determined by COS, TRIB POT and other indications of date.

Hence I was obliged to search for other aids. The chief idea has been that everything which

proceeds from the highest financial authority, i.e. from the quaestor, is strictly speaking

a directive for the coinage. To the quaestor belongs above all the fixing of the standard,

especially for the Aes, as far as we know and the kinds of denominations which are issued

from time to time, as well as the choice of marks of value and marks of control. The rise

The Coin Evidence and Principles of Arrangement

15

and decline of denominations rest upon ordinances of this nature. They vary from the

complete issue of every subdivision to that of single denominations and vice versa. Often

the next group continues the order of denominations and then changes gradually.

A system must be hidden in all these arrangements; they cannot proceed in blind

confusion. It may be added that, in view of that obstinate adherence to plans once made,

which is proper to the Roman character, any new reform was retained in its exact form,

for a time at least. For example, the issues marked with X form a closed series, as well as

those marked with K or issue marks.

Two principles that I have established have proved most helpful: first, that of the

supplementary issues, like the supplementary denarii that I have already traced under the

Empire; second, that of the role of the leading moneyer. The special issues, recognizable

by a special formula, are always to be separated from the regular. These principles to-

gether give us an adequate degree of certainty for a relative chronology and especially for

the structure of the monetary system. There are also minor observations which in a sec-

ondary fashion contribute to an inderstanding of the Republican coinage - fixed dates for

known officers, usually in the special coinages, the introduction of particular types, the

legal provisions and other observations.

Important, also, is the sequence of the metals as they make their appearance in the

development of Roman coinage. Aes was issued first in contrast to the Greek monetary

domain. After a short interval of about twenty years came the Romano-Campanian silver

and then the national denarius (cp. p. 5o). Gold is always a money of necessity, as with the

Greek Republics. The more the Republican principle is threatened, the more frequent do

the issues of gold become. Sulla, Pompey, and finally Caesar's rich output of gold give

evidence of the trend. The IIIviri RPC in their turn struck gold irregularly in their capacity

as generals. The imperial issues of gold begin with Augustus.

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All these principles of arrangement are given in the introduction to each group and

also often for the individual moneyers. They can be examined there. In order to establish

these principles, I was obliged to begin by arranging the fullest, i.e., the latest groups and

to work back from them to the earlier and simpler ones. In this paper, however, the natural

course of chronological development is demonstrated. Results of a general character which

had been reached in the study of later groups have been applied to the earlier ones.

On this basis, I believe I have succeeded in establishing a new and firmer order. I

would emphasize, however, that this order is in no way final. The finds must be approached

systematically as well as the other criteria, which have been mentioned above, in order to

establish an exact system. But in my opinion the main features, the general arrangement

and especially the sequence of issues are certain. Within the groups themselves individual

moneyers or colleges of triumviri may be moved or exchanged, but the groups themselves

are fixed beyond question .

B. The Catalogue

The Catalogue contains ten groups, the first of which is presented only in summary

form, inasmuch as it makes no contribution to our research. The single colleges of triumviri

are numbered not only within the groups but also consecutively. The special issues are

cited under the number of the regular series to which they belong. The year given in BMC

stands at the beginning of each issue. Where BMC gives a period, e.g. 217-197 B.C., for the

sake of simplicity I give the initial date only, e.g. 217. Then, after a diagonal (/), there

comes the date given by Babelon. In Group 10 only, the date after the diagonal is the date

found in the RIC. Next comes the name of the moneyer, as it appears on the coin; but

variations of name are only occasionally cited. The gentile name is added in brackets in

cases where it is not already obvious. Next follows a very short description of the piece,

with the date on the obverse which is important to us,7 then the reverse type, followed by

the details of the reverse. Then come the denominations. Denominations, which have not

yet been found but which may be assumed, have been placed in square brackets. I have

introduced such presumptive pieces most successfully into my Aufbau. Of course sound

reasons must exist for this. Very often the postulated coin has subsequently come to light.

Uncertain denominations carry a question mark. After the introduction of issue marks

in Group 5, and because of the increase in the number of reverse types, I have substituted

the issue marks for details on types. Later, when the marks are lacking, I have used a dash.

What precedes the dash belongs to the obverse, what follows, to the reverse. The regular

coinage is arranged in accordance with the colleges of triumviri (sometimes named after

their series). The individual issues are recorded only in the special coinages. The output

of coin by an individual moneyer is called an issue. Following Sundwall's example the

moneyers of a college are marked M1, M2, and M8. Epigraphical variants or minor changes

in name are not generally noted. For these variations the BMC Introduction I, pp. cii ff.

may be consulted.

I have refrained deliberately from an exact chronology for which the supplementary

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research of which I have spoken would be necessary; even then, much would remain

hypothetical. For my purpose such exactness is not necessary. In the chapter about the

introduction of the moneyers (III A) I have placed the beginning of the coinage of denarii

in the last third of the Second Punic War. It ends in 7 B.C., as may be seen from Group 10.

Fixed dates for particular coinages seldom occur, except in special issues. I give at this

point a general survey of the relative chronology. The details can be found in the Group

listings. Group 1 consists of the anonymous denarii and the denarii with symbols. Then fol-

lows Group 2, with the first names - first, with one name abbreviated, then with the first

name in full, secondly, with two names, and finally with three (I-II, 210-168 B.C.). The

special denominations quinarius, victoriate and As stop in Group 3. The bronze are at first

very scarce, but they gradually become more plentiful (168-119 B.C.). Group 4 begins

7 The obverse type is listed only in exceptional cases.

The Catalogue

17

with the foundation of Narbo in 118 B.C. and ends with the Lex Clodia of ca. 104 B.C.

The new denarius symbol is characteristic of this group. Group 5, with the issue marks,

extends from ca. 104 B.C. to the Lex Papiria of 89 B.C. Group 6 comes next and extends

to ca. 81 B.C. Group 7 is dated very roughly at 80-70 B.C. There is a regular issue and a

special issue which runs parallel. The beginning of Group 8 is dated approximately at

70 B.C. by means of the special issue of the aediles, Galba and Plaetorius; it extends to

ca. 50 B.C. Groups 9 and 10 can be closely dated: Group 9 at 49-41 B.C., Group 10 at

20-7 B.C.

1. Group with Symbols

A small group without symbols precedes this group. It is unimportant for our pur-

poses. Samwer-Bahrfeldt makes it contemporary with ours. But our group itself can be

determined only approximately.

The symbols have been regarded, probably correctly, as badges of the coining officials.

Such symbols had already been customary in Greece. They are found in the sixth and fifth

centuries in Abdera, in the fourth and third at Corinth. Best known of all are the badges

of the moneyers of Athens from 229 B.C. These appear together with the names of the mon-

eyers. This parallelism is not surprising because of the Athenian influence upon the first

silver issue at Rome.

Even in this group it should be possible to establish colleges of triumviri, but the

groundwork has not yet been established. Samwer-Bahrfeldt have dealt with these earliest

issues and have divided them, on grounds of metrology, into three sections - heavy silver

and sextantal Aes, light silver and sextantal Aes, light silver and uncial Aes. But these

divisions, as I have already shown (p. 11 f.) are quite uncertain. What may be gathered from

their arguments is that silver was at first issued in mass, just because it was new. The first

section contains eight issues of gold and silver and nineteen of denarii and bronze, i.e.

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twenty-seven issues of nine colleges of triumviri or, perhaps, eight colleges of triumviri,

with one issue of gold and silver and two of denarii and bronze, and one pure silver series.

Pure issues of bronze appear only in sections 2 and 3. They comprise thirty-nine issues,

thirteen colleges of triumviri - four in silver, three in denarii and bronze, five in bronze and

one mixed. There are also many special issues, of which I have taken no account. There

are also other combinations which might be considered. In the issue with the wheel, we

meet for the first time the serratus, but it is an isolated phenomenon, alternating with the

ordinary denarii. For our research this group yields no profit.

2. Group with names of moneyers7*

In complete agreement with the Athenian model (p. 51), the names of the moneyers

first appear as monograms, then are abbreviated and finally are written out in full. This

observation gives us then a principle of arrangement for the group. Of course the devel-

opment does not proceed with mathematical exactness. First one or more letters were set

down as if by way of experiment; then a name, usually the cognomen; afterwards the ab-

breviated praenomen was added. At the end of the group we find three names. Even in the

7a This group ends perhaps with the cessation of the victoriate, 168 B. C, cf. NChr, 1932, 73.

18

Triumviri Monetales

later groups, there are relapses towards the first system; but, generally speaking, the rise

from simple to more complex can be clearly traced. It goes without saying that the denarius

because of its small size continues to prefer the shorter forms. In this group separate col-

leges of triumviri can already be clearly distinguished, e.g., no. 3 with 3 quinarii, no. 6 with

3 victoriates, no. 8 with Diana in biga no. 10 and no. 17 with Victory in biga and the last

college of triumviri with three names and the cognomen in each case on the obverse. In the

composition of the other colleges the rules, which were mentioned at the beginning, are of

value. In the sub-groups I and II, every denarii and bronze series is followed by a supple-

mentary series in bronze, for the use of bronze is still predominant. In the third sub-group

with more than one name in the legend, each denarius series alternates at first with a

bronze series; towards the end only denarii and bronze series are issued and continue in

this fashion into the next group. Therefore, for nos. 1-15 a change of coinage must be

assumed for each year (p. 61, no. 29) inasmuch as the division into heavy and light denarii has

been neglected for the silver coinage (p. 13). The denarii which Bahrfeldt designated heavy

are marked with an asterisk. Now and then victoriates and quinarii also appear while the

denominations of bronze seem to go down to the uncial. But the extent of any particular

issue is hard to determine in the present state of the coin evidence. The common phenome-

non of supplementary denominations, which continues into the third century of the Empire

finds here its first obvious expression in a supplementary denarii series (no. 5) and an issue

of denarii and quinarii of Tampilus. The Dioscuri are depicted on the reverse type for the

most part, but soon the biga appears, first driven by Diana as the national goddess, then

by Victory. Thus three sub-groups exist: (1) with monograms, (2) with single names,

{3) with two or three names. The distribution of the moneyers into the separate colleges,

is in no way definitive, as was noticed in the beginning. I have often collected into one

eries issues with the same moneyer's name, which other writers have separated. Besides,

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so general agreement prevails in regard to the reading of the monograms.

I. With monograms. There is always a denarii and bronze series with one in bronze

every two years. A supplementary college of IIIviri for denarii and a supplement-

ary issue of denarii and quinarii occurs for the first time.

1. In accordance with earlier practice, monogram plus symbol, Q and A/O in the

Aes are interpreted as names of cities. In the denarii and bronze series the

denominations of Aes are still imperfect.

(1) a. 196/218 (Plautia) X Diosc ROMA DAs-Sx(UncP)

196/217 v? (Furia) X Diosc ROMA D As, Qd

196/234 AT? (Autron) X Diosc ROMA D As

(2) b. 217/- Q(uinctia) + Anchor ROMA As-Sx

196/- A/O (Duil or Durm) + Bull ROMA As-Unc

217/217 T (Furia) + Victoria ROMA As-Unc

2. In the denarii and bronze we find the first attempt to add a praenomen and a

single letter to the monogram. One college of triumviri is obvious, because of

its denarii and quinarii with the monogram on its side twice out of three times.

Bahrfeldt had already noticed this connection (III p. 77). There is a third

college with supplementary denarii.

The Catalogue

*9

(3)

a. 240/-

M (unknown) X

Diosc

ROMA

D Q [As]-Sx

240/234

A/? (Aurel) X

Diosc

ROMA

D Q As-Sx

(196) 240/217*

CW(O)9 (Terentia) X

Diosc

ROMA

D Q As-Unc

(4)

b. 196/217

1&, (Maenia) + Shield

ROMA

As-Sx

196/-

T (Petronia?)

ROMA

As-Unc

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172/-

A" (Atil. or Tatia)

ROMA

As-Qd

(5)

c. 240/224

A. (Aelia) X

Diosc

ROMA

Suppl.D 217/217

GR (Sempron) X

Diosc

ROMA

196-217 ?\&, (Maenia) X

Diosc

ROMA

3. Here too a single letter has been added to the monogram. One college of trium-

viri with denarii and victoriates is obvious. There is also a supplementary issue

of Tampilus with denarii and quinarii. Diana in the biga appears for the first

time.

Diosc

Diosc

Diosc

Diana, Biga

(6) a. 196/234 M (Matiena)

217/217 A/. (Caecil)

196/217 (Baebia)

Suppl.D 196/217 (Baebia)

(7) b. 196/227 \A (Valeria?)

196/234 & (Ael, Aemil, Apul)

196/218 BA* (Naevia)

ROMA

ROMA

ROMA

ROMA

ROMA

20

Triumviri Monetales

(12)

a. 240/217* CAi (Aelia)

Diosc

ROMA

196/179 SX Q(uinctil)

Diosc

ROMA

172/204 L ITI (a or Itil)

Diosc

ROMA

(13)

b. 196/89 (C) S (Clovia)

172/189 AC ft (Caecil)

172/189 P BLAS (Cornel)

2. First attempt at three names.

ROMA

ROMA

ROMA

As-Sx

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As-Sx

As-Sx

(14)

a. 196/179* CN CA (Calpurn)

Diosc

ROMA

196/179 L COIL

Diosc

ROMA

217/217 Q L C (Lutatia)

Diosc

ROMA

(15)

b. 196/209 M TITINI

172/217 L MAMILI"

172/159 Q MARI

ROMA

ROMA

ROMA

As-Unc

As-Unc

As-Unc

3. Beginning of the pure series of denarii and bronze. At first with the con-

tinuation of the two names. There is an obvious college of triumviri with

Victory in biga; finally three names with cognomen on obverse; inc. first

mention of the moneyer's father.

(16)

a. 172/204 C SCR (ibon)

Diosc

ROMA

D As-Unc

172/174 CAE STI

Diosc

ROMA

D As-Sx

The Catalogue

21

ascending order is correct is proved by the fact that the last issue, with the Semis-Uncia

series complete, is linked to the initial series of the fourth group, which then grows gradually

thinner in diminishing order. Evidently at the beginning of our group there were still

enough bronze available, so that all needs could at first be met by the most important de-

nomination, the quadrans. Then the ever increasing lack of bronze produced a larger issue.

The extent of the Aes coinage is indeed very uncertain, as may be seen from Bahr-

feldt's exact observations and Corrigenda. The present state of our material, which generally

speaking is very scanty, justifies our arrangement. But if finds should contribute new

material, changes must be made even in the case given. In regard to the separate colleges

of triumviri, we do find with the exception of the last series that the leading moneyer also

strikes bronze, while his two colleagues have denarii only. To this group belong all the

remaining denarii with X, for this sign is replaced by K in the next group. For this reason

it was necessary to transfer to this group as late an issue as that of Aquillius.

The revaluation of the denarii at sixteen Asses also takes place at this period. It has

been placed by recent students in the age of the Gracchi, by Sydenham in the days of the

Elder, by Mattingly, with more probability in the time of the Younger (cp. also no. 29 n. 20,

below, on the "Appeal" scene). The new designation of value, XVI, appears on two series;

then, if my arrangement is accepted, gives place again for a short time to the old and is

finally replaced by x, as Kubitschek has correctly observed (cp. Group 4).

Order still prevails in the determination of the denominations and marks of value.

In this we still recognize the strictly official control of the quaestor. However, in the choice

of types much looseness begins to appear. This has already been stated in BMC I. 126,

infra:" At this time so many changes were taking place, not only in the types, but

also in the moneyers' names and their positions, and even in the mark of value." In this

respect the moneyers were given a free hand, which appears from their choice of mint

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symbols, which are not always family badges, but may have direct reference to the moneyers

themselves. At first this change concerns only the reverse, on which the Dioscuri are more

and more pushed aside by deities in chariots and finally disappear. Twice reverses of the

Romano-Campanian Age are repeated, namely, the Oath-Scene and the she-wolf and

twins. Towards the end of this group we meet with an appeal scene and a monument. For

the first time one moneyer strikes two types; later, there are as many as ten or more. The

obverse also under goes a change, but only as a first attempt, for the head of Bellona still

ranked as a sacred symbol. First the head was turned to the left; then, only once, replaced

by a head of Sol. Other innovations were the placing of the name of ROMA on the obverse

and of the mark of value on the reverse. The revolution extended even to the unchanging

bronze. Under the triumvirate of Domitius, Silanus and Curtius, No. 30, with the attributes

of the deities, whose heads appear on the obverse, were used as the type of the reverse.

In this triumvirate the leading moneyer distinguished himself from M2 and M3 by striking

alone. Here also for the first time a substitute has been appointed in the college of trium-

viri, no. 27, which issued a second series. His predecessor had disappeared either for natural

or political reasons. Later such an occurrence happens frequently. Finally the first special

coinage of a quaestor with EX SC13 belongs to this group. The stirring times are reflected

in the coinage, and the gradual dissolution of Republican forms can be traced in it.

13 I take Q always to mean Quaestor. For details, see below, on Group 5.

22

Triumviri Monet ales

Some colleges of triumviri clearly emerge, for example, no. 23, with ROMA and the

cognomen of the obverse and the first quadrigae - a simultaneous support for the order

denarii and bronze plus denarii. Then there are the two series with XVI, nos. 27A and 28

and the preceding one, no. 27, with two of the moneyers of no. 27A. Finally in no. 30, all

three moneyers appear for the first time on one coin.

I. With Quadrans alone.

(20)

I.

150/149 QMINV RVF

Diosc

ROMA

D Qd

i5o/214CPLVTI(Plaut) X

Diosc

ROMA

D Qd

172/164 LCV (Cupi-

Diosc

ROMA

DQd

ennia)

(21)

2.

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150/149 C CATO

(Porcia)

Vict, Biga

ROMA

D Qd

150/209 P PAETVS

Diosc

ROMA

(Aelia ?)

150/164 CNLVCRTRIO X

Diosc

ROMA

(22)

3-

93/129 TI\ (B)

(Veturia)

Oath-Scene

ROMA

D Qd

172/174 M 1VNI

Diosc

ROMA

172/214 FLAVS

Vict, Biga

ROMA

(23)

(Decimia)

First, with ROMA on obverse and X occasionally on reverse. First Quadrigae.

Cognomen always on obverse. Obviously a triumvirate.

102/144 Q FABILABEO * ROMA Jupp, Quadr

ROMA Jupp, Quadr

102/135 CN CORNEL )

L F SISENA

102/135 AMN.IQFSER15

The Catalogue

23

III

(26)

(27)

(27A)

(28)

(29)

With Semis, Triens and Quadrans. Two colleges of triumviri with XVI, the first

of which represents a supplementary issue to that preceding it; here a substitute

occurs for the first time.

1. Head left, for the first time, for Baebius.

150/149 CN GEL X Mars, Quadr ROMA D Sm Tr Qd

150/139A/RV (Amelia) X Jupp, Quadr ROMA D

150/144 M BAEBI X Apollo, Quadr ROMA D

QFTAMPIL

2. Double issue with X and XVI.

a. 150/209 CWC F(LAC) X Vict, Biga ROMA

IV.

