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Ljubomir Kljakić

WHY THE QUESTION OF FUTURE STATUS OF KOSOVO AND


METOHIJA ACCTUALY IS THE QUESTION OF FUTURE
STATUS OF SERBIA AND WHY THE ANSWER IS THE KEY
TO OUR COMMON HUMAN FUTURE

1. The current and future status of Kosovo-Metohija is not, nor can it be, a sui
generis case. The ongoing talks about the current and future status of the Province are at the
same time the talks about the current and future status of the Republic of Serbia. Further,
these talks are also about the current and future configuration and character of the
international relations in genera and about the future configuration of world power in
particular. Thus, the future status of Kosovo and Metohija is, in fact, the question of future
status of the Republic of Serbia, but also a issue of critical momentum for the character and
features of future world affairs overall. Consequently, this is a world issue. And for this
reason it is fair to say – the question of the Republic of Serbia is a world question. In other
words, the Serbian question is a world question

2. Why is that so? That is so because the solution of current debates regarding the
future status of Kosovo and Metohija, or namely, the decisions to be taken about the status
of the Republic of Serbia and the Serbian question in general, will not be the last stage in the
decade long war for Yugoslav succession (1991 - 2001), as some protagonists of these
events quite dubiously claim. The very opposite is the case. That is to say, it is this solution
and these decisions, whatever they turn out to be, that will actually provide a conceptual
model and the initial momentum for a new cycle of regional, continental and world
transformations in international relations, international law and international affairs in
general. Whether such a conceptual model and initial momentum will further accelerate and
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amplify the present world transitional crisis or mark the exit from that crisis is contingent on
the character of the future status of Kosovo and Metohija and on decisions to be taken with
regard to the international status of the Republic of Serbia and the Serbian question.

3. To be concrete, should "independent Kosovo" – as the second Albanian state in


Europe – be unilaterally declared and should such illegal and illegitimate act earn the
recognