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bruschke id politics neg

bruschke id politics neg

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Published by: trowles on Apr 21, 2008
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02/01/2013

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ADI
1
Bruschke
ID Politics Bad
Afghanistan Solvency\u2013 Women....................................................................... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
ME is inherently violent...................................................................................... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4

The clash of civilizations thesis assumes much about Muslim attitudes toward the rise of a
global society, and it may exaggerate the fundamental nature of perceived incompatibilities
between Muslim and Western culture. Consequently, the danger of a self-fulfilling
prophecy exists with regard to Islam and the global community in that the presumed gulf
between cultures may well be realized if those presumptions harden attitudes between
Islamic nations and the rest of the world. Thus, while several conflicts such as the Israeli-
Palestinian quagmire can be traced to particular historical, political, and geographical
circumstances, future global conflicts could arise without any such justification. The mere
existence of misperceptions between Islam and the West may be sufficient to inflame hatred
and precipitate conflict. ................................................................................................................ 5

A/T Said\u2013 Orientalism makes Empire Inevitable....................................................................... 6 ID P-TIX Rely on Essentialism..................................................................................................... 7 ID P-TIX Inevitable...................................................................................................... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 A/T ID P-TIX don\u2019t matter......................................................................................................... 12

ADI
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ID Politics Bad
Afghanistan Solvency\u2013 Women

No Solvency for Afghanistan\u2013 Conceptions of identity politics leaves out womyn.
Decolonizing does not solve cultural norms that rip womyn\u2019s identity between the state and
rebellion.
Bond \u201803

(Joanna E., Visiting Associate Professor of Law and Assistant Director, International Women's Human Rights Clinic,
Georgetown University Law Center, \u201cINTERNATIONAL INTERSECTIONALITY: A THEORETICAL AND
PRAGMATIC EXPLORATION OF WOMEN'S INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS\u201d, Emory
Law Journal, LEXIS NEXIS. Winter 2003)

Essential difference allows those who rely on it to rest reassuringly on its gamut of fixed notions. Any
mutation in identity, in essence, in regularity, and even in physical place poses a problem, if not a threat, in
terms of classification and control. If you can't locate the other, how are you to locate yourself? n1

Ardent identity politics dominate the world stage. As Afghanistan struggles to overcome Taliban rule, the
international community attempts to help rebuild a nation torn apart by violent ethnic clashes. n2 Recent

eruptions of violence between the Hindu majority and the Muslim minority in the Indian state of Gujarat have
focused international attention on communal conflicts in the region. n3 In both cases, and many more like them,
women's bodies become [*72] one of the primary sites for contested national identity. In Afghanistan, the struggle
for nationalist identity violated women's international human rights through extreme forms of seclusion, isolation,
and violence. n4 In Gujarat, the religious conflict led to large-scale rape and murder. n5

In addition to the violence visited on women as a result of extreme nationalism around the world, women in such situations are also often forced to choose between nationalist struggles and struggles to achieve gender equality. Identity politics, as popularly conceived, leave no room for women to situate themselves at the crossroads of both struggles and lead to oversimplified notions of women's identity. Although feminists in the

global South have criticized this understanding of women's identity as one-dimensional and static, the international human rights community has largely failed to explore the impact of such identity politics on women's human rights around the world. The international human rights community has, in fact, relied on its own permutation of a unified, monolithic identity for women, which has led to a myopic approach to women's human rights that fails to address complex forms of human rights violations.

The international human rights community n6 has, in recent years, expanded its definition of human rights violations
to include many of the human rights abuses commonly perpetrated against women. n7 Although this expansion
represents significant progress for the world's women, the movement has consistently relied on a rigid, unitary
category of "women." With the exception of some voices from the global South, the international women's human
rights community's focus on "women" to the exclusion of other identity categories, such as ethnicity, race, n8 class,
religion, and sexual orientation, has [*73] resulted in a limited understanding of women's human rights. One
explanation for this is that, like the domestic women's rights movement in the United States, the international
women's human rights movement began by focusing on perceived "shared experience" in an effort to maximize
support for the movement. Only in the last few years have activists begun to critically examine whether the
international women's human rights movement, as currently understood, can accommodate a complex, nuanced
understanding of human rights violations. n9

The predominant narrow, relatively static notion of women's human rights does not adequately reflect the
experience of women within minority racial or ethnic communities, lesbians, disabled women, or other women
who may experience discrimination or human rights violations as a result of both gender and another ground.
n10 In 1998, for example, members of the Indonesian ethnic majority raped a number of ethnically Chinese
women who constitute an ethnic minority in Indonesia. n11 These women suffered human rights violations,
including death threats and rape, based simultaneously on their gender and ethnicity. The international
community, however, largely failed to recognize abuses such as these as products of both racism and sexism.

[*74] The international human rights community historically has not responded to such human rights
violations as both violations of rights related to race or ethnicity and gender. "Neither the gender aspects of
racial discrimination nor the racial aspects of gender discrimination are fully comprehended within human rights
ADI
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ID Politics Bad
discourses." n12 This is due to both the theoretical framework of human rights and the fragmented structure
of human rights organizations and institutions, which divide responsibility for addressing human rights along
rigid substantive lines separating, for example, race and gender. n13 Indeed, the United Nations Office of the

High Commissioner for Human Rights observed, "The United Nations, governments, inter-governmental and non- governmental organizations have often addressed racial and gender discrimination as two separate problems, leaving women faced by multiple forms of discrimination unsure of where to turn for redress." n14 The current theoretical foundations, organizational structure, and practice of the United Nations and many nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) does not permit a nuanced human rights analysis that would account for multiple forms of human rights abuses occurring simultaneously.

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