(Valeria)

150/214 A SPVRI(lius) X 1) Vict, Biga ROMA

X 2) Diana, Biga ROMA

99/94 L FLAMINICILO X ROMA Vict, Biga

b. With a third moneyer substituted. Supplementary denarii.

Val. Flaccus

XVI Vict, Biga

D Sm [Tr] Qd

I)

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as above

Spurilius as

above

150/136 LKILI NOM

(Atilia)

150/136 CTITINI

150/136 MAF RVS

(Aufidia)

150/136 LIVI

XVI Vict, Biga

XVI Vict, Biga

XVI Vict, Biga

XVI Jupp, Quadr

ROMA

ROMA

NOM17

ROMA

ROMA

ROMA

D [Sm Tr] Qd18

ROMA

ROMA

D Sm Tr Qd19

Appeal Scene20 D

XVI Diosc

4. Head of Sol, for the first time, for Aquillius.

99/94 MCIPIMF X Vict, Biga

90/94/WAQVIL X L,unaBiga

90/110 P L/tCA X ROMA

(Porcia)

Semis - Uncia. At first both denarii and bronze series and denarii series, then

denarii and bronze series only.

1. For the first time, all three moneyers appear on one coin and, on the bronze,

there are new and varying reverses, without ROMA. M1 strikes alone, M2and

M3 strike denarii together. All three together strike bronze.

24

Triumviri Monetales

(30) 124/114CN DOMI: Sm, Tr, Qd, Sx

MSILA:Q Unc

CVRTI CN

DOMI X ROMA Jupp, Quadr D

QCVRT:M X Jupp, Quadr ROMA D

SILA (Junia)

2. Three denarii and bronze series which form the point of contact with the

following group.

(31) 150/139 L"REBANI X Jupp, Quadr ROMA D Sm Tr Qd

Sx [Unc]

150/144 C C V? (F) X Juno, Quadr ROMA D Sm Tr Qd

(TRIGE)21 [Sx Unc]

150/129 C AVG (Minu- X ROMA Monument D Sm Tr Qd

cia) [Sx] Unc

First special coinage with EX S C

94/104 LTORQVA X Horseman ROMAQEXSCD

(Manlia)

4. Group ca. 118104 b.c.

The decisive criteria of arrangement are the following. The new sign, X, is regularly

used except in the first college of triumviri. At first because of the contact with Group 3,

the denominations are still plentiful, but the As continues to be missing. Gradually the

denominations become scarcer. In the beginning we find, as at the end of Group 3, there

are always three denarii and bronze series with two pure series of supplementary denarii,

and then appear one denarius and bronze plus two denarii. The first sub-group goes

from Semis downwards, the second from Triens, the third from Quadrans, but the present

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state of our material always has to be taken into consideration. In this group, too, the

Quadrans is also regular. The occasional special coinage of the Dodrans and Bes is sur-

prising. On the reverse we meet the old type of the Dioscuri for the last time; otherwise,

deities in chariots are common, whilst new reverses become increasingly plentiful. The

leading moneyer often has Jupiter in a quadriga. Towards the end of this group the legend

ROMA is occasionally missing from the denarius; in the next group it disappears entirely.

On the other hand, the first issue marks are foreshadowed in the issue of C. Serveilius,

no. 37. There are three obvious colleges of triumviri, nos. 37, 39 and 40. A supplementary

issue to no. 37 is indicated by the dodrans and bes, which can hardly be detached from

No. 37 although they are peculiar. Here again, one moneyer must have dropped out.

The initial coinage of 1, UC and CN DOM is important. I follow the views of Kubit-

schek (Studien, 57ff.), who first discussed the question and of Mattingly (NChr. 1924, p. 45),

who associated the issue of this denarius with the foundation of Narbo.21" Mattingly sees in

the two names the HVIRI COl, DED. The only record we have is that they were censors

together in 92 B.C. But censors have nothing to do with coinage. But there is no objection

M D also without F, AE with TRIGE.

21a For other issues of denarii for the foundation of colonies see RC. 32.

The Catalogue

25

to supposing with Kubitschek that they had already held an office together,22 especially

an extraordinary office like that of the IIVIRI COL DED. All that we know is that Licinius

was entrusted with the dedication of the colony. But generally speaking there were two

or three Commissioners, and Cn. Domitius was about the same age as Licinius. Licinius

was born in 14o B.C., was TRIB PLEB in 1o7, and Domitius was TRIB PLEB in 1o4.

Hence there is no objection to their having been colleagues in this post. The old date

92 B.C., has been rejected decisively by Mattingly (RC 43). The whole earlier development

also makes this date improbable. Mattingly believes that the moneyers who use X were

quaestors, yet the sign Q is missing. In any case the denarii were supplementary and form

a kind of special coinage, as there are only two men involved. The transition is clear. First

comes a college of triumviri with the old mark X followed by supplementary denarii with

X. This mark now became regular, as Kubitschek, [loc. cit.) has admirably noted. It arose

from the need of avoiding in matters of bookkeeping the ambiguous X and in distinguishing

between XVI as a number and as six denarii. This new mark was brought about by the

evaluation of the denarius at sixteen asses, which, according to Mattingly occurs in the

time of the Gracchi, more probably in the time of the younger Gracchus. Our order also

confirms the opinion of Kubitschek that XVI and X have a close connection.22*

If we follow the above reasoning, the initial date of Group 4 may be fixed at 118 B.C.

Its final date will be obtained from the beginning of the next group, which is marked by

the new coinage of quinarii around 1o4 B.C.

Here we meet the first "serrati" (cp. Mattingly, NChr. 1924) with names of moneyers

(for the occasional appearance of few anonymous "serrati," with wheel as a badge, see

BMC 11. 215). If the view that they were struck for external trade is correct, the assumption

that our denarii were struck for Narbo gains fresh support.

Transition, special coinage for the foundation of the colony of Narbo, therefore only

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denarii, and those "serrati". The triumviri of the mint still use X, the supplementary

denarii have X. All are marked L.LIC:CN DOM.

a. Regular college of triumviri.

(32) 92/92LPOMPONICNFX Mars, Biga23 Dserr

92/92 C MALLE C F X Mars, Biga Dserr

(Public)

92/92 L COSCO M F X Mars, Biga - Dserr

b. Suppl. Spec. D with X

92/92 L PORCI LICI X Mars, Biga Dserr

94/92 M AV?ELI SCAfll X ROMA Dserr

22 Cp. Plautius and Plancius, 54 B. C. (p. 37), who were together TRIB PLEB in 56 B. C. and

AED CVK in 54.

12a X appears sporadically in Group 5 on some of the denarii of Albinus, just as X reappears

on a few denarii of Piso (Group 6), after marks of denomination had ceased to be used. Probably, they

are not to be taken as marks of the denarius, but as symbols, such as were fashionable at the time (cp.

no. 49 and Bf. III. 1oo). We meet all these marks of value in the coinage of the rebels in theMarsic

War, often with old reverse (she-wolf and twins, Oath-scene) in a deliberately archaising style

(Kubitschek, Studien, 63) Cp. also the denarii of Lentulus Cur with X, ascribed to Spain (BMC II.

359). On the general use of H for denarius in the Empire, see Kubitschek, 55 ff.

23 Not Bituitus; Kubitschek, NZ 1913, 223 f.

26

Triumviri Monetales

I. From Semis downwards. This links up with the last college of triumviri in Group 3.

with Semis to Uncia.

A. Sm, Tr, Qd, Sx

(33) 1. 102/129 MWG (unteia) X Jupp, Quadr ROMA D Sm Tr Qd Sx

124/114 C NVMITORI24 X ROMA ~ Vict, Quadr D Sm Tr Qd Sx

124/114 Tl (MINUCI CF)X Monument ROMA D Sm Tr Qd Sx

AVGVRINI

2. The leading moneyer has a complete issue, the other two supplement one

another. With them goes a supplementary coinage of the leading moneyer,

with badge, but not name.25

(34) 93/134 C METE(LLVS) X ROMA Jupp, Biga D Sm [Tr]

(Caecil) Qd [Sx]

124/129 M PORC LAECA X Tibertas, Quadr ROMA D

124/84 M FABRINI ROMA Sm Tr Qd Sx

124/99 Without name.

Elephant's Head X ROMA Pax, Biga Sm Tr Qd Sx

B. Sm, Tr, Qd

1. Last appearance of the old type of the Dioscuri.

(35) 124/106 L MINVCI X Jupp, Quadr ROMA D Sm Tr Qd

100/129 MACILIVSMF X Here, Quadr ROMA D Sm Tr Qd

124/134 T Q (uinctius) X Diosc ROMA D Sm Tr Qd

2. P. Nerva has bust of Bellona to left.

(36) 124/129 Q A/VE (Caecil) X Jupp, Quadr ROMA D Sm Tr Qd26

124/114 CN DOMI (or X Vict, Biga ROMA D Sm Tr Qd

DO)

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99/110 P NERVA XROMA Voting Scene D Sm Tr Qd

(Licin)

3. Obvious college of triumviri, each with two obverse types: (1) Head of

Bellona, (2) head of Apollo. The head of Bellona always has a cross as a

mark on the helmet (Bf I, 64). Serveilius has A, B, - presumably marks of

the first issue. Remarkable denominations, Dodrans and Bes. Also a

supplementary issue.

(37) 94/122 M METELLVS X ROMA Maced Shield D Dodr27 Sm

Q F (Caecil) Tr Qd

94/123 Q M X (Fabia) X ROMA Cornucopiae D Sm Tr Qd

94/123 C SER V IL X ROMA Combat on D Sm Tr Qd

Horseback

24 According to Bf. I. 26 there is a second series with Triens and Quadrans but with C NVM.

ss Also in Group 5, Malleolus sometimes has name and badge, sometimes badge only. Cp. Mamilius.

in Group 2.

26 Bahrfeldt, III. 100, agrees in taking the As out of this group. The Uncia is doubtful (BF.

I. 62).

"Unique according to BF. III. ioo.

The Catalogue

27

08)

Suppl. issue

124/109 C CASSI

C. Now only Sm and Qd.

124/134 /W ACILI

(BA/BVS)

99/134 L OPEIMI

124/106 P CALP

X Libertas, Quadr ROMA

X ROMA

Jupp, and Vic-

tory in Quadr

ROMA

ROMA

D Dodr Bes28

D Sm Qd

D Sm Qd

D Sm Od29

<39)

<4o)

II.

(4i)

X Vict, Quadr

X Venus, Biga

To this group as a whole are attributed two colleges of triumviri with supplement-

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ary denarii

1. 124/110 C F:LR : Q M X Vict, Quadr ROMA D

or Q M: C F:

L R (Fabia,

Roscia, Marcia)

2. 124/108 M CALID : Q Mi: X ROMA Vict, Biga D

CNF Lor CNFOV:

M CA.:

Q M. (Fulvia,

Calid, Caec.)

From Triens downwards; the denominations steadily decrease in number.

A. Old order, 3 DAE, Tr, Qd, Sx, Unc.

124/129 C /%V?I GEM X Mars, Quadr ROMA DTrQdSxUnc

124/110 P MiATM- X Vict, Quadr ROMA D Tr Qd Sx Unc

(Maenia)

93/124CSERVEILIMF X ROMA Diosc DTrQdSxUnc

B. With denarius and bronze series plus 2 denarii series, Tr, Qd.

<42)

(43)

ROMA

ROMA

ROMA

X Jupp, Quadr ROMA

1. 124/119 M M CI AM X Vict, Biga

99/134 M OPEIMI X Apollo, Biga

99/134 SEX \\L\ X Venus, Biga

CAISAR

2. 124/124 L FS. SGRAG

(Antest)

99/134 L POST A- B X Mars, Quadr

99/119 Q PILIPVS X Horseman

(Marcia)

III. With Qd and Unc. The first moneyer has X

(44) 1. 99/112 L PHILIPPVS M

(Marcia)

99/112 T DEIDI X M

99/112 AAAEMILIOLEPX ROM

ROMA

ROMA

on the reverse.

Equestrian

statue

Duel

28

Triumviri Monetales

2. The name ROMA is often omitted.

(45) 124/129 M /%V?(/v*) GEM X Sol, Quadr. D Od Unc

ROMA

90/94 LMEMMI X Diosc standing D

90/104 L VALE Rl X Mars advancing D

FLACCI

Special coinage. First appearance of the head of Mars occurs on coins of Lutatius

and Rustius.

90/104QLVATI X ROMA Ship, Q D Unc30

CERCO

99/104MSERGISILVS X ROMA EX SC Horseman, Q D31

88/106 CETEGVS XEXSC Atys on Goat, D3J

(Cornel) ROMA

76/71 L RVSTI X SC Ram D

5. Group ca. 104-89 B.C.

The beginning and end of this group can be surely fixed. The As is again struck. Here

we find the last bronze of the Uncial standard (supposing the weights to be correct), since

the Lex Papiria of 89 B.C. introduced the semi-uncial standard. Our group then extends

to the beginning of 89 B.C. Its beginning is determined by the reintroduction of the is-

sues of Quinarii. As Pliny (33.3.13) reports, the Victoriate was again introduced by the

Lex Clodia, but was now equal to the Quinarii (Maecianus, distrib. 45 Hultsch, Metr. script.

rell., p. 66). Perhaps the reissue of the As was also prescribed by the law in a manner similar

to the Lex Papiria which also contained additional regulations. The date of the Lex Clodia

is uncertain. Probably the Clodius is the same person as the CI. Pulcher, to whom the

"elogium" of 92 B.C. refers (p. 8), who was AED CVR in 99 B.C. and praetor in 95. A

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denarius of 106-104 B.C. is ascribed to him (No. 46b). If this is right, the date of the Lex

Clodia is fixed at 104-102 B.C. (Kubitschek, 38, cp RE, Suppl. VII. 383). This date is con-

firmed by the coinage, for the first Quinarii of Egnatuleius have no symbols, and symbols

were not introduced until after 100 B.C. The Q on this half-piece is read by many as

Quinaritts, but Kubitschek has given good reasons for believing this interpretation im-

probable (Stud. 39). The coinage of Fundanius is most instructive. He has the Q on denarii

as well as on Quinarii, and so it must always be read as "Quaestor," as on earlier issues

and on inscriptions. If two meanings had been possible, they would have caused confusion.

The half-piece was generally marked as a Victoriate, equals Quinarius, by its reverse type

of Victory, as well as by its size and weight. I invariably interpret Q as Quaestor (so too

IN 271 and no. 5) and class all Quinarii of our group as special coinages. It is, perhaps,

not improbable that this new denomination, as a special issue, was at first struck by the

quaestors. The regular Quinarii of the next group no longer bear the mark Q.

30 Without CERCO and Q.

31 For a supposed "serratus", cp. Bf. I. 73.

32 Unique.

The Catalogue

29

The mark of value, X appears only sporadically and occurs once in the next group,

which is closely connected with ours; X too appears sporadically on a few denarii of

Albinus. It must be supposed that these signs were no longer considered marks of value.

Especially on the family coins of Piso Frugi (Nos. 55. 69) x is only a survival. For C. Piso,

X and XVI appear side by side, and evidently had the same meaning. The numbers of

Mettius (No. 82) are also archaizing. In general, there is a definite falling away fromthe

earlier strict ordering that was observed in the make-up of the denarius. For, apart from

anything else, the legend ROMA on the denarii and the head of Bellona grow steadily rarer

and are used quite arbitrarily. It is obvious that the moneyers were allowed more license

over the external forms of the denarius (so too in Group 4, above). Hence the reverse types

also become more and more varied; the obverses also display all manner of heads, gods and

numina; the head to the left becomes increasingly common.

In exchange, a new system of control was introduced, which kept on developing and

was chiefly used for heavy coinages. Inasmuch as these innovations certainly emanated

from the highest financial official, that is to say, from the quaestor, they supply us with a

sound guide in regard to the arrangement. The first marks of issue to be used are the

symbols, which had already been placed on the coins in the early period as badges of the

moneyers. Next come letters which had already appeared on the Romano-Campanian

didrachms following an Egyptian model. Whether A and B on the denarius of C. Serveilius

(No. 37) may be taken as precursors of these letters, may be left undecided. Finally numbers

are extensively used. All the marks are often used in combination.

All these details give us a principle of arrangement. In the first place, I put the

supplementary issues, the last of which together with marks of issue must be arranged

inside the regular coinage. There are two divisions. The first contain four colleges of

triumviri with supplementary denarii after an old model without marks of issue. Only in

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the last college of triumviri do we find a modest beginning of symbols. The transition from

X to star is of great interest for the development. The second division includes the issues

of the quaestors. The earlier ones are still without marks of issue. The later are introduced

by the special supplementary issue of Piso-Caepio, which already (according to Bf III.ioi)

shows eight varied symbols. Traditionally, 100 B.C. used to be taken as a fixed date (BMC I.

170) for this coinage, but Sydenham (in NChr. 1941,164 ff.) has now shown good reasons for

questioning this date. He now places these denarii in 96/95 B.C.32a I must admit that I do

not know on what grounds his assertion is based that the coinage of Silanus and Piso is

safely to be dated to 90 B.C. The bronze of both moneyers, especially of Piso, already has

the semi-uncial standard, and therefore must have been issued after the Lex Papiria and

not earlier than 89 B.C. But for our general picture this is of no great importance. According

to our suggested dating the quinarii of Egnatuleius must have been struck about 100 B.C.

The other issues consist mainly of quinarii.

The arrangements of Group 4, i. e., denarii and bronze series plus two denarii series,

except that bronze now becomes scantier and declines, are continued in the regular coinage,

which may begin ca. 95 B.C., if we follow the dating of Piso-Caepio, as it already shows

distinct marks of issue.

3,a For quite a different view, see CAH. IX. 165.

30

Triumviri Monetales

From this point I have stopped describing the reverse types inasmuch as they are

now so very changeable. I do, however, quote the marks of issue, SB equals "symbol,"

L equals "letter," (gr. equals "Greek"), N equals "number". If the marks of issue appear

on both obverse and reverse, I write obv. and rev. Corr. Sb. means the obverse and reverse

correspond to one another. Occasionally we meet "serrati" again.

I. Supplementary issues.

A. Suppl. D, still without IM. Four colleges of triumviri. In the two first only the

leading moneyer has ROMA.

(46) 1. 101/119 T CLOVLI33 ROMA Vict, Biga D

91/106 C PVLCHER Vict, Biga D

(Claudia)84

89/106 L IVLI Vict, Biga D

(47) 2. 93/104 M FOVRI L Roma with Trophy ROMA D

FWILI

89/94 L POMPON Numa Sacrificing D

MOLO

90/90 Q"PERM /W Duel D

(Minuc)

(48) 3. 77/79 LRVTILIFLAC Vict, Biga D

78/79 L CASSI Q F Libera D

77/64 C POSTVMI A Dog D

4. M1 and M2 have two types each. All three have head of Apollo once. First

symbols: X has become a star (Bf III, 100); so, too, X is used as a symbol.

Perhaps the head of Apollo with a star is derived from the model of M.

Metellus (Series 37). The same archaizing factor is found for Piso-Frugi

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(series 55).

(49) 89/89 C M A. (L)35 1. Head of Apollo Roma with Vict, D

(Poblicia) ROMA

2. Sb (Star), Warrior, D

Mars ROMA

89/89 A A. BINVS S F 1. Sb (Star and X), D

(Post) Apollo-Diosc, ROMA

2. ROMA, Bust of

Diana. 3 Horsemen

Together with L Metellus:

A ALB S F:L 2 Sb (Star, or Roma with D

METELL: Crescent,) Head Vict, ROMA

C M A. L of Apollo

33 Babelon I. 359 separates this moneyer from the one who issues the Qu. But he certainly struck

later as quaestor.

34 For the date, see NChr. 1924. 36. n. 3. and 1941. 169.

35 In BMC II. 308. there is also AE with family badge (hammer); but contrast Bf. 159. It is sug-

gested that the issue was struck for the foundation of Eporedia, RC. 33.

The Catalogue

31

B. Coinage of the quaestors.

a. Earlier issues without IM.

91/99 AP CL:T MAu:Q V?36

or T MA_: AP CL: QV?

(MaUia Claudia)

102/111 C EGAT\LE\ C F Q

b. Later issues with IM.

Only 8 SB.

100/100 PISO (Calp): Q Av: Sb

CAEPIO (Servil)37

With complete alphabet.

89/101 C FVNDA (N) Obv: L

101/101TCLOVI Obv:L

90/101 PSABIN (Vettia) Obv + Rev: h

Vict, Triga D

Vict, Trophy,

ROMA, Q

AD FRV EMV

EX SC

l)

D Qu

11

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(50)

(51)

(52)

(53)

Regular coinage, as at the end of Group 4, with denarius and bronze plus two

denarii. As IM, symbols still appear at first, but later there are only the L, still

no N. Occasionally X and ROMA appear. Several moneyers strike "serrati".

2.

91/99 CN BLASIO CN X Obv +Rev: Sb ROMA

F (Cornel) and Gr. L,

93/110 N FABI PICTOR X Obv+Rev: ROMA

Sometimes L.

89/90 C ALLI BALA Obv: L, Rev: Sb

91/112 C FON" X Obv: L

90/94 L SATVRN (Appul) Rev: L

ROMA

ROMA

sometimes

D As Sm [Tr]

Qd

DAs SmTr Qd38

D89

Dserr As Sm Qd

Dserr

90/94LTHORIVSBALBVSRev: h

91/82 L AfeMMI ROMA Obv, Rev: L

GAL

91/90 L COT (Aurel) X Obv, Rev also

Obv+Rev: L

91/90 L SCIP ASIAG Obv, Rev: 1.

On the first two denarii (D) PP is taken to mean "Penates Publici".

91/94 C SV C ICI (CF) Rev: L Dserr As Sm Qd

91/104 AA/ FO NE I Rev: l, D

90/94 C COILCALD Rev: L D

Dserr

38 According to BM. I. LXXI, a special coinage for the corn-law of M Livius Drusus. But, on the

analogy of earlier colleges of triumviri (series 39, 40), we should prefer to find three names (cp. Eckhel

and others in BMC I. 199 n. I.).

37 For the new date, 96-95 B. C, cp. Introduction to Group 5.

S8 According to Bf. III. 122 the Uncia does not belong here.

32

Triumviri Monetales

(54)

91/99 M K RENNI

Obv, Rev: L

D[As]SmQd

Unc

9o/9o LIVLI L F CAESAR Obv+Rev: L

89/9o L CASSI ICIN Obv: A-K,

Rev:X-M

6. Group ca. 89-80 B.C.

The initial date is supplied by the hex Papiria of 89 B.C. For this law and its contents,

see the note on the "argentum publicum" (p. 58). It is expressly mentioned on the anony-

mous bronze and on the rare sestertius. From this law there stem the following reforms:

1. Introduction of the semi-uncial standard. 2. Issue of sestertii. 3. Coinage out of the "ar-

gentum publicum". 4. Special colleges of triumviri, which serve as supplements and, in

part, also work anonymously. Actually we have occasionally met such colleges before.

But now they are prescribed by law and continue into the next group. The disturbances of

the period are shown: 1. By the numerous supplementary issues, with their various special

formulae, and also with such descriptions of office as AED CVR and PTEB, and PRAETOR,

the last two of which appear only here. 2. By a rich coinage of denarii. For example the

list of finds in BMC III. 14 gives from the Find of Fiesole, 125 for Silanus, 211 for Piso

Frugi, 439 for Q. Titius, 5o for Vibius Pansa; from the Find of M. Codruzzo, 67 for Silanus,

323 for Vibius Pansa, 253 for T. Sabinus, 3o8 for Cn. Lentulus, 167 for the anonymous

coins that follow Bursio, 194 for the anonymous coins that follow "Garg." "Oguln."

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"Vergil." (194 of these in Carbonaria I). Moreover the numerous marks of issue, among

which numbers too now occur and preponderate, especially in Group 7, are evidence of

heavy striking. Often now the same moneyer uses a number of types. Under the influence

of the Lex Papiria, the coinage of bronze rises to an abundant issue, then falls to the bare

As and finally disappears from Rome until the days of Augustus. It is remarkable that

some Asses also have marks of issue. Marks of issue, on the other hand, are missing in some

issues of denarii. The determination of the denominations of bronze is here again very

difficult and uncertain. For an isolated appearance of X, see the introduction to Group 5.

A peculiarity of the group is the number of special colleges of triumviri (five of them)

which are closely attached to the normal issues,393 often strike with the same types and

occasionally exchange the third moneyer. Two continue anonymously with the same types

and show an issue more plentiful than the normal. This provides immediately certain links

between different coinages.

The order is based on the following observations. At first three denarii and bronze

series are issued just as in Group 5, i.e., As, Semis and Quadrans. An occasional appearance

of the Triens is not yet quite certain, but possible. In the second section, only the leading

moneyer strikes the As, or it is added supplementarily. Towards the close it, too, disappears.

The serrati, which are common in the next group, begin to appear.

3,a Still clearer in Group 7.

The Catalogue

33

I. With 3 denarii and bronze in continuation of Group 5.

A. First with As, Semis, Quadrans: The Triens is uncertain.

1. The leading moneyer strikes Quinarii and Sestertii.

(55) 88/89 LPISO FRVGI X sometimes Sb, L,N D Qu S As Sm Qd

(Calpurn) ROMA also ROM, RA

on sestertius: ELP

87/90 C VIBIVS C F PANSA Sb, I,, N on As, ROMA D As Sm Qd

87/84 C(M*CI) Sb, h, N on As, ROMA D As Sm Qd

CENSO(RI)

2. All three strike Qu: no issue marks on denarius, but on the As for M1.

(56) 87/90 QTITI Rev: Sb on As D Qu As Sm Qd39"

86/83 L RVBRI DOSSEN D Qu As Sm? Qd

86/84 CN LENTVL (Cornel) D Qu As Sm [Qd]

II. M1 and M2 strike the As: There is a supplementary coinage with Quinarii and

denominations of Aes. Beginning of special coinage with ARG PVB.

ia. The leading moneyer strikes S. M3 supplementary Quinarius, and the

college is joined by a substitute with Supplementary bronze.

(57) 88/89 DSILANVSLF Sb, L,N, ROMA, on D S As

(Iunia) sestertius: ELP

89/89 LEfT A#F (Cornel) ROMA-Obv+Rev: gr. D As

or lat. L

90/101 MC AO (Porcia) ROM D

M CATO ROMA Sb, I,, N Qu

Suppl. AE

87/87 L\S(9/J) Sm Tr? Qd

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ib. Special coinage: supplementary college of triumviri with a change of M8:

M1 and M2 keep their old types.

(57A) Silanus as above P Rev: Sb D

Lentulus as above ROMA P E SC Obv +

Rev: L D

89/89 L SENTIC F KG PVB - Rev: L D

2a. With anonymous Suppl. issue.

(58) 90/89 CFABICF Obv:gr. h D As

87/88 L TITVRI L F SABIN Rev: Sb, or L, or N D As

89/94 M SERVEILIC F Obv: Q-A, Rev: A-X D

88/89 Anonymous Sometimes without issue Qu

marks, sometimes Sb, or

L, or N, or VNI

Rev: LPDAP As Sm Tr Qd

. 2b. Special coinage as above (ib).

wb A Triens too is known, Bf. Ill, 87, but it is uncertain.

34

Triumviri Monetales

(58A) Fabius as above EXAPV-Rev:L D

Titurius as above A PV D

89/89 P SERVEILI - P D

M.F.RVLLI

III. The leading moneyer alone continues to strike the As; at the end only Denarii

are issued.

1. Common obverse, so-called Head of Veiovis, no issue marks.

(59) 85/88 MFOfTEICF ^ (Roma ?) sometimes40 D As

91/104 LCAESI D

85/82 CLICINIVSLFMACER D

2a. The As appears on the supplementary coinage.

(60) 85/88 LIVLI BVRSIO Sb, T (also syllables) D

N in combination

82/84 CNORBANVS Obv: N D

74/54 L COSSVTI C F Rev: N D

SABVLA

2b. Anonymous special coinage with the types already known and with suppl.

As.

<6oA) As above, Bursio Obv: SbEX AP D

As above, Fonteius EX AP D42

As above, Lie Macer43 Rev: L EX SC As

3. Obvious college of triumviri. The leading moneyer has As with issue marks.

This is the last of the Asses. Again, on anonymous special coingae with the

types already in use.

(61) 84/81 GAR:OG\:\R Rev: L D As

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in all combinations

84/81 Suppl. D. Anony- D

mous, types as above

4. Obvious college of triumviri. First, all strike together, then each alone.

Only denomination denarius, at the close denarii serrati.

(62) 83/84 L CENSORIN: P Rev: Z D

CREPVSI: C LIMETAN

83/84 Suppl. D. L CENSOR Obv: Sb +Rev: I. Rev. D

(Marcia) N, also without issue marks

P CREPVSI Sb, L, N in combination D

C MAMIL LIMEAN Obv: L Dserr

10 So also RA for Piso, No. 55.

11 According to Bf. III. 126 there is also a unique coin, not described, but from its weight an

S(orQu?).

41 Here again a unique specimen as Qu: According to Bf. III. 122 it is only a small denarius.

43 Three pieces with names.

The Catalogue

35

Single special coinage:

A. With serrati, that lead to the next group.

90/89 M LVCILI RVF PV Dserr

82/82 Q ATO B A.B SC-Obv: Rev: L PR44

B. The remaining special issues of this Group.

86/89 M FAN :L CRT AED PL-PA D

(orCRT) (Criton)

87/82 L C MEMIES L F EXSCObv:L- D

GAL

91/104 Tl Q (uinctius) Rev: h DSS45 D

85/83 CCASShL -DSS45 As

SALIN (Jul)

85/83 PFOVRIVS AEDCVR- D

CRASSIPES

7. Group ca. 80-70 b.c.

In the last group we found five special colleges of triumviri which were closely at-

tached to the normal coinage. In this group such colleges become the rule. There is one

special group with six series in each of which a normal issue corresponds to a special issue.

The single issues too seem to run parallel to each other, as the example of Marius (cp. p.62,

iteratio) shows. The bronze coinage is now lacking, and with it we lost an important prin-

ciple of arrangement. The plentiful issues of serrati in the series of both kinds is surprising.

Here we place the supplementary denarii of M. Volteius which were issued according to

Mommsen (RM. 620, n. 451), for the five principal games. Only the last issue for the games

of Apollo has a special formula; but it is very weak numerically, as its rare appearance in

inds proves (BMC. III. Survey of Finds).

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44 Balbus, a member of the Marian party, was defeated and killed by Sulla's legate, L. Philippus,

in 82 B. C. (Liv. Ep. 86). Since he struck in Rome, his coinage must have been issued a year earlier,

for the office of praetor had long been, de facto, biennial, so that the first year was spent in Rome and

second in the province. From Sulla on (81 B. C.) it was so de jure as well. If Balbus struck as governor

of Sardinia, we must expect PRO PR.; for that formula is old, dating back at least to the SC DE

BACCHAN (StR. II. 1aof.); in rare cases, however, "praetor" stands for PRO PR. (StR. II, 240, 5),

but it must not be read so on coins. A coinage in Sardinia is on the whole out of the question. To

explain the special issue, Cavedoni (cp. BMC. I, 345, n.) used the information in Val. Max. VII. 6. 4.,

that owing to the dearth of money, temple furniture of the precious metals was melted down. In any

case it was a money of necessity.

Taken by itself, the fact that a praetor was entrusted with the coinage is surprising. It is the only

case of which we know. The competence of the praetor was almost exclusively legal. Even when re-

presenting the consul in his absence he seems, according to Mommsen (StR. II. 236), to have had no

control over the "Aerarium". It was not till after the battle of Actium that Augustus appointed

"praefecti aerar. Saturni." who were taken from among the praetorii (StR. II, 558), and in 23 B. C.

he decided on two "praetores aerarii" (op. cit., II. 202), who lasted till Claudius, A. D. 44. In our case

we must find the occasion in the exceptionally troubled times then prevailing in Rome.

45 This is read as "de senatus sententia," much the same, then, as "ex sen. consulto" (StR. II.

996, RE. Suppl. VI. 801). Picks' view (in Bf. III. 162) that the formula refers to the reverse type

is improbable, for the formula appears also on the As, where it can have no reference to the type,

a prow.

3*

36

Triumviri Monetales

ia. Regular, Serrati.

(63) 81/79 C POBLICI Q F Obv+Rev: L Dserr

79/60 L VOL F S"6/b (Volteia) Obv: L Dserr

70/64 LROSCIFABATI Obv+Rev: corr. Sb Dserr

ib. Special, Serrati.

(64) 81/74 C N/"t BA_B SC Obv: Rev: L or Rev: N Dserr

80/84 TI CL AO TI F fit N SC Rev: N or A +N Dserr

M &RENS (Iuvent) SC Obv: L Dserr*6

2a. Regular, Serrati. Parallel issue of Marius.

(65) 82/84 C MARI C F CAPIT Obv+Rev: l-XXIIII Dserr

80/79 L PAPI Obv+Rev: corr. Sb Dserr

73/64? Q CREPER(EI M F) ROCVS Obv+Rev: Sb, h Dserr

2b. Special, Serrati

(66) Marius as above Obv+Rev: From XXV upwards Dserr

Obv: Sb, N; Rev: NSC

72/69 T VETTIVS SABINVS SC - Dserr

79/79 L PROCILI F SC - Type 1 D

SC Type 2 Dserr

3a. Regular, almost nothing but denarii.

(67) 75/69 L EGNATIVS CN F CN N Type 1 without issue marks Dserr

MAXSVMVS Type 2 and 3 Rev: I, or N D

76/74 L LVCRETI TRIO Type 1 without issue marks

Type 2 Obv: N D

77/74 P SATRIENVS Obv: N (sometimes without) D

3b. Special, only denarii left

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(68) 75/82 L FARSVLEI MENSOR SC Obv+Rev: N D

73/69 L AXSIVS L F NASO SC Obv+Rev: Parall. N D

74/71 Q POMPON IRVFVS SC Rev: Sb+N D

Special Suppl. Denarii with reverses which refer to the five principal games.

The Special formula occurs only on type 5.

78/88 M VOLTEI M F Rev: Sb - +Rev.: + Sb Obvgr. N D

sometimes without, on Type 5

SCDT*7

Special coinage of the quaestors, whose office is here mentioned.

75/74 L PLAETORI L F SC - Rev: Sb, sometimes D

without Q SC

74/74 P LEhT P F L N Q SC D

Bf. III. 136.

47 Read by Mommsen, MW. 620, n. 451, as "S C de thesauro": a contribution to the games of

Apollo was made from the public chest. If this is so, we should have an issue, covered partly by the

senate, partly by private funds. This is hard to believe. I can find no evidence that "thesaurus" can

bear this meaning. Perhaps D T refers to the "senatus consultum."

The Catalogue

37

8. Group ca. 70-50 b.c.

In this group we meet for the first time the designation of office, IIIVTR, at first,

IIIV, then always in full. It is carried by the leading moneyer. In the next group the title

is used longer. The connection with the group is supplied by the marks of issue, which

appear here for the last time*8 in two colleges of triumviri, the second of which again issues

serrati. In the next college these serrati are struck for the last time. The next six colleges

of triumviri cannot be determined either in their composition or in their relative sequence.

Perhaps considerations of style might help in forming groups but care must be taken in

using style. Bf II. 78 has remarked that large and small heads appear often side by side

in the same issues without any possible explanation. Perhaps two diecutters with different

conceptions of their task may have been at work. The head to the left now becomes the

more common.

The contemporary types begin in this period with direct [reference to events of con-

temporary history. The first example is that of Scaurus and Hypsaeus in 58 B.C. Certain

dates are still lacking in the regular coinage. At best the denarii of Faustus Sulla may be

dated 64-62 B.C. On the other hand, for the special coinages, we do have such dates for

Galba and Plaetorius 70-69 B.C., for Scaurus and Hypsaeus 58, for Plautius and Plancius

54. All these men strike as curule aediles, the second and third pairs at the same time. One

is inclined then to make the same assumption for the first pair which Mommsen (MW 621 f.)

has actually assigned to 69. In StR II 588, no. 2, Mommsen sees in Plaetorius the colleague

of C. Flaminius (arguing from Cicero, Pro Cluentio, 45, 126) and takes the year 67 B.C.

as a probable date; but it is certainly not proved that this Plaetorius is identical with our

M. Plaetorius M. F. Cestianus.

The special coinage of Faustus Sulla is usually connected with his quaestorship in

54 B.C. This is not necessarily correct. Babelon (II. 513) has him strike with Messalla.

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Both were quaestors in 53 B.C. but in I. 422 Babelon adheres to the tradition whichgives

54 as Sulla's date. In the case of Messalla, it is uncertain whether the consulship of his

father, mentioned on the Denarius, fell in 61 or 53 B.C.; a Messalla was consul in both of

these years.

The order that results is as follows: First come the two colleges of triumviri with issue

marks, then, continuing them, the third with serrati; then come six colleges in uncertain

sequence; the group is rounded off by the special coinages in chronological order. The

period into which the group must be fitted would therefore have for its beginning the

coinages of the two aediles, Galba and Plaetorius, ca. 70 B.C. (the last appearance of issue

marks suits this date very well), for its end, the Denarius of Plautius and Plancius, perhaps

also of Messalla, 54-53 B.C. Since the next group probably begins in 49 B.C., our time limits

will be 70 and 50. In Nos. 71 and 72, M2 and M3 strike together, in No. 72 each also strikes

by himself. The same is true of No. 78.

*" For a casual reappearance an archaism under M. Mettius, see Group 9.

38

Triumviri Monetales

1. Still with issue marks.

(69) 52/54 LONGIN (Cassia) Obv:L. - III V D

64/64 C PISO L F FR (VGI) Obv +Rev: Sb, L, N D

(Calpurn)

65/60 M LEPIDVS (Aemilia) Obv: sometimes Sb. D

2. Last regular issue mark49 partly Dserr.

(70) 71/54 C HOSIDIC F GETA III VIR - D and Dserr

82/74 A POST A F S N A_ Bl N Dserr

66/69 M PISO M F FRVGI Obv.: sometimes Sb. D

(Calpurn)

3. Last serrati: with topographical reverse legends.

(71) 72/54 A/V AQVIL AWF/WN III VIR - Rev: SICIL Dserr

72/82 Obv: KALENI, Rev: CORDI Rev: RO I A. Dserr

4. Veiled heads on obverse

(72) 60/54 PFONTEIVSP FCAPITO III VIR D

71/54 PAVLLVS LEPI DVS (Aemil) D

71/54 LIBO (Scribon) D

Suppl. D. Both together.

Obv. of Lepidus D

Rev. of Libo

(73) 5- 69/54 LTORQVAT (Manlia) - III VIR D

67/64 Q POMPONI MVSA D

63/64 CSER5ILCF D

6. Each with two types and one name.

(74) 61/54 CALDVS (Coelia) - III VIR D

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59/44 BRVTVS (Junia) D

62/64 FAVSTVS (Cornel) D

(75) 7- 55/54 L FVRI CN F BROCCHI III VIR - D

57/58 Q POM (PEI Q F)RVF (I) D

58/60 QCASSIVS D

<76) 8. 50/54 /W ACILIVS - III VIR D

54/64 SERSVP D

56/60 PHILIPPVS (Marcia) D

(77) 9. 49/49 Q SICINIVS80 - III VIR D

53/58 L VINICI D

51/60 C MEMMI CF D

49 For the special coinage, see infra Plaetorius.

M Sicinius also signs as IIIVIR, in a special issue shared with the praetor Coponius. According

t o BMC. II. 468. note 1, it belongs to the East. In any event it is an irregular coinage.

The Catalogue

39

Special coinages in chronological order.

Perhaps contemporary, 7o or 69.

69/69 PGALBA (Sulpic) SC - /E D CVR D

68/68 M PLAETORIVS51 M F CAESTIANVS Obv: Sb AED CVR52 EX SC D

Time of Faustus (ca. 64-66).

63/6o SVFENAS (Nonia) SC - D

62/64 C CONSIDI NONIANI SC - D

61/58 P YPSAE (Plautia) SC - D

Fixes Dates

58 Obv: M SCAVR Obv: EX SC AED CVR D

Rev: P HYPSAEVS Rev: AED CVR

54 A PLAVTIVS AED CVR SC- D

CN PLANCIVS AED CVR SC- D

Perhaps contemporary, ca. 53.

54/54 (Faustus, SC D

Cornelia)

53 ?/53 MESS Au F (Valeria) - SC D

To the whole section add.

55/58 P CRASSVS M F (Ljcin) SC -

9. Group, 49-41 b.c.

We now come into the light of recorded history. Quite a number of fixed dates are

available. In the regular coinage the number of moneyers increases to four. This is reported

by Suetonius (Caesar 41) but without mention of the year. Also, Dio (41.4.4.) tells how

Caesar in 44 B.C. was granted the right to place his portrait upon the coinage.83Since the

first college of triumviri actually shows the portrait of Caesar, the extension of the college

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of triumviri, like that of the triumviri capitales, is rightly placed in the same year.54 There

are five moneyers in all, who now produce the portrait of Caesar. Two of them, Buca and

Chilo, expressly designate themselves quattuorviri. Our previous research has shown that

it is only the leading moneyer who bears the title of office. These two then must belong to

different colleges. Four of these moneyers give indications that may serve as dates. Mettius

51 In varying form.

52 In various combinations.

53 Grant, From Imperium io Auctoritas, Cambridge, 1946. 15L, gives a new and wrong inter-

pretation of the passage in Dio. Dio says 7iaTepa-re ocut>v xrfi rcarptSos e7Ki)v6fxaaav xal el? toc vo(xtafxara

ivEx<4paav. Grant proposes to apply TOXTpatoo, to xapaT-rw. 'Ovo(xdc^co, like all verbs of appellation, takes

two accusatives. The first is the external accusative, the second is predicative, showing what or to

what a man is designated. "Father of the Country" is here such a predicative accusative and cannot

either in grammar or in sense, be applied to xap^Tto. With this verb we must supply Aut6v as reffering to

-/apaxTYjp (type), the substantive form of x<*P<*rca>. Grant appeals to earlier portraits of Caesar on

Bithynian coins; but that has no significance, for in the Greek East the use of the portrait had been

common since the age of the Diadochi, and to that East Bithynia belongs. In any case this dating

cannot affect our chronology, for the college is securely fixed by the facts that it records.

54 Lenormant, III. 167, and Babelon. I. XXXVI, following him, believe that the end of 45 B. C.

is possible.

40

Triumviri Monetales

has DICT IIII, Buca DIC PERPETVO, Macer and Maridianus PARENS PATRIAE. All

these indications converge on the year 44 B.C. In spite then of various discrepancies, which

Ganter has recorded in ZfN, 1895, 182ff., it is unquestionable that this college worked in

44 B.C. Moreover, Macer has another type which shows Antony in mourning and which

must be later than the Ides of March.55 An extension of his activity as moneyer over two

years, such as Ganter proposes, is out of the question, in view of all the facts which have

been considered.56 Chilo continues to strike with the portrait of Caesar in another series,

now undated. He expressly designates himself IIIIVIR PRI FL. It is the only occurrence

of this formula, but it is a vital one. His college issues denarii only, supplementary denarii,

which I still assign to 44 B.C. Here then two colleges are active in the same year (cp. p. 64).

Supplementary coinages are of course frequent enough.

A second fixed point is given by the college of Varus, Mussidius, Regulus and Clodius.

To some extent in the regular coinage, but particularly in the special issues, this college

has one issue with the portraits of the IIIviri R.P.C. I place them therefore after the treaty

of Bononia (November, 43 B.C.), i.e., in 42 B.C. Their special coinage bears the old formula,

A P (here, perhaps, to be read as "auro publico"), with F ("feriundo") added. From now

on, the portrait of the ruler becomes the normal form.

Even more indications of date are given by the special coingae. For 49 B.C. Nerius,

the quaestor urbanus, is fixed by the consuls. The coinage of Caesar in aurei, denarii and

quinarii with UI (the fifty-second year of his age) is very probably of 49 B.C. (BMC. I,

505, n. I.). The second gold coinage of Caesar with DICT ITER is placed in 47 B.C. Hirtius

in 46 B.C. and Plancus in 45 are quite certain. Here, for the first time, we meet the prae-

jectus urbi on coins. Caesar, as dictator, 46-45 B.C., appointed from six to eight such

prefects two of them for the aerarium in place of quaestors, as there was a scarcity of

regular officers at the time (STR. I. 668. n. 2, following Dio, cp. STR II, 729). Apart from

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Hirtius and Plancus, we have other such praefecti as Cestius and Norbanus, whom I include

in the same group and date in 45 B.C. The year 44 B.C. brings the gold coinage of Caesar with

COS V DICT IIII. We have yet one more praefectus urbi, who had earlier been functioning

as moneyer Livineius Regulus. Octavian probably appointed him to his office, before he

left Rome56". That he was at the same time a moneyer quite a young man need not

surprise us. Young men were expressly chosen by magistrates to represent them, just

because no special qualifications were required (Cp. StR, I. 671, especially n. 3). Regulus

55 Lenormant, III. 172, has the strange idea, that Antony was mourning for his brother.

56 For iteration of office, see p. 65, below.

5,a The question whether a PRAEF VRBI was possible at this time must be faced. Mommsen

(MW. 741, no. 6) thinks that Regulus, "Praef urbi," may have been the father of our moneyer. But

this is inconceivable, for on other coins with "Praef. urbi" there is no moneyer's name. He must, then,

have held the office himself. Now, we know from Tacitus, ANN. 6. II (StR. I. 663 note 3) that the

Augustan "praefectus urbi" developed out of the old office; Caesar, as we have seen above, paved the

way. Octavian himself is said to have been in charge of the city under Caesar (Gardth, 48; another

view in Drumann-Groebe. III. 66). For 34 B. C, too, Dio reports that Octavian appoints prefects of

the city (Dio 49. 42, StR. I. 668. n. 4). Maecenas in 36 to 31 B. C. held a similar office (Gardth 766,

RE Maecenas), and, soon afterwards, 26 or 25 B. C, the imperial "praefectura urbis" developed out of

it. As Octavian left Rome for the East in 42 B. C, such an appointment would be in every way pos-

sible. Perhaps that is why Regulus copied the reverse types of Caesar's two "praefecti" Cestius and

Norbanus. Mommsen: loc. cit. 668 n. 4. points out that "the III viri (R. p.c.) had a completely free

hand in the appointment of officials."

The Catalogue

4i

on his own types has the sella curulis (as Cestius and Norbanus had), with one or two fasces,

such as belong to the praefectus urbi (StR, I. 672); but on those of his father, who was

praetor, he quite correctly has six.

Apart from this the points which determine our arrangement are the following.

Quinarii and sestertii are re-introducedfirst issued only by the leading moneyer, then

by the whole college. In the last of these colleges, in 44 B.C., Maridianus strikes the denarius

only, as if to prepare the way for the pure denarii coinage which follows. As regards coinage

in gold, Caesar himself struck almost regularly. Under the IIIviri R.P.C., coinage was

issued primarily by the regular moneyers at Rome, then by each potentate in his own

provinces. The last college is defective and shows only the portrait of Octavian. The tension

between the three leaders had grown acute. The leading moneyer, Gracchus, still designates

himself IIIIVIR, but we know of no colleague of his, except Vitulus. The two others did

not strike, probably because each potentate by now was issuing aurei and denarii in his

own domains. In their place we find the special issues of the first two moneyers. These last

quattuorviri describe themselves as quaestores designati, but may nevertheless have been

regular moneyers at the same time; the magistrates designate generally continued to rank

as private citizens (StR. I. 59o). Hence the special coinage is expressly marked S C.

BMC. I. 592 thinks that the title of Octavian, DIVI F, gives us an indication of date, as

he was only so entitled on the coins after 37 B.C. But BMC. II. 4 observes that Octavian's

name was DIVI F according to Caesar's testament in 44 B.C. Likewise CAH.X. 22 makes

January 1, 42 B.C., the beginning of the title. No reason can be seen then why this title

should not appear earlier on coins. Otherwise there would be an inexplicable gap between

42 and 37 B.C., and an isolated return of the moneyers to gold coinage is improbable.

With 41 B.C. the regular senatorial coinage comes to an end for the time being. Each

IHvir R.P.C. now strikes for himselfOctavian in Gaul, Antony in the East, Lepidus in

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Africa. One difficulty in the system of dating here proposed occurs with Vibius Pansa.

He was, we are told, trib. pi. as early as 51 B.C., but his activity as moneyer in view of his

sestertii must be dated later. Whether there is an irregularity here in the cursus honorum

or whether our Pansa is not the same person as the other cannot at present be decided.

The leading moneyer at first still describes himself by his title on part of the denarii

types.57 Only Buca places the description on his quinarii. With the introduction of gold the

practice disappears almost completely: APF points to a special coinage out of the state

chest. The addition of AAAFF now appears for the first time on a group of denarii of

Maridianus, but seems only to be used as an ornament in the reverse type. Remarkable is

the re-occurrence of issue marks, just once, in the denarii series of Mettius. It gives an

impression of being an archaism, like X and X earlier. The moneyers usually employ all

three names the gentile name and the cognomen being written out in full.

It would be possible in this group to assign an issue to each year after 48 B.C., and a

special issue to almost every year.573 For 49 B.C., if our chronology is correct, we can only

assume a special coinage. If this is so, this is the first group which consists of annual issues.

The second group, as we shall see, is the final coinage by the regular moneyers under

Augustus. After Caligula, annual coinage becomes the rule.

57 The number of types is marked by the exponent number; D2 equals two types of denarius.

573 According to Grant, op. cit., p. 6, no S C occurs between 49 and 45 B. C.

42

Triumviri Monetales

From 48 B.C. on there is regular coinage every year. With this occurs, generally

speaking a special issue, particularly in gold. 49 B.C. only special coinage.

49/49 certain NERI QV?B Consular dates D

49/49 CAESAR 111 AV D Qu

I. 48-44 B.C. Revival of quinarii and sestertii. The leading moneyer continues to

describe himself as such, but not on all types. Increase of the moneyers to four.

A. Only the leading moneyer has quinarii and sestertii; M2and M3 strike together,

for example Nos. 71 and 72.

1. 48 B.C.

(78) 48/49f A LICINI (VS) NERVA - IIIVIR on denarius D Qu S

49/43 CVIBIVSCFCNPANSA D S

49/43 ALBINVS BRVTI F D

(Postumia)

Suppl. D. together.

49/43 C PANSA: ALBINVS BRVTI F Obv. of Pansa, Rev. of D

Albinus

2. 47 B.C.

(79) 46/46f L PAPIVS CELSVS - IIIVIR on denarius D Qu S

48/46f L HOSTILIVS SASERN (A) D

47/46f L PLAVTIVS PLANCVS D

Special

CAESAR DICT - ITER AV

B. All moneyers strike denarii, quinarii and sestertii.

1. 46 B.C.

(8o) 46/49 A/v CORDIVS RVFVS IIIVIR on denarius58 D Qu S

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46/49 C ANTIVS C F RESTIO D Qu S

47/46 PALI KAN VS (Lollius) D Qu S

Special

Cordius as above SC D

A HIRTIVS - PR AV

2. 45 B.C.

(81) 45/49 T CARISIVS58 - IIIVIR (on denarius1 and D Qu S

sestertius1)

45/49 CCONSIDIVS58 D Qu S

PAETVS

45/46 L VALERIVS ACISCVLVS D Qu S

Special

Carisius as above SC D

L PLANC (Munatia) PR(AEF) V?B - AV

58 Both names appear in varying forms.

The Catalogue

43

44/43 L CESTIVS: C NORBANVS Type i: PR (EX)SC AV

Type2:PR-SC AV

C. Introduction of IIIIVIRI. Quinarii and sestertii gradually disappear. Beginning

of the portrait of Caesar. Indications of date on the denarii. One single re-ap-

pearance of issue marks. AAAFF appears for the first time, as an addition to

the reverse type.

I. i. 44 B. C.

44/44 L AEMILIVS BVCA - IIIIVIR on quinarius D Qu S

44/44 M METTIVS Rev. sometimes L D~Qu S

44/44 P SEPVLLIVS MACER D*Qu S

44/44 C COSSVTIVS - Denarius1 with AAAFF D

MARIDIANVS

Special

CAES DIC QVAR - COS QVINC AV

2. Suppl. D.

The leading moneyer expressly describes himself as such. No further indi-

cations of date.

43/43 L FLAMIN(IVS CHILO) D,: IIIIVIR PRI FL -

D-: IIIIVIR D

40/43 PETILLIVS CAPITOLINVS D

42/46f MARCELLINVS (Cornel) D

4i/44f PACCOLEIVSLARISCOLVS D

II. Quinarii and sestertii stop. Introduction of regular coinage in gold.

1. 43 B.C.

41/43 MARRIVSSECVNDVS AV D

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4o/44f C NVMONIVS VAALA AV D

43/43 C CLODIVS C F VESTALIS AV D

42/44f L SERVIVS RVFVS (Sulpic) AV D

2. 42 B.C. Each moneyer strikes one series with historical types, and one with

portraits of the IIIviri R.P.C. The last three have also a special suppl.

coinage in gold.

38/44f C VIBIVS VARVS AV D

39/43f L(LIVINEIVS)REGVLVS AV D

38/43 P CLODIVS M F AV D

39/43f L MVSSIDIVS LONGVS AV D

Special issue. Each has three types. Revival of the "arg. pub" issues.

L REGVLVS (as above) - IIIIVIR APF AV

Clodius as above - IIIIVIR APF AV

L MVSSIDIVS T F LONGVS - IIIIVIR APF AV

(as above)

further REGVLVS F - PRAEF VR D

44

Triumviri Monetales

3. 41 B.C. Defective college (M1 and M2): portrait of Octavian only.

(86) 37/38f TI SEMPRONIVS GRACCVS - IIIIVIR Q D AVD

37/38f Q VOCONIVS VITVLVS AV D

Special suppl. coinage.

Gracchus as above Q D(ESIG) SC [AV] D

Vitulus as above - Q DESIG(N) SC AV D

10. Group, 20-7 B.c.58a

In the twilight of the sinking Republic a closed group with names of moneyers is

revealed for the last time. Then they disappear from the coins forever. This group throws

valuable light on the transition to the Principate, for although the regular magistrates are

still at work, both the development of this series and its form show the dominating in-

fluence of the "Princeps." During the travail of the Empire, while the IIIviri R.P.C.

wrestled for power, the coinage was revolutionary, although, it is true, still based on the

old right of a general to strike in time of war. Each triumvir issues precious metal in his

own domain, frequently on a large scale. The coinage of bronze on the other hand remains

indeed a revolutionary measure and hence is sporadic. Gradually the flood ebbs and

Augustus sets about building the new order. The coinage of the capital, among other

things, needed attention, for as a result of the long cessation of issue of bronze, there had

been no regular coinage for sixty years, and there was a serious shortage. Augustus acted

constitutionally through the moneyers. The cursus honorum had already been re-organized,

probably in 27 B.C., as part of the general reform (StR. I. 544). From what Dio (54.8) says

about the year 20 B.C., Mommsen concludes that (when he took over the administration

of the Italian roads) Augustus instituted curatores viarum (StR. II. 1034, no. 2; 1045 and

1077. In connection with this Mommsen places the abolition of the Ilviri EXTRA VRBEM

PVRGANDIS and of theIIIIviriCAPVAMCVMAS.59 This then is the date for the origin

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of the new vigintivirate to which the moneyers belong. It is natural, then, to connect with

this reorganization the revival of the activity of the moneyers.

Thus we reach the year 20 B.C. as a starting point, which was determined by Momm-

sen, RM. 742 and Bab. I. XXXVI by a different route. For the end of this group we cannot

go beyond 3 B.C., inasmuch as Augustus on February 5, 2 B.C. received the title of pater

patriae, which he bears regularly on his coins ever afterwards. It is completely absent in

our group. Altogether there are fifteen colleges of triumviri, of which two strike side by side

Sanquinius, L,iciniusandMariusin precious metal, and Sanquinius with Licinius and Gracchus

in bronze. This is the familiar case where the third man is exchanged for the supplementary

coinage. We have now two principles to govern our arrangement. In the first place the short

period between 20 B.C. and 3 B.C., into which fourteen series have to be fitted, points to an

annual coinage in common with Group 9. In the second place it is evident that precious

58B I have published an exhaustive article on this group in NZ. 1946, ii3ff., where details omitted

here will be found.

M On the interpretation of this passage in Dio, 54.26. and the objections raised by Cichorius, see

my paper, quoted above. p. 121. no. 37. There is an unfortunate misprint. The third line from the

bottom should read "... dafi sich ... die IHIviri capit. (nicht Illviri) nur bis 29 v. verfolgen lassen ..."

The Catalogue

45

metal and bronze were issued alternately. There are also a number of fixed dates which

will help us. The whole group has as a terminus post quem, the year 23 B.C., in which year

Augustus took over the tribunician power for life. This power is mentioned regularly on the

bronze, but only a small special issue which was struck in common by the first three

moneyers, is without it. However, I have omitted it here because its composition is so

doubtful.60 It would contribute nothing to our general treatment. A second terminus post

quem is provided by the P(ontifex) M(aximus) on the two issues with the As only, for

Augustus carried this title only after March 6, 12 B.C. For the coinage of precious metal

the triumvirate of Mescinius, Vinicius and Antistius Vetus, no. 91 is fixed at 16 B.C. by

means of the dates TR. POT. VII. VIII. Other such termini are 19 B.C., in which year the

standards were returned by the Parthians for the college of IIIviri, no. 88, and 17 B.C., the

year of the Secular Games, for series no. 90. The end of the precious metal coinage is marked

by the opening of the mint of L/ugdunum, which then strikes continuously. As Augustus

was in Gaul in 16-13 B.C. and pieces do exist with IMPX (15-13 B.C.), I consider it

probable that the emperor made arrangements for the new issue of precious metal in

Lugdunum, before his departure in 13 B.C.

The relative order can be determined by internal factors. After such a long break in

coinage, the heavier coinages naturally come first. First there are in bronze two colleges of

triumviri with sestertius, dupondius and bronze, then two with sestertius and dupondius

and, with them, two with As alone, which are supplementary issues. The first college of

supplementary Asses, no. 95, first issues its own festival coinage, with head to the left and

Victoria Fortuna behind the head. A detailed discussion of this issue, especially their

false description as triumphal Asses and the wrong interpretation of the gemma Augustea,

will be found in my article which has been cited above. Now this festival issue must precede

the ordinary one. The head to left was quite unusual at this time and continues for a long

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time as a festival obverse. Then there follow two normal issues which copy the head left.

An internal order can be reached also for the quadrans which is so popular a denomination

and appears here in a closed series of four issues. First comes the plentiful coinage (nos. 97

and 98) with three distinct reverse types. This is followed by the simpler one with four

moneyers in each case. Here we can establish the series, Betilienus, Naevius, Blandus and

Catullus, no. 79, in which each moneyer strikes separately and has IIIviri added to his

name. This happened because at first only three moneyers were at work, then one fell out

and a substitute replaced him. In the last series, however, all four moneyers are mentioned

together, but the title of IIIvir is mechanically repeated. For precious metals, too, some

knowledge can be gained of the internal order. The title of office is always given for two

colleges of IIIviri. These are the first two colleges which coin extensively and can be dated,

as we have noted, as later than 19 and 17 B.C. respectively. The next two colleges strike

on a smaller scale, as may be seen from the list in Bf. Goldm. 141 f. These place their titles

on only a part of their coins. The last, scanty series of Cossutius and his colleagues no longer

carries the titles. Indeed this was the end of precious metal coinage in Rome under Augustus.

From these results we can proceed with confidence to the arrangement of our Group.

An important question has yet to be answered: Was the whole coinage senatorial or

not? Willers, p. 57f., and Bf., Goldm. 38f., following him, as also BMC. I. LXVIII, are

80 Cp. my paper, p. 115.

46

Triumviri Monetales

inclined to assume a division of coinage, precious metal imperial, and bronze senatorial.

This view, however, depended upon the false assumption that Augustus had been striking

in Rome at an earlier date from ca. 29 B.C. onwards. That this was not the case is proved

in RIC.XV. All these coinages of precious metal are foreign and belong to the East. At the

same time coinage continues in Spain and after 13 B.C. exclusively at I/ugdunum. Augustus

in his coinage declines to imitate the example of Caesar, who struck in Rome and created

a very bad impression thereby. The citation of name and office of the moneyers on both

groups of metal in our period, together with the agreement in time, point to a single

authority, i.e., of the senate, in accordance with the concept of the old Republic.

It was equally erroneous to find in the emphasis on SC a special contrast between the

senatorial coinage and the imperial. But there is a vast difference between our S.C. and the

formulae hitherto used under the Republic. In the earlier cases, the formulae were appended

to the type and denoted a special commission which was customarily conferred by a

senatus consultum. Our S.C, however, forms the main reverse type and is copied by Eastern

bronze, which comes from Ephesus and Pergamum according to RIC.CXIX and covers the

period from 28 to later than 20 B.C. This bronze consists of sestertius, dupondius, As and

semis and many of the coins show on the reverse a large CA in a thick laurel wreath.This

style with a thick wreath around a central type or legend, is not uncommon in the Greek

sphere of coinage and in this case may be derived from the cistophori, which Antony and

Augustus reissued. CA has been explained Commune Asiae. Consensu Augusti (as permissu

or indulgentia Aug.) breaks down on the ground that consensus according to the TU, is

used only of a number of persons. Grant (F.I.T.A. 108) now proposes Caesaris auctoritate.

But this cannot be accepted. The use of auctoritas as a title for the coinage is improbable

at this time. It does not occur on coins. The auctore principe to which Grant appeals means

at the instance of the Princeps (StR. III. 899).61 CA then designates the authority who coins.

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This type was now taken over at Rome, but the laurel wreath was assigned to the obverse,

as the reverse was reserved for the legend of the moneyers. In place of CA, the new striking

authority S C was mentioned.82

Coinage year by year. At first bronze alternates with precious metal. Towards the

end there are two issues of precious metal; then the precious metal coinage migrates to

Lugdunum; then there are two supplementary issues of the As. Finally the popular

quadrans is struck in four colleges of IIIviri. The names no longer show any ligature. Where

S C or EX S C occurs, it is part of the type (Bf. Goldm. 139).

I. Bronze alternating with precious metal.

1. 20 B.C. This college of IIIviri has also a joint issue with head of Numa on

obverse and no indication of date. See p. 45 above.

(87)

9/2363 CN PISO CN F (Calpurnia) - IIIVIR AAAFF,

L NAEVIVS SVRDINVS - IIIVIR AAAFF

C PLOTIVS RVFVS - IIIVIR AAAFF

S Dp As

S Dp As

S Dp As

61 For a full development of my argument, see my review of Grant's book in NZ, 1947.

62 Cp. my paper, p. 118, 124.

63 In this group, the lower number gives Mattingly's dates, as suggested in RIC.

The Catalogue

47

<88)

2.19 B. C.

14/18 PPETRONTVRPILIANVS IIIVIR or IIIVIR

L AQVILLIVS FLORVS IIIVIR - or IIIVIR

M DVRMIVS IIIVIR - or IIIVIR

AVD

AVD

AVD

3. 18 B.C.

15/22

C ASINIVS C F GALLVS

C CASSIVS C F CELER

C GALLIVS C F

LVPERCVS

- IIIVIR AAAFF SC

- IIIVIR AAAFF SC

- IIIVIR AAAFF SC

S Dp As

S Dp As

S Dp As

4. 17 B.C. Double series, first precious metal, then bronze with the M3 changed.

(9o)

(91)

(92)

A. 12/17 M SANQVINIVS Q F

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P LICINIVS STOLO

C MARIVS C F TRO6'

B. 12/17 Sanquinius as above

Licinius as above

Tl SEMPRONIVS

GRACCVS

5.16 B.C. Certain date.

16/16 LMESCINIVS RVFVS

C VINICIVS L F

C ANTISTIVS VETVS

IIIVIR -

-IIIVIR

-IIIVIR

- IIIVIR AAAFF SC

- IIIVIR AAAFF SC

- IIIVIR AAAFF SC

AVD

[AV]64 D

AVD

SDp

SDp

SDp

- IIIVIR sometimes AV D

- IIIVIR sometimes [AV] D

IIIVIR sometimes AV D

6.15 B.C.

11 21 Q AELIVS L F LAMIA66

C MARCICFCENSORINVS

T QVINCTIVS TFCRISPINVS

SVLPICIANVS

-IIIVIR AAAFF SC SDp

- IIIVIR AAAFF SC S Dp

- IIIVIR AAAFF SC S Dp

<93)

(94)

II. Two series with precious metal, two with Suppl. Asses

1. 14 B.S.

8/13 LCANINIVS GALLVS67

C SVLPICIVS PLATORINVS

C ANTISTIVS REGINVS

IIIVIR sometimes AV D

IIIVIR sometimes AV D

-IIIVIR sometimes AV D

Triumviri Monetales

3.12 B.C. Also issued as festival Asses, v

5/7 P LVRIVS AGRIPPA

M MAECILIVS TVLLVS

M SALVIVS OTHO

4. 11 B.C.

7/6 A LICIN NERVA SILIAN

SEX NONIVS QVINCTILIAN

VOLVSVS VALER MESSALL

ith head to left and Victory.

- IIIVIR AAAFF SC As

- IIIVIR AAAFF SC As

- IIIVIR AAAFF SC As

- IIIVIR AAAFF SC As

- IIIVIR AAAFF SC As

- IIIVIR AAAFF SC As

Four issues of quadrans, the two first with all three names on one side of the coin,

the third with each name separate and a supplementary moneyer, the fourth

with two names on obverse, two on reverse, in all possible combinations. The

title IIIVIR continues, but, de facto there are four moneyers at work.

1. 10 B.C.

10/9

2. 9 B.C.

13/8

3. 8 B.C.

4/4

7 B.C.

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3/5

LAMIA: SILIVS: ANNIVS

- IIIVIR AAAFF SC

PVLCHER: TAVRVS: REGVLVS - IIIVIR AAAFF SC

P BETILIENVS BASSVS

C NAEVIVS CAPELLA

C RVBELLIVS BLANDVS

L VALERIVS CATVLLVS

APRON IVS: GALVS:

MESSALLA: SISENNA

IIIVIR AAAFF

IIIVIR AAAFF

IIIVIR AAAFF

IIIVIR AAAFF

IIIVIR - AAAFF SC

Qd

Qd

Qd

Qd

Qd

Qd

III. CONCLUSIONS

A. Appointment of the Moneyers

Research in the last decade has yielded fresh and more reliable information in the

field of Roman Republican coinage.1 Above all we have learned better how to appreciate

Greek influence on Roman issues. The influence is even found on the Aes Grave. Only

gradually have we come to the realization that the formal perfection of the cast money of

Rome and even more clearly in many series of provincial Aes, bears definite testimony

against any kind of primitive essay and points to Greek technique. SBf, with his judgment

based on the form of the prow, the regular reverse of these coins, has arrived at the middle

of the fourth century as a terminus a quo, and quotes a passage (p. 33) from Lenormant,2

which proves the development in mint technique. Willers (p. 28) also has made the observa-

tion that the Roman Aes Grave stands on the level of Greek art of the late fourth century

B.C. and bases his opinion on the judgment of distinguished archaeologists. Altheim {Rom

und Hellenismus, y7t.) describes the period: "Mit Beginn des 3. Jh. treten die gemeinitali-

schen Erscheinungen auf, archaologische, sprachliche und geldliche Koine." (Cp. ^lso

BMC. XCVIf. and Regling in Gercke-Norden, II. 27.)

Today, the date for the beginning of Roman coinage has been brought down to a period

later than the traditional one and places it at c. 3oo B.C. I still believe that Mattingly's

view is the most probable that the Romans at the close of the Samnite wars with the

ensuing conquest of middle Italy proceeded to issue Aes Grave as crude coinage and

brought in Greek die-sinkers or moulders from South Italy for assistance in this work.

The second phase is the so-called Roman-Campanian silver, the beginning of which is

quite correctly placed at the end of the war with Pyrrhus. The dissension among the Greeks

of South Italy brought destruction just as it had done to Greece in the days of Philip II.

The Romans became the masters of Italy and a great power after the defeat of Pyrrhus at

Beneventum in 275 B.C. and the occupation of Tarentum and Rhegium in 27o. Hence

he Romans were compelled to strike money for use abroad and to strike on an Italian

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standard and pattern. There were circulating at that time in Italy, Sicily and also in Acar-

nania, standard coins with a weight of 7.5 (Phoenician standardCp. Giesecke, DMzbl.

1934. 183). Giesecke follows D'Ailly (In 177) in the assumption that the Romans had

their first coins struck at Greek mints. Hands (Italo-Greek Coins, 1912, 64) and Mattingly

(NChr. loc.cit. 2o1) believe that travelling Greek die-sinkers performed the work just as

the artists who signed their names in Sicily in the fourth century. Not only the types but

1 Cp. my survey in an article on "Neue Forschungen und Wege in der rtimischen Numismatik,"

BONN. JB. Heft 14o-141, II, and with further references to the literature, Mattingly-Robinson, NChr.

1938. iff.

2 Ch. Lenormant - J. de Witte, Elite des mon. ceramograph., 1838, I, Introd. XX: "Et en effet,

qu' on examine avec attention les as en apparence les plus grossiers, on y trouvera toutes les qualites

qui appartiennent essentiellement aux monnaies de la grande epoche, et a l'art le plus avanceV' Details

are given below.

-1

50

Triumviri Monetales

the legends as well betray their Greek model. The ethnic first appears in the genitive

plural. Moreover, the use of Greek letters as issue marks goes back to Greek models,

particularly to the coins of the Ptolemies.

Who are now the mint-officials in Rome who issue bronze and silver? The right of

coinage is that which is included in the control of coinage by the state. It is the right to

make all arrangements, necessary for the organization and administration of the coinage

(SWM. s. v.). Hence it is the exclusive right of the State and is naturally exercised in the

first place by the supreme magistrates in Rome that is to say, by the magistrates cum

imperio (Cos., Proc, Propr., Diet.). Thus MW, 364ff. says: "Denn darin besteht ja eben

die hochste Amtsgewalt, daB ihr Inhaber innerhalb der durch die Gemeindeordnung ge-

zogenen Schranken alle Rechte des Gemeindewesens insofern ausiibt, als dieselben nicht

Spezialbeamten iibertragen sind." As these supreme officials are never mentioned on coins

Mommsen infers that the original treatment of the coinage suggests the early removal of

constitutional norms. The fact that the supreme imperium was constitutionally restricted

within the city implies quite clearly that a similar restriction was applied to finance and

accountancy, and that in practice, the superior magistrate had no influence on the admini-

stration of finance. Hence Mommsen concludes that the coinage in Rome had been taken

away from the regular magistrates and entrusted to special officers long before the appear-

ance of the names of moneyers. The handling of finance and accounts had been from ancient

times a function of the quaestors, who, after 447 B.C. were elected in the Comitia Tributa and

appear as magistrates. They administer the aerarium P. R. (Saturni), in which among other

things the public money was stored (StR. II. 544 f.). They alone held the keys to the treasury.

Hence it is natural to suppose that the control over the new money was given to the quaes-

tors. At this point no comparisons can be drawn between Roman and Greek (monetary)

administration, for we know practically nothing about the management of Greek coinage

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at this period. It is only when we come to the moneyers themselves that we can use such

parallels. Of course the quaestors appointed their own subordinates to supervise the

production of coins. After the end of the war with Pyrrhus, although the conquered states

were forbidden to coin, still silver was at first produced, even in local Italian mints. But the

financial difficulties of the Second Punic War forced a greater concentration of coinage in

Rome3 which implied greater activity and stronger control. In the year 216 B.C., lavy

(XXIII. 21) reports that propter penuriam argenti the viri mensarii were reintroduced,4 this

time as a Board of Three which continued until 210 B.C. (RE. Triumviri, 519). Mommsen,

considers them for the most part Commissioners of Supply, but does state that they were

also employed as assistants at the Treasury. They were certainly concerned with the supply

of money in Rome (StR. 642. no. 1, according to Livy). In 210 B.C. all available gold,

silver and bronze money, i.e., all the coinage together with bullion, was delivered to them

(Matt. Rob., Proceed. Br. Acad., Vol. XVIII, 15). I consider them the precursors of the

moneyers. If the moneyers had already been in existence, these tasks would naturally

have been entrusted to them.

The third phase of Roman Republican coinage is now reached. This is the issue of the

denarius and its parts. Since the revolutionary researches of Mattingly and Robinson and

3 B. M. C. XXXVI and Lenorm. II, 236 and .249; Hill, Handbook, 132.

4 In a critical period, as early as 351 B. C, there were "quinqueviri mens." (StR. II. 640).

Appointment of Moneyers

5i

the many subsequent refinements,5 there can be no doubt that this universal Roman cur-

rency began not earlier then the period about the Second Punic War. An exact date will

probably never be established, but the period is enough. In addition to the arguments of

the above authors, I wish to work out the parallels with Athens, parallels which confirm

the new date.6 Under the rule of Macedon, there was practically no coinage struck at Athens.

In 229 B.C. Athens recovered her independence and began at once a new issue of coins, the

so-called New Style tetradrachms, which retained the old types with head of Athena and

the Owl, but differed considerably from the old types in form. Some administrative details

have been preserved about this coinage which extends to the time of Augustus. Sundwall7

in particular has made good use of these coin issues. On these tetradrachms two or three

moneyers appear. The first have the form of monograms with a symbol attached. Then

each name is written out but in an abbreviated form. In the next period there are three

names which are written out in full. Symbols are always present.8 Near the end of this

series two names appear again. The chronological sequence has not been settled. As in the

Roman series the attempt has been made, especially by Sundwall and Head, to identify

these names with the names of known contemporaries. What office, now, did these men

hold? Examination has shown that two names change each year and one about every

month. Scholars have assumed that the first two moneyers held their office as a liturgy

and the third moneyer simply as a charge (epimeleia) from the Areopagus, which during

the Persian War and now, after the deliverance by Demetrius Poliorcetes developed some

financial activity (Sundwall, 49.7o. no. 3; Boeckh, Staatshaush. ii. 38*. no. 237). Sund-

wall (5o, 15) further remarks that into this mint commission of the areopagus, which is

placed in 18o B.C., it was particularly such people as had already held the liturgy that

entered as M1 and M2 (49, 7o). M3 was the real control agent. The first two moneyers were

often young men in their twenties. Iteratio of office was possible, although generally speak-

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ing it was forbidden (Hermann, Altert., 1. 1o5). M1 was the leading moneyer and chose the

symbol (5o. 17). Although the moneyers were appointed annually, coins were not struck

every year.10

At this point a series of parallels with the denarius coinage are found. The administra-

tion is bestowed upon three annual moneyers who change yearly and one of whom is the

leading moneyer. These arrangements, especially the number of moneyers, three, correspond

entirely to the Roman administration and to the model of the earlier colleges of the trium-

viri, as will be shown in the next chapter. The triumviri mensarii, who immediately precede

the moneyers, may have also had influence. Directly on the Athenian model, the Roman

moneyers sign at first with symbol and monogram. Gradually, the names come to be writ-

ten out, at first only in a mutilated form, then complete. And in Rome, too, coinage was

5 Cp., for example, Milne in his review of Mattingly and Robinson's paper in JRS. 1934 and

Giesecke, Antikes Geld. 159.

6 A general reference to Athens is to be found Babelon, Tr. I 846 and BMC. I. LXIV.

7 Untersuchungen zu den att. Miinzen neueren Stils, Verhandlungsschriften der finn. Ak. d. W.

Bd. 49, no. 9 and Bd. 5o no. 1.

8 Symbols and initial letters had already appeared at Corinth (and Aegina) by 4oo B. C.

'The Areopagus, like the "aed. cur." also had the supervision of weights and measures (Boeckh.

Staatsh. ri. 3i8f.).

10 Head 379: "It is not, however, to be supposed that coins were minted with undeviating re-

gularity year by year ... The supply was regulated by demand."

52

Triumviri Monetales

not struck every year. And yet in spite of all these agreements, the national and political

identity of the two peoples is faithfully preserved even in the choice of types, there the

national goddess, Athena, here the head of Diana of Nemi.

The date also points to the influence of Athens. The renewal of national coinage in

Athens pointed to a similar coinage in Rome. Now this is just the time when in addition

to the old cultural relations which have been already mentioned, a political rapprochement

between Rome and Athens took place. After the defeat of Teuta, the Romans in 228 B.C.

sent embassies to all the larger Greek cities, for the first time to Corinth and Athens. Many

scholars who follow Tacitus (Ann. II. 53) believe a foedus aequum was concluded at this

time in Athens. I suppose that the Romans on this occasion came to know the new coinage

and its organization. All this tends to confirm the introduction of the denarius during

the Second Punic War or shortly thereafter. If my hypothesisthat the IIIviri

MENSARII were precursors of the moneyersis accepted, the date 210 is obtained as a

terminus a quo.

The first appointment of the IIIviri Monetales coincided with this new series of denarii.

At the most it might be questioned whether the first anonymous denarii were issued under

the moneyers or by the financial authorities who preceded them. But only conjectures exist

at this point and the matter has no great importance because of the slight extent of this

coinage. Mommsen placed the first appearance of names of moneyers in 216 B.C., but

steadily maintained that the office was not yet permanent. Even earlier Barthelemy

(RN. 1847. 354) had expressed the probability that the moneyers were introduced at the

time of the gold coinage, which he placed in 207 B.C. Samwer-Bahrfeldt, p. 167, think

that the office was possibly introduced at the very beginning of the denarius coinage, which

he still places at 268 B. C.A11 these estimates, which are also found in more recent works,

point either to the Second Punic War, or to the contemporary appearance of the college

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of triumviri and the denarius coinage. A more precise statement of the problem has often

been missing. Above all Mommsen's views that the triumvirate became a permanent office

only in the first century B.C., has lived on. We shall discuss this in the next chapter.

B. Constitutional Development of the Office of Moneyer

Inasmuch as the IIlviri Monetales formed a regular part of the XXvirate, it will be of

advantage to begin by a consideration of that body.11 Indeed we do not know much about

it.12 The oldest college seems to be the X stlit. ivd., the beginning of which is placed (StR.

II. 6o5) in the age which saw the formation of the plebs. The law of 449 B.C. mentioned

this college as already existing. These decemvirs are recorded on inscriptions more fre-

quently than the other officers (cp. n. 12). Inasmuch as they are missing in the list of offices

in the lex Bantina and Repetundarutn, Mommsen assumes that they were appointed

originally by the praetor and only elected by the Comitia in the age of the Gracchi. Next

to them in age come the IHIviri CAP. CVM., who as PRAEF. IVR DIC. probably go back

to the year 318 B.C., but can only be claimed as magistrates at a later date because of their

absence in the above laws. The third college is the college of the IIIviri Capitales, the intro-

duction of which is mentioned by Livy, EP. 11 in ca. 29o B.C. They were probably ap-

pointed in the first instance by the praetor. By a lex Papiria, which Festus cites and which

is dated after 242 B.C., popular election was extended to this office too. (StR. II. 595).

The Second Punic War has already been established as the probable date for the first

appearance of the moneyers, in part by the development of the coinage and in part by the

parallel with Athens. As has been observed above, it was an office for young men of noble

families. Groag's observations about the second century of the Empire agree with this

(p. 8). In common with the other offices in the XXvirate, it ranked as a step to the sena-

torial career. These questions have now to be answered, how appointment took place and

whether the office was permanent from the beginning. If an analogy is sought with the

other colleges of the XXvirate, it is found that the moneyers are most similar to the IIIviri

Capitales. In both cases there are three men: Caesar increased both colleges to four;

Augustus reduced them again to three. The Capitales, like the Xviri stl. ivd., are believed

to have been nominated originally by the praetor, since they were indeed his assistants.13

Hence it might be conjectured that the MONETALES were first nominated by the

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quaestor, since they were his assistants. Against this interpretation it must be stated that

the quaestor, a minor magistrate, sine imperio, was not qualified to nominate assistants from

the greater houses. In fact nobody has supported this view. As second possibility would

be that the Monetales, like the IIIviri A.D.A., were appointed by the Comitia as the need

arose. Mommsen (StR. IT. 641) shares this view, for he describes the moneyers as not a

permanent office until the Social War (op. cit 6o1). But very serious doubts come up. In the

11 ThelIIviri viis in urbe and thelIviri viis extra urbem purg. are,inMommsen's view,much later,

perhaps of the time ofCaesar (StR.II.603). Our first certain information about the composition of the

XXVI virate is of Augustan date. (StR. I. 544. n. 2). The college is only mentioned by Festus, Dio

and on four inscription s (StR. II. 593 n. 2.). For the other passages, see StR. II. 593 n. 5.

"StR. II. 544. n. 3.

13 Cp. StR. 221 ff. The election was at first introduced for the quaestor. For the later offices it

is as early as the institution of the office itself.

54 Triumviri Monet ales

first place the appointment of IIIviri A.D.A. was surely quite exceptional and uncommon.

It could be foreseen and the Comitia could be summoned to elect the men in accordance

with the statutory terms. Also, it was necessary each time to stipulate exactly the juris-

diction and field of the commissioners. With the coinage it was quite different, although

for a long time it had been regulated according to the requirements, as has been shown

above (p. 51). But these requirements, often present on a large scale, were very pressing.

It would have been quite against the spirit of Roman administration to institute upon each

occasion an election of coinage officials. Once they had made up their minds to entrust this

business to a special group of officialsand the evolution of the coinage suggests this

coursearrangements for a permanent authority must have been made at once. The

only possibility left is the third one that the moneyers from the beginning were elected

each year in the Comitia, as we concluded in the last chapter from the parallel with

Athens. Perhaps there is a kernel of truth in the report of Pomponius (DIG.I. 2.2.30 see

p. 7) about the creation of the individual magistracies. Mommsen has rejected this passage

as wrong and useless (MW. 367 n. 5 and StR. II. 695 n. 2.). But it would be most plau-

sible that after the moneyers were instituted as a permanent magistracy, election to the

three already existing colleges should also be prescribed by the Lex Papiria. The date of

this law (after 242 B.C.) ties in very neatly, and it does agree for the most part with the

chronology of Pomponius, who places the XXvirate between 242 and 227. However,

this determination of date must not be taken too exactly, as our experience with Pliny,

N.H.XXXITI. 13.3. has taught us.

However, the objection has been raised that the colleges of triumviri of which we have

knowledge were not sufficient for coinage every year. Recourse has been had to the hypo-

thesis of a term of two years. But this has to be rejected both on evidence of the coinage

and on constitutional grounds. The opinion that for many years only one or two moneyers

were appointed must be completely rejected.14 Although in collegiate offices each col-

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league acts separately with the exception of the IIIviri A.D.A. (MW. 457), yet the

colleagues always act at the same time as a college. But, if we assume that only one

or two of the IIIviri Monetales struck, while the others performed no noticeable activity

and therefore were not mentioned, all that we have gained is the assurance that there

were moneyers who did not strike. We shall come back to this shortly. As the office

of moneyer was built upon entirely different principles, there would be no reason for their

isolated action. In fact there must have been whole triumvirates which never struck. For

the period from 41-20 B.C. in our arrangement or in any case, for a number of years between

the last issues of the IIIviri R.P.C. and the new coinage of Augustus, there was no coinage

of any kind in Rome. But no one would maintain that there were no moneyers during this

interval. According to Mommsen himself, the office had long been permanent. Furthermore

Cicero mentions a moneyer who never struck. Cicero (Ep. ad Att. X, II) had a dispute with

a certain Vettienus, whom he describes as MONETALTS. But no coins of his exist.15 Hill

14 On the defective college of 41 B. C. (No. 86) see that number.

15 In a second passage, Ad. Att. XV. 13.5., our Vettienus is again mentioned as monetalis, and

we read: "... tricatur scilicet ut monetalis," (cp. p. 7) Professor Mras has been kind enough to give

me the following note on the passage (he also refers to Ad. Att. XIV. 19.4) "Tricae - impedimenta,

tricatur - qui quidquid velit non aperte declarat." Cp. Lucilius, Frag. 413 Marx: "Lucius Cotta senex,

crassi pater huius ... magnus fuit trico nummarius, solvere nulli lentus," and Nonius, p. 22, 30. Marx.

Constitutional Development of Office of Moneyer

55

(Handbook, 132) takes this view in saying: "An appointment does not seem necessarily

to have entailed the issue of coins."16 But this does not mean that such moneyers performed

no functions. Certainly it would be possible that moneyers administered the stocks of

money (cp. RE, aerarium), and issued and controlled the coins already in existence as

required. In a number of cases we have surprisingly rich coinages (cp. L. Piso, no. 55,

L. Roscius, no. 63, C. Piso, no. 69), which were perhaps not distributed in one year. When

enough coinage was available a new coinage was not started. Mommsen concludes from

Cicero (De legibus, 3.3.6) that the XXviri were also employed as extraordinary assistants

(StR. II. 593). A parallel to this interpretation is found in the IIIviri monetales of the

Empire, who appear on inscriptions down to the middle of the third century A.D., but

nothing is known about their work. Opinions with regard to their later employment differ

widely (cp. Continued Existence, below). On the supposition that they must have developed

some activity, all kinds of hypotheses have been set up, but it may well be that only the

empty title was left as a first step in the career of office. In a similar manner, Mommsen

assumes (StR. III. 6o9) that theIILTviri CAP. CVM. lasted to Augustus but without official

acticity.

Mommsen raised a second objection against an election every year: inasmuch as the

two nearly contemporary laws, the Lex Bantina and the Lex repetundarum (in their lists

of offices) do not mention the IIIviri Monetales any more than they mention the Xviri

stl. ivd. and the llIIviri CAP. CVM. In his commentary on the laws (CII.. I. 22 441 f.)

Mommsen has gone fully into the matter and in support of his view suggests that the office

of moneyer was not yet permanent. But the argumentum ex silentio11 is always dangerous

and just as various conjectures are given in Mommsen's commentary why this official is

mentioned in these statutes and that one omitted, hypotheses could be constructed to

account for our case. Mommsen himself was obliged to state that the IIIviri A.D.A. were

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annual officials in the age of the Gracchi and separated them from the familiar IIIviri

COI/.DED. This view has already, with good reason, been opposed by RE, triumviri 515.

Since no other tradition exists about the complete cursus honorum in the Republic18 except

these two laws from the age of the Gracchi, no certain account can be given. At the most

it may be concluded that the cursus honorum, which we know from the Empire, did not

exist at that time, but not that the offices which were not mentioned in the laws, were not

permanent.

"Tricones morosi et ad reddendum duri." That gives us the meaning of Ad. Att. XV. 13.5: Vettienus

was painfully exact in his accounts and slow to advance money, as is to be expected of a moneyer. Hill,

133, note 1, (who only deals with the first passage) follows Barthdlemy, RN. 1847, 358, in taking

Cicero's words as a joke. Cicero wants, so to speak, to assign Vettienus the meanest place in the ma-

gistracy. But this interpretation is forced for even the first passage and it is conclusively refuted by

the second. That Cicero should twice have made this supposedly joking comparison and then added

"tricatur ut monetalis" will not convince anybody. Moreover, the college of moneyers must have been

highly regarded in the XXvirate. According to Groag (p. 8) it was the most distinguished under the

Empire.

16 For a similar view, See Mattingly, RC. 29.

17 Similarly Mommsen himself writes to the same effect (StR. II. 6o3, n. 3.): "... und Ciceros

Schweigen von den Wegemeistern beweist nicht, daB sie damals nicht vorhanden waren ..." Mommsen

in general attaches an exaggerated importance to these two laws in dating the offices of the XXvirate

Cp. above.

18 All the passages are collected in StR. I. 561. n. 2.

C. The Office of Moneyer

We are almost completely uninformed concerning the organization of the public mints

during the Roman Republic. Conjectures of all sorts have, of course, been set forth, but

they lack a firm foundation. In connection with this topic a distinction must be made

between the technical operations and the administrative organization.

i. Technical Operations

Since there is no direct information, only a few facts can be collected from parallels

with Greek coinage, the Roman Empire, and the general principles of Roman administra-

tion. Many hypotheses have been brought forward about coin technique in Greece, but

there is no certainty. Lenormant in his third volume (Book HI, ch. III, I, Les magistrats

monetaires chez les Grecs') has brought together a number of these theories, but most

of them are doubtful. One fact, however, appears to be certain in part at least the mint

was let out to private individuals. This results at once from the well known monetary

treaty between Mytilene and Phocaea (IG. XII. 2. 1.) where the mint is let out annually

to a lessee, who is responsible for the alloy of the metal. Hence the preparation of the coin

ingots19 at least was a private matter. This is in complete agreement with ancient custom.

In Rome they were fond of letting out official business and undertakings on lease. The

societates publicanorum, i.e., the companies of tax-farmers, come to mind as examples.

Mommsen also (StR. II. 639 n. 1) makes a similar assumption, even if his inferences from

CH,. VI. 9953 are not valid.20 The Handbuch d. Altertk.2 (V. 2. 280) states that the pro-

duction of coins was leased to a private company. Certainly this refers to the supply of

metal,21 the preparation of the ingots and possibly the flans. Mattingly, R.C. 28 also shares

this opinion and believes that the contracts were as usual concluded by the Censors. Whe-

ther private enterprisers did the striking is questionable. Some information about the

mint does exist from the age of Trajan.22 At that time the casting ofingots was farmed out,23

18 By "coin ingot" is meant the thin cast sheet, out of which the flans, the discs for coins still

unstruck, are cut.

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50 Wc read there: "P Monetius Soc I Philogenes vascularius. Now a vascularius is primarily a

workman who makes vessels of precious metal. Hence the socii of a vascularius cannot be adduced for

our purposes. The name might lead us to consider activity at the mint, but this conclusion is forced.

"As further evidence we can cite the contrast with ARG. PVB. which we treat below.

"Hirschfeld, VB.S 181 ff.

23 About lessees of the mint we have the following inscriptions: 1. CIL. VI. 8455, where a "man-

dps officinarum aerariarum quinquae (sic!), item flaturaeargentariae"is mentioned. 2.CIL.XIV.3642,

where a "manceps aerariac monetae" occurs, 3. CIL. VI. 791, which names the five "conductores

flaturae argentar. monetae Caesaris" (there is a "flaturarius auri et argenti monetae" in CIL. VI. 8456).

By "manceps" one must understand the enterpriser, representing the company of farmers (RE.

"manceps;" Mommsen. ZfN. 1887. 28. no. 7). From inscriptions 1 and 3 it may be seen that it is the

casting of the silver that comes first into question. But, as there was no cast coinage in Rome later

than the third century B. C, when the "Aes Grave" stopsin silver there was never any cast coinage

The Office of Moneyer

57

but the actual coinage was handled by freedmen and slaves. The technical direction was

under the optio et exactor as well as the master of the mint and standards, who himself was

under the procurator monetae, an equestrian official. The supreme authority was the

minister of finance who was called a rationibus. In view of these facts, it is probable that

similar conditions prevailed under the Republic, namely, that the supply and preparation

of metal was handled by private business, but that the coinage itself was struck by public

servants under the direction of the moneyers, who themselves were under the jurisdiction

of the quaestor.

There is a somewhat remarkable passage in Suetonius (Divus Iulius 76) who in

speaking of Caesar's excesses writes: "Eadem licentia spreto patrio more magistratus in

pluris annos ordinavit ... Praeterea monetae publicisque vectigalibus peculiares servos

praeposuit!" Eckhel (Dn.V.62.) supposed that Caesar handed over to his slaves the super-

vision of coined money, i.e. of the aerarium. Eckhel wrote: "non monetae signandae cus-

todiam, sed monetae publice signatae." But it is known that Caesar in 46-45 B.C. appoin-

ted from six to eight praefecti urbi, two of them for the aerarium, in place of the quaestors

(StR. I. 668. no. 2). The vectigalia, however, were under the supervision of the censors

(StR. H. 434). In spite of what Suetonius says about the licentia Caesaris, no one will be-

lieve that Caesar replaced these officials by his own slaves. Barthelemy (RN. 1847, p. 357)

assumes that Caesar used his own in place of public slaves for work at the mint. But

against this interpretation stand the verb praeposuit, and the connection with vectigalia.

Peculiares does not necessarily mean his own, but can signify special. The passage is obscure,

but at least it seems to show that slaves were employed at the mint.

Struck coins passed into the aerarium Saturni under the control of the quaestors. It

was stored there until the time came to issue it (RE. Aerarium).

Besides the normal coinage, there were special issues as we shall see below. At times

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the metal for special issues was not obtained from the market especially when none was

availablebut from the State Treasury (perhaps from aerarium sanctius). This is ex-

pressly stated on a series of coins which were struck from 9o B.C. onwards. It it the so-

called argent-um publicum. The following formulae were used: on silver, P EX S C, EX A PV,

ARG.PVB., A PV, PV, PA, P; on bronze, LPDAP; also on the rare sestertius: EI.P.24 To

these may be added the examples of APF in Group 9. What does argentum publicum mean?

In contrast to argentum privatum, it is the money or metal which belongs to the State.25

Since it was chiefly silver that had to be procured for the coinage, it is this metal that

at all. (Hirschfeld. VB.2 185 needs correction here)-it can only be a question of the casting of the

coin ingots, which, however, were made for all three metals. The same assumption may reasonably

be applied to the five "off. aerar". We cannot, unfortunately, determine the date of these inscriptions.

Mommsen, loc. cit., is inclined to place them in the third century. But the number of five "off aerar."

suggests the second century, rather, as the coinage of AE became increasingly slighter in the third.

In the present state of our knowledge, it is true, we only know of six "officinae" for AR from the age

of Balbinus and Pupienus (cp. NZ. 1935. 24 and Mattingly - Sydenham, Roman Imperial Coins, IV.

2. 165). In no event can we infer, with Mommsen, that the AE coinage too was let out on lease. To do

so would run counter to the spirit of Roman organization.

24 The earlier variants of these formulas are listed in BMC. I. 282. no. 1.

M Argentum from Plautus on, at the latest, has the general meaning of money, as TLL shows.

The same is true of the Greek, APr YPION: Babelon, Traite, I. 386, no. 3, and especially the passage

from Suidas. s. v., ApYup67]Xov: ta-riov 5ti reiv v6'.iKTfxa 4Ct' ev aXx<5 sit' hi apyupy ifrr' iv wjaGt

ctcaOaoiv ipyupiov xaXeiv.

58

Triumviri Monetales

is especially emphasized. Hence ARG.PVB. denotes the metal which was stored in the

aerarium P.R. If by way of exception, that was to be coined, there had to be some

compelling reasons, and the granting of a special license. The reasons in this instance may

have been the dire needs created by the Marsic War. The collecting of material for coinage

has become difficult, inasmuch as insurgents, who were striking coinage themselves,

hindered transport. The special license would have taken the form of a senatus consultum,

as we see from the addition to the denarii of Lentulus (No. 57 A). By means of such a

senatus consultum, the org. -pub. was first released for use. Then a whole series follows with

this description but without the S. C.26 Here presumably instead of the emergency pres-

criptions of a senatus consultum, a law existed.

The Lex Papiria actually appeared at this time. We learn from Pliny that this law

introduced the semiuncial standard (33.13.36: cp. p. 9 leges). It is not known when this law

was passed (RE. XXIV. 2399), but its date can be determined from the circumstances.

On the bronze stands LPDAP, which may be read as lege Papiria de aere or better de argento

publico (since the law applied to money in general). These bronze coins do follow the semi-

uncial standard. Hence Pliny's information is correct. Now the tribune of the people for

89 B.C., C. Papirius Carbo, introduced the lex Plautia Papiria. The conclusion has, there-

fore, been justifiably drawn that our law also derives from this tribune. Further, the sester-

tii which are indeed rare and were struck only by the moneyers bear the formula ELP,

which is expanded to e lege Papiria. Hence it has been suggested that this provision was also

contained in the law. It is also natural to suppose that general permission to withdraw

metal from the arg. pub. to meet the emergency formed a part of the law. In conclusion

it may be stated that the supplementary coinages were issued at this period by a special

triumvirate, the regular moneyers coining with their own types a special issue with the new

formula. The third moneyer is often supplementary and the special issue anonymous but

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bears the same types as the main series. Therefore, it is believed that a clause relating to

this was included in the law. The effect of this law, in general, does not extend beyond

this group. In Group 9, the formula APF is found only once, i.e., argento (or, as many

prefer auro) publico feriundo, without S C.

Accordingly, the lex Papiria contained four provisions: the reduction of the standard

of bronze to half an ounce; the re-issue of the sestertius; the permission to withdraw metal

from the aerarium for emergency issues; and finally, the introduction of emergency colleges

of triumviri.

2. Administrative Supervision

a. Management by Quaestors

It has already been stated above (p. 50) that, as was to be expected, the authorities

who had charge of the coinage were from the beginning the highest financial officers, the

quaestors. Although the quaestors were magistrates sine imperio their position had,

intentionally, been made fairly independent, since there was a general wish to restrict the

power of the supreme magistrates especially in financial matters. (Cp. above, RWM. 265).

With this formula there is never any mention of the office of quaestor, only once is the unusual

office of Aed. Pleb. mentioned.

The Office of Moneyer"

59

Mommsen maintains (loc. cit. 363) "dafi die Bestimmung der Miinzmetalle, die Feststellung

ihres Verhaltnisses zu einander, sogar die Miinzsorten, iiberhaupt also Wahrung und Tei-

lung der Miinze nach romischen Staatsrecht nicht anders geordnet oder verandert werden

konntealsunterZustimmung ... der Volksgemeinde in den Tributkomitien." But this would

only pertain to more serious cases. In view of the existing development, it does appear that

the normal coinage as it was determined by the community was left to the quaestor. Major

changes, especially of standards or denominations, were prescribed by a lex. We only know

explicitly of three (cp. above p. 9), but there were certainly others. Smaller innovations,

and, in particular, exceptional issues in time of emergency, were ordered by a senaius

consultant. Such were the so-called special issues, treated below, p. 69. For the execution

of such decrees the quaestor was, in the first place, responsible. As a matter of fact, the

first special coinage, no. 31, has Q EX S C. The execution of the senatus consultum is often

given to other officials, the aed. cur. or pleb, the praef. urbi, from the time of Caesar, once

even to a praetor, or simply to a moneyer, who then places the S C on his issues (cp. p.64f).

There are other special issues, with plain Q or praef. urbi, once with aed. cur., but without

S.C. We might conclude from this that, in emergency, such a special issue might even be

made without a senatus consultum. But that is improbable. For, even if we assume that the

supreme financial authorities, the quaestor or his substitute, the praef. aerarii, enjoyed

such complete powers and there are serious constitutional objections to this the idea

would have to be rejected out of hand in its application to the aed. cur. It is more probable,

then, that the plain citation of office was enough to indicate a senatus consultum.

All these considerations have led me, in arranging my material, to adopt as my first

principle, the denominations because they were decided on by the supreme financial

authority. The fixing of standards should, of course, be a valuable guide, but complete

confusion reigns in this field since apart from the semiuncial standard, we have no exact

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information about their dates. For all details, see section on metrology, p. 11 above.

Parallel to the denominations runs the decision as to what metals are to be used; in both

cases matters were regulated according to the needs. A short summary of the results that

we obtained in drawing up our Catalogue of the coins will illustrate the point well.

Group I has a great deal of silver in all denominations, denarius, victoriatus, quinarius,

sestertius, since it is a new issue. The sestertius, however, is very rare, and, in the first

period, is almost always anonymous. In bronze also we have the complete series from the

As to the Uncia. At first, precious metal and bronze are issued by the same moneyers,

beside pure issues of silver. Whenever there was a shortage of bronze a series of pure bronze

was issued. The next Group carries on this supplementary bronze and supplementary silver

also occurs. Later, the series of silver and bronze are separated. The smaller denominations

of silver do not seem to have been wanted and gradually disappear. Towards the close,

denarius and bronze series are again issued with all the denominations of bronze. The third

Group introduces a new system. Since there was, for the moment, no lack of bronze, only

the leading moneyer strikes the quadrans, the chief bronze denomination until the Empire

(p. 12). Step by step, the bronze denominations are strengthened, first the Semis, then the

Triens and Sextans with the Uncia. The last college of triumviri has the old order again

denarius and bronze with all denominations. This continues, at first, into the fourth Group.

Then the denominations decline to the same degree to which they have increased in the

6o

Triumviri Monetales

third Group. But there are three distinct phases. They first grow weaker from the Semis

downwards, then from the Triens and, at last, from the Quadrans. Again we find the ar-

rangement denarius and bronze series plus denarii series. In the fifth Group we recognize

the effects of the Lex Clodia which re-introduced the quinarius. There is, therefore, a heavy

output for the most part in special issues. The As, also is struck after a long intermission.

Perhaps, this provision was also included in the lex analogously. In view of the scantiness

of our material, it is hard to say, how far the other denominations of bronze were struck.

At first, they were probably complete, but they soon became defective, and, in the very

next Group, the sixth, the bronze ceases until Augustus. Here, for the last time, the old

order denarius and bronze is found down to the quadrans; then, only the leading moneyer

strikes the As, and finally the As, too, disappears. Finds indicate, on the other hand, that

the coinage of the denarius was very heavy. In this Group are seen the full effects of

the Lex Papiria which ordered a new standard and the re-issue of the sestertius, together

with other arrangements (see above, p. 58). In the seventh and eighth Groups only the

denarius is struck. In the ninth Group the regular issue of gold begins, though it had long

been used de facto by military chiefs. Now, however, it seems to have been regulated by

law. In silver a fresh attempt is made to issue quinarii and sestertii. These three innova-

tions obviously go back in their origin to the initiative of Caesar. Whether they were

regulated by law and, if so, how, is unknown. In Group ten, Augustus returns once more

to the old orderone college of triumviri strikes precious metals, the other bronze.

This is the last revival of the old form. As a conclusion, that indestructible denomination

of the Republic, the quadrans, is struck in two series, and then, the new form of the imperial

coinage begins.

It was, of course, the quaestor also who determined the marks of value in our period

for silver they are, at first, X, V, and HS. After the revaluation of the denarius, XVI ap-

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pears and is later abbreviated to X (cp. Groups 3 and 4). Even these disappear later, and

the increasingly heavy output of silver demands a sharper system of control. The insti-

tution of this system is again incumbent upon the quaestors, and for some time was

achieved by means of issue marks (Group 5 ff). Finally, the quaestor had to fix the amount

of metal by weight to be used for each separate issue

b. Activities of the Money ers

The Normal Coinage

Number. As has been shown above in discussing the appointment of the moneyers and

constitutional development of the office, the number "three" must be reckoned certain

from the first. It corresponds exactly by analogy to similar offices. Their jurisdiction was

independent (StR. II. 592), although also ancillary to the quaestor. The only question is

whether all three functioned together, as Strasburger assumes for theIIIviriA.D. and Col.

DED. (RE., Triumn. 515) or whether, as with the capitales, "ein Zusammenwirken nicht

erforderlich war" (loc. cit. 519).27 On the coins, each name usually appears separate, but,

from Group 3 onwards, they also appear together. The same phenomenon is found recur-

27 Cp. MW 457: Members of official colleges were independent of each other.

The Office of Moneyer

61

ring in Group 1o, the period that is historically the clearest where the quadrans follows

now one system, now the other. Other combinations, also, occur. In all, we find the following

forms: each moneyer alone; all three moneyers together; all three together and also each

alone; three together and one alone with the other two together; two together and all three

together; two together and each alone; two together and one alone. Hence it is apparent

that it was left to the discretion of moneyers how they should sign. But, as the Catalogue

of coins shows, all three always strike. It may be supposed that, sometimes, each took over

and controlled a part of the money to be minted, but that, at other times, two acted to-

gether and the third alone, or all three together, and so on, with all the various arrangements

just detailed. It is obvious that the distribution of work in this respect was left to the

decision of the moneyers.28

The Leading Moneyer. Although all three moneyers had the same responsibilities and

functions, one of them was the leading moneyer, as at Athens where the first moneyer had

the choice of the symbol (Sundwall, 5o, 17). For this, we have the following proofs: in

Groups 3-5, he alone issues bronze; in Group 3, 3o, he alone strikes silver by himself, the

other two strike together; in Group 4 he usually has the reverse type of Jupiter in a chariot;

in Group 5 he alone continues to use the legend ROMA; in Group 6 he alone strikes the

sestertius and, later the As; most important are Groups 8 and 9, where he alone bears the

title of office Nos. 71, 72 and 78, where, on each occasion, the M1 strikes alone, while the

M2 and M3 strike together are very enlightening. Full proof is given by No. 83, where h.

Flaminius expressly declares himself IIIIVIR PRI FL.

Substitutes. It was, of course, possible that, in the course of the year of office, a

moneyer might drop out, in consequence of illness, death or political reasons. In such cases,

a substitute was co-opted. We have the following examples. In no. 27, A Flaminius is

replaced by Atilius in the second series, with XVI; in no. 37 for the new issue of the de-

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narius and dodrans one moneyer is replaced; perhaps it was the M1, who has struck the

exceptional denominations before, who dropped out. In the special supplementary issues

nos. 57 A and 58 A, the third moneyer is co-opted, as in No. 27, to replace a loss. The same

thing happened in No. 9o A.

Duration of Office. For almost all offices, in Rome as in Athens, duration was annual.

But, in our case, we must expressly repeat that coinage was not struck every year.29 An

extension of office to two years, such as many scholars assume, is unconstitutional and

finds no support from the coins. Whether iteratio of a moneyer was possible is another

question. Although in Athens such reappointment was, as a rule, forbidden (Hermann. 1.

1o8), still clear evidence exists for the Athenian moneyers in such formulae as TO AET and

TO TPI (Sundwall, 5o, 16). For Rome, StR. I. 522. states that, for the lower officers, "die

Iteration zu alien Zeiten eine Ausnahme war." In StR. I. 475. notes 2 and 3, dealing

28 There seem to be some exceptional cases, which must be referred to exceptional circumstances;

so in Nos. 30 and 31.

1* Cp. above p. 54. There is some indication of an occasional continuous annual striking. It is

clear that from the very beginning, with the establishment of the moneyer's office, there was, of

necessity, coinage each year, as may be seen in Groups 2. Further in Group 7 (Nos. 63-68) and

Groups 9 and 1o (see the introduction to these groups). For the other groups, or portions thereof,

it is not possible to determine to what extent there was continuity of striking. Likewise, in general,

we cannot say whether the special issues served to fill gaps between the regular issues.

62

Triumviri Monetales

especially with the XXvirate, a number of inscriptions are quoted, but there is no case of a

moneyer. However, we cannot deny the possibility of reappointment. Judging from our

Catalogue of coins, we should only assume it for Marius (nos. 65 and 66), who first appears

in the regular coinage and then in the special coinage that runs parallel to it.

We have now to answer the question, whether two colleges of triumviri ever functioned

in the same year. First, we have nos. 1-15, denarius and bronze series always alternating

with one in bronze. The regularity and the mechanical sequence suggest that the variation

covered more than one year, that is to say, that one college of triumviri issued denarius

and bronze in one year, the next college bronze in the following year. For the beginning of

our period this is not surprising, as people were still accustomed to use bronze and the

demand for it was, therefore, great, whereas silver was still unfamiliar. Only in the case

of Suppl. denarius no. 5 can there be any doubt. For that age, when the office of moneyer

had just been introduced, it is better to suppose a yearly output. The same is true of the

six series, normal and special, alternating (nos. 63-68); their close connection suggests

that they follow one another year by year. Only for Marius must reappointment be admit-

ted. With the late Suppl. Asses, nos. 95-96, a separate yearly issue is patent. It is not so

with the following numbers. In no. 27 there occurs a second series with mark of value XVI,

in which M3 is replaced. It is natural to assume here that the second issue followed in the

same year, after orders for the new mark of value had been published only the third man

dropped out in the interval. We find the same phenomenon in nos. 90 and 90 A. For nos. 82

and 83, also, I have assumed that both colleges of triumviri functioned in the same year.

In view of the conditions of that troubled year, 44 B.C. this is not improbable. If this is not

accepted, then, the chronology must be changed. Special coinages, of course, are hard to

control but I believe that nos. 57 A and 60 A were not issued in the same year as the

normal coinage, for in 57 A one of the two moneyers dropped out, and L. Tur us stepped

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into his place; yet we find him later in a special college of triumviri. In 60 A two moneyers,

of colleges separated in time, are included in a new special college of triumviri. Nos. 32

and 58 A, on the other hand, might well belong to the year of the normal coinage.

Titles of Office. The explanation of the title, AAAFF, is given in Mommsen, MW. 366.

notes 2 and 3. It would be superfluous to bother about mistakes in the inscriptions asking

why an A is left out or an F put in (cp. p. 8 above). These are simply errors. The first

occurrence of the title known is in the elogium of Pulcher, 92 B.C. (see p. 8). The first

appearance on coins is on the denarius of I/mginus, c. 70 B.C. Mommsen and others after

him have inferred from his coins that a permanent office arose only at that time. But this

cannot be correct. As long as the coinage lay in the hands of the moneyer, everyone knew

that the signature on the coin was that of the moneyer. Special coinages by other officials

only appear quite sporadically, towards the close of the second century B.C. The first is

that of the quaestor, Torquatus, about the time of the Younger Gracchus. Gradually,

however, these special coinages become more plentiful, particularly in the 70's of the first

century B.C. It was now necessary briefly to connect by a mark the moneyer with his

office. He was simply described as IIIVIR; the coins indicated what kind of triumvir he

was. It was sufficient too to provide only the leading moneyer with this title of office,

as everyone knew that it was a college of three. So, too, with the IIIviri Capitales, we find

that they had been long in existence, before they appeared under their official title (StR. n.

The Office of Moneyer

63

595). It may be maintained, then, that it was at about the time of the Social War, or,

rather, a little later, c. 7o B.C., that the designation of the moneyer became common on

coins, but that this does not imply anything regarding the permanency of office. The ad-

dition of AAAFF is only found in the last Group, 1o; on coins of Cossutius Maridianus,

44 B.C., it is a mere ornament of the reverse. The title may frequently be found in the

literature. After Augustus, the title disappears from coins, for there were no longer any

moneyers engaged in striking.

Functions. After the quaestor had fixed the quantity of metal to be coined and the

denominations, it was the business of the moneyer to carry out and supervise these direc-

tions. They had to control the technical work, check the correct production of dies and

attest the issues by their signature; to determine the number of pieces to be struck and to

deliver the money to the aerarium. It was also their task to carry out the sytem of control

by means of the issue marks introduced in Group 5. Whenever money was issued from the

store, they were responsible for its proper handling; that was their only function in the

years in which no coinage took place. They were likewise charged with the task of with-

drawing coinage that was called in. As far as signature goes, we have seen that, following

the Athenian model, at first they used only symbols. Such symbols had been in use

in Greece from ancient times and represented the arms of the mint authorities (BMC. I.

LXXXV). This is so in Abdera (sixth to fifth centuries) in Corinth (fourth to third) and,

as has been shown above, as true, after 229 B.C. in Athens. Head, LX, remarks: "Generally

they are the personal signets of the magistrates under whose authority the coins were

issued." Soon afterwards came the names, at first, only single letters or letters in liga-

ture. Gradually, there are written out the names more fully and finally all three names are

inscribed. But ligatures continue for a long time and single names occur until the end of the

Republic. The signatures certainly illustrate the development of the Republican coinage

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and thus offer a guide to the relative chronology.

The moneyers also gained an ever-increasing influence over the choice of types. The

first types, that continued stereotyped so long, the head of Bellona and the Dioscuri, were

certainly prescribed by the supreme authority, the quaestor. But soon the stirring times,

influenced by Greek culture, forced their way through to expression. Tampilus, no. 6, shows

a second reverse, Diana in biga, and drivers of quadrigae become ever commoner. Mattingly

places them in the age of the Gracchi. In Group 3 (cp. the Introduction to it) we meet the

first of the historical reverses. At first, they apply generally to Romethe oath-scene and

the she-wolf and twins, for example (nos. 22, 24), but later they are drawn from the his-

tories of the families (nos. 29, 31). In Group 4, we meet for the first time a new obverse

beside the head of Bellona, the head of Apollo (no. 37). From Group 5 on both sides of the

coin become more and more varied. They are related to the family history of the moneyers,

and it is impossible, therefore, to doubt that the moneyers had a free hand in the selection.

From Group 8 on begin the contemporary allusions and the coinage concludes with types

restricted to the Emperor and his house.

64

Triumviri Monetales

The Special Coinages.

Since the moneyers shared in the special coinages, they must find their place here,

There are three ways in which they may arise: i. by supplementary coinage; 2. by special

coinage; 3. by a combination of the twospecial supplementary coinages.

1. Supplementary Coinages. These usually appear, when a special denomination or

metal begins to be in short supply. They may be recognized by the fact that they do not fit

into the normal sequence of coinages of a Group, as they usually have only one denomina-

tion. Often, that denomination is an unusual one. One variety of supplementary coinage

occurs as early as the second Group, where a series of bronze is added in each case to one of

denarius and bronze. True supplementary coinages take three forms: 1. An entirely new

college of triumviri strikes (as in nos. 5, 39, 4o, 46-49, 83, 95, 96). Twice, M1 and M2 are

taken over from the earlier college and only the third moneyer is replaced, clearly because

one had dropped out (27A, 58, 9oA); 2. The second form shows a single moneyer, striking

supplementarily. But which of the regular moneyers was in this way detached for the pur-

pose cannot be determined. (37, 57); 3. In the third variety, M3 has a second issue with new

reverse types and new denomination (no. 6). Many variations are found when a supplement-

ary issue takes place inside a college of triumviri. Such combinations have already been

noted above under the heading "Number of Moneyers." In no. 62 the three strike together,

then each strikes, by way of supplement, alone. In nos. 72 and 78 each strikes alone, then

two strike, supplementarily, together. In no. 61, again, there is collegiate striking, followed

by a supplementary series without name, but with the types of the three. In no. 34, M1

has a supplementary coinage, without his name certainly, but with the badge associated

with him. We have already discussed the question whether these supplementary coinages

took place in the same year or later, under "Duration of Office."

2. Special Coinages. Where a formula or a title of office, other than that of the mo-

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neyers, appears we must assume a special coinage. It is provided for, as a rule, by a senatus

consullum. The only exception, in my opinion, is for the coinage with org. pub. which were

prescribed by a lex. The commonest formula is (EX)S C which sometimes occurs alone,

sometimes in connection with the title of a magistrate. But the mention of the office of the

special commissioners is by itself sufficient. I have only noted two exceptions. In no. 32

the two special issues with the new number, H, bear no formula. Similarly, there is no

formula on four of the issues of Volteius (no. 68), only the fifth one has S C DT.

Here again there are three ways in which the special formulae may be used: 1. S C

alone; 2. title of official alone; 3. the two combined. Where S C occurs alone, we cannot

tell what office the special commissioner held. It might even be a moneyer in office, who

had to execute a special commission. Of the officials, it is naturally the quaestor that we

meet first and most frequently five times, as Q30 alone, twice as Q VRS1 and four times

with S. C. Next in order of time we find the aed. pleb. The aed. cur. with S C occurs four or

five times and once without S. C. It is not surprising to find these officers entrusted with

the task, since they held the cura annonae: the competences of the two classes of aedile

30 That Q always denotes "quaestor" has already been shown in the Introduction to Group 5

above.

31 Cp. RMW. 374 n. 25.

The Office of Moneyer

65

were, of course, very similar. Towards the close, the praetor occurs once. This is very

remarkable and I have already discussed it in dealing with Balbus (no. 62). Finally, the

praef. urbi are mentioned five times, three times with S C (cp. Introduction to Group o.).32

3. Special supplementary coinages. There are whole colleges that issue supplementary

coinages with a special formula, as in nos. 57 A and 58 A, where M1 and M2 of the regular

college of triumviri work on with a new M3 and use the formula for argentum publicum.

So, too, in no. 60 A, we find a special supplementary college of triumviri, made up out of two

earlier colleges. In Group 7 the special colleges alternated with the regular one. Of the

triumviri in no. 85, three have a special coinage in gold with APF. In college 86, which is

imperfect, the two moneyers have a special series with S C, thus replacing the two missing

moneyers.

The question of how all these special coinages are related to the normal issues in point

of time does not admit of any single answer. In general, we can only assign such coinages to

particular Groups. But there are two possibilities for more exact dating. In the case of

special supplementary coinage, the series will in each case have to be placed close in point of

time to the regular coinage. Thus nos. 57 A, 60 A, 64, 66, 68 certainly belong to the years

following the normal coinage, to which they are related. For nos. 72, 85 and 86, it must be

assumed that the special supplementary coinage followed in the same year. The second

possibility lies in the fixing of special officials in their place in history. Thus we have dates

of 95 B.C. for Piso-Caepio (49) of 83-82 for Balbus (62), of 70-69 for Galba and Plaetorius

(77), of 58 for Scaurus and Hypsaeus, of 54 for Plautius and Plancus, of 53 B.C., in all

probability, for Faustus Sulla and Messalla, of 46 for Hirtius (80), of 45 for Plancius (81)

and probably for Cestius and Norbanus also and of 42 for Regulus, Clodius and Mussidius

(85). But not all these dates, it must be admitted, are certain.

The great variety of the special coinages proves that they were determined in accor-

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dance with the demands of the hour, according to any such arrangements as were constitu-

tionally admissible.

32 For a "CVR X FL" (Cn. Lent. Marc.) cp. StR. II. 639 n. 3 and Barthelemy, RN, 1847, p. 363.

D. Continued Existence of the Moneyers.

As we have already seen from the inscriptions (p. 8) the title of moneyer was still

used, as late as the third century A.D., with the addition of the full AAAFF. Diverse

guesses have been made about the functions of these moneyers. Mommsen, who introduced

a dyarchy into the coinage (StR. III. 1146) believed that the senate struck bronze, but

under imperial control (StR. II. 1028). He cites as evidence (MW. 745) the fact that Otho

and Pescennius Niger had no issues of bronze. In the case of Otho, who only reigned from

January 15th to April 17th, it is hard to say whether the lack of bronze really depends on

the senate. Scholars, who believe in a senatorial coinage of bronze under the Empire, adopt

this argument (e.g., RIC. I. CCXIX), but it is always a dubious proceeding to draw any

general conclusion from such isolated cases, which might have their explanation in the

disturbances in Rome. In the case of Pescennius Niger the matter is clear. In the provincial

mints of the East, which can be traced from Pescennius onwards he himself struck in

Antioch bronze is never struck, for the Emperor, as a general, struck only precious

metals. On the other hand, Mommsen, in contrast to Hirschfeld 183 (though he once shared

his view, MW. 745), admits that the moneyers had nothing to do with the imperial coinage.

As regards their share in the senatorial coinage, he writes (StR. 602): "Ob sie (dieMon.)

mit der spateren senatorischen an Unternehmer verdungenen Kupferpragung zu tun hat-

ten, ist unbekannt." Regling, however, (SWM., "S C") rejects the dyarchy on the coinage

and for very good reasons. He points out that the imperial officials, also, mention all the

metals in their title and that almost all the coins with S C bear the head of the Emperor.33

Since the moneyers, for their part, very often have the full title AAAFF on the inscriptions,

we must conclude that it is now a mere title. Such a development is not unusual in the

history of a title. Perhaps the whole XXvirate under the Empire was little more than a

form (StR. II. 601, on IIlviri capitales).

33 Yet Regling (SWM., p. 706 "Triumvir etc.") still is inclined to rank the moneyers as super-

visors of the whole coinage. But this view must be rejected. Mommsen (StR. II. 1927, note 3) extricates

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himself from this difficulty with the comment: "Die unverminderte Fortdauer des Titels beweist na-

tiirlich nichts fur das Fortbestehen der Attributionen."

CONCORDANCE OF PINK NUMBERS WITH

BMC AND BABELON

The individual moneyers as given by Pink are designated with numerals and the

letters a,b,c, etc. BMC serial numbers are given with R for Rome, I for Italy and the volume

number for any others. For Babelon, volume and page numbers are used with variety num-

bers only when necessary. For all references to BMC and Babelon, ff. (and following)

may be assumed.

Pink BMC Babelon

1a

R552

II 318

I 384

I 520

R594

I 245

2a

R538

I 60,44

R 540

I 57.38

R549

I 518

I 117

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I 53,32*

I 127

I 238

R 288 u.

II 480

542

4a

R ad 593

II 161,1

R632

I 57.38

R793

I 57.38

1116

I 108

I 358

II 430.1

R 630

II 162,2

6a

R625

II 208

R532

I 258

R557

I 250

I 251,3

7a

R545

I 507

R635

I "5

68

Triumviri Monetales

Pink

17a

18a

19a

20a

21a

22a

23a

24a

25a

26a

27a

27A a

BMC

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R 670

R834

I 434

R 623

R 660

R775

R679

R 700

R 711

I 464

I 454

R 850

I 461

R 877

R 929

I 550

R 867

R 848

I 494

I 508

I 509

R 926

I 468

I 502

I 449 u.

472

R885

R914

R 918

I 446

R935

R 879

R 910

Concordances

69

Pink

BMC

Babelon

38a

R 1019

102

R 1133

II

273

R968

II

286

39

I 479

II

189,17

40

I 474

283

41a

R 999

194

II

164

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R988

I 54o

II

444

42a

R 1008

II

185

R 1137

275

R 1140

11

43a

R976

146

R 1129

11

377

R 1143

186

44a

I 532

11

187

I 53o

456

I 59o

us

45a

R995

194

70 Triumviri

MONETALES

Pink

BMC

Babelon

58Aa

R1591

I 486,14

R 2324

II 498,3

R 1672

II 45o

59 a

R 2476

I 506

I 585

I 281

R 2467

II 133

60 a

R2485

II 7

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R 2770

II 259

R 3320

I 447

60A a

R 2600

II 8,6

R2483

I 507.12

R 2470

I 133.17

6ia-c

R 2606

I 532, II266 u.

529

R 2622

I 77 u. 226

62a-c

R 2634

II 195.25

1441.2

II 173,7

R2657

II195

R 2664

1441

R 2716

II173

62A a

R1613

II150

R 2730

1158

62Ba

R 2463

Concordances

Pink

BMC

Babelon

77a

R3947

II 460,5

R3923

I I 551

R3937

II 218

77Aa

R3516

II 473

R35I9

II 312

R 3820

II 256

R3830

I 376

R3841

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II 323

R3876

I 120

R3916

II 324

R 3920

II 317

R 3909

I 424,63

R3927

II 514

R 39QI

II 134

78a

R 3999

II 136

R3973

II 545

R 3962

II 384

R3987

II 385,2

79a

R4018

II 283

R3989

I 552

R 4004

II 526

II 470,36

II 13,15

72 Triumviri Monetales

Pink

BMC

Babelon

Pink

BMC

Babelon

92a

R4613

I 112

96a

R4663

II 140

R4589

II 198

R 4667

II 257

R 4601

II 395

R4665

II 522

93a

R 4676

97

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I 311

R4617

I 142

R4653

II 476

R 4660

I 149

98

R4574

I 358

94a

R 4671

I 430

99a

R 4707

I 257

R4674

I 431

R4709

II 251

R4579

II 412

R4711

II 404

95a

R 4699

II 154

R 4712

II 524

R 4682

II 159

100

R47I3

I 210

Concordances

73

BMC

Pink

BMC

Pink

BMC

Pink

BMC

Pink

1023

34b

1613

62Aa

2770

60b

3820

77Ac

1025

36b

1615

51c

2836

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70b

3824

74c

1032

37d

1642

57Ac

2844

65a

3830

77Ad

1038

35c

1660

58c

2853

66a

3841

77Ae

1044

34d

1672

58Ac

2896

63a

3851

72a

1053

36a

1676

46c

2916

64a

3861

74b

1068

33a

1681

49g

2977

65b

3868

75c

Triumviri Monetales

BMC

Pink

BMC

Pink

BMC

Pink

BMC

Pink

4185

82d

4574

98

4712

99d

5o9

23c

4191

8if

4579

94c

4713

1oo

3id

4195

84c

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5i8

4583

9oa

521

45f

4198

83a

4588

9oAa

522

29a

42o4

84d

4589

92b

116

5a

526

36c

42o6

83c

4592

9ob

117

3a

53o

44b

42o9

84a

4595

9oAb

127

3b

532

44a

4211

83d

46o1

92c

INDEX OF MONEYERS

This index follows the order of Index I of the third volume of the British Museum

Catalogue. The numbers given are those of our catalogue.

CABVRIGEM 41

M ABVRI MF GEM 45

P ACCOLEIVS LARISCOLVS 83

MACILIVSMF 35

/W ACILI BALBVS 38

/W ACILIVS IIIVIR 76

Q AELIVS LAMIA 92

/W AEMILIO LEP 44

L AEMILIVS BVCA 82

S AFRA 16

A/ (Allius) 5

C At 12

A ALB S F etc 49

ALB1NVS BRVTI F 78

C ALU BALA 50

ANNlVSetc 97

L AfcS GRAG 43

CANTESTI 16

CANTISTVETVS 91

C ANTISTIVS REGINVS 93

C ANTIVS RESTIO 80

Q ANTO BALB PR ad 62

APRONIVSetc 100

W AQV1L 29

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/W AQVIL /W F /W N 71

L AQVILIVS FLORVS 88

M ARRIVS SECVNDVS 84

C ASINIVS GALLVS 89

A (Atllius od. Tatius?) 4

L KILI NOM 27A

M ATILI SARAN 19

A/ (Aurelius) 8

N RVF 26

M AVF RVS 28

CAVG 31

A/? (Aurelius) 3

M AVRELI COTA 25

M AVRELI SCAVRI 32

A?? (Autronius) 1

L AXSIVS NASO 68

M BAEBITAMPIL 26

BAL (Balbus) 7

P BETILIENVS BASSVS 99

P BLAS 13

CN BLASIO CN F 50

BRVTVS 74

A CAE 13

CAEPIO:PISO 49

LCAESI 59

CALDVS 74

M CALID etc 40

CN CA 14

PCALP 38

L CANINIVS GALLVS 93

MCARBO 25

TCARISIVS 81

CCASSI ad 37

CCASSI:LSALIN ad 62

L CASSI CAEICIAN 54

LCASSIQF 48

QCASSIVS 75

C CASSIVS CELER 89

CCATO 21

MCSO 57

C CENSOR 55

LCENSORINetc 62

L CESTIVS:C NORBA PR 81

76

Triumviri Monetales

CN CORNEL L F SISENNA 23

L COSCO M F 32

L COSSVTI C F SABVLA 60

C COSSVTIVS MARIDIANVS 82

LCOT 52

P CRASSVS M F ad 77

Q CREPEREI ROCVS 65

PCREPVSIetc 62

T CRISPINVS SVLPICIANVS 92

L CRIT etc ad 62

LCVP 20

CCVRFTRIGE 31

Q CVRTetc 3

TDEiDI 44

CN DOM 18

CN DOM(E, I) 36

CN DOMI etc 30

Art) 2

M DVRMIVS 88

C EGNATIVS MAXSVMVS 67

C EGNATVLEI C F ad 49

C F:L R: Q M 39

T2

Q FABI LABEO 23

C FABI F C 58

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N FABI PICTOR 50

M FABRINI 34

M FAN etc ad 62

M FAN C F 24

L FARSVLEI MENSOR 68

ifcr (Faustus) 77

FAVSTVS FELIX 74

L FLAMINIVS CHILO 83

LFLAMINICILO 27

FLAVS 22

CFONT 51

A/V FONTEI 53

/W FONTEI CF 59

P FONTEIVS CAPITO 72

CN FOVLV etc 40

M FOVRI L F PHILI 47

P FOVRIVS CRASSIPES ad 62

C FVNDAN ad 49

LFVRIBROCCHI 75

CGALBAEDCVR ad 77

C GALLIVS LVPERCVS 89

GALVS etc 100

GAR etc 61

CN GELI 26

GR (Graccus?)

l_

M HERENNI

A HIRTIVS PR ad

C HOSIDI GETA

L HOSTILIVS SASERNA

P HYPSAE AED CVR etc

LITI

L lyl

L IVLI

L IVLI BVRSIO

SEX IVLI CAISAR

L IVLI L F CAESAR

M IVNI

C IVNI C F

A. (luvent.)

(luvent. Laterensis)

KALENIetc

QLC

Index of Moneyers

77

C MALL etc 49

C MALLE C F 32

C MAMIL LIMETAN 62

L MAMILI 15

A MANLI Q F SERG 23

Q MAR etc 39

Q MAR(I) 15

Q MARC LIBO 19

MARCELLINVS 83

CMARCICENSO 55

C MARCI CENSORIN 92

M MARCI M F 42

C MARI C F CAPIT 65, 66

C MARIVS TRO 90

M (Matienus?) 6

Q MAX 37

Afc (Metellus) 6

L C MEMIES L F GAL ad 62

LMEMMI 45

C MEMMI C F 77

L MEMMI GAL 52

L MESCINIVS RVFVS 91

MESSAL F ad 77

MESSALLAetc 100

CMETE(L) 34

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Q Afc "E 36

Q METE :CN FL etc 40

LMETELetc 49

M METELLVS Q F 37

M METTIVS 82

Q MINV RVF 20

LMINVCI 35

TI MINVCI AVGVRINI 33

MURENA 11

L MVSSIDIVS LONGVS 85

C NAE BALB 64

C NAEVIVS CAPELLA 99

L NAEVIVS SVRDINVS 87

NAT(TA) 10

NERIQVRB 78

P NERVA 36

SEX NONIVS QVINCTILIAN 96

C NORBANVS 60

C NORBANVS:L CESTIVS PR .. .. ad 81

C NVMITORI 33

C NVMONIVS VAALA 84

OGVL etc 61

OPEI 11

OPEIM 9

LOPEIMI 38

M OPEIMI 42

g (Paetus?) 7

P PAETVS 21

PALIKANVS 80

LPAPI 65

L PAPIVS CELSVS 79

PETILLIVS CAPITOLINVS 83

P PETRON TVRPILIAN 88

PHILIPPVS 76

L PHILIPPVS 44

Q PILIPVS 43

PISO ad 49

CN PISO 87

LPISO(FRVGI) 55

CN PISO FRV 87

C PISO L F FRVGI 69

M PISO M F FRVGI 70

LPLAETORILFQ ad 68

78

Triumviri Monetales

C RENI 25

L ROSCI FABATI 63

C RVBELLIVS BLANDVS 99

L RVBRI DOSSEN 56

LRVSTI ad 45

Q RVSTI 94

L RVTILI FLAG 48

49

62

P SABIN ad

L SALIN ad

M SALVIVS OTHO 95

M SANQVINIVS 90

SAR 10

PSATRIENVS 67

LSATVRN 51

L SAVF 17

(C)SAX 13

M SCAVR AED CVR etc ad 77

LSCIPASIAG 52

CSCR 16

LSEMPPITIO 19

T! SEMPRONIVS GRACCVS 90 A

TI SEMPRONIVS GRACCVS Q DESIG 86

L SENTI C F 57 A

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P SEPVLLIVS MACER 82

SER SVLP 76

MSERGISILVSQ ad 45

CSERVEILI 37

CSERVEILCF 73

M SERVEILI C F 58

C SERVEILI M F 41

P SERVEILI M F RVLL 58 A

L SERVIVS RVFVS 84

Q SICINIVS 77

M SI LA etc 30

D SILANVS L F 57

SILIVS etc 97

SISENNA etc 100

ASPVRI 27

SVFENAS ad 77

P SVLA 10

C SVLPICI C F

C SVLPICIVS PLATORIN

(C) A or PL

TAMP

TAVRVS etc

CTERLVC

Q THERM M F ....

C THORIVS BALBVS

Q TITI

CTITINI

MTITINI

L TITVRI SABIN .. ..

TOD

L TORQVA Q

LTORQVAT

LTREBANI

MTVLLI

L TVR(SAB)

W (Valerius)

CVALCFFLAC

VOLVSVS VALER MESSAL

L VALERI FLACCI

L VALERIVS ACISCVLVS

L VALERIVS CATVLLVS

(QvMO)

MVARG

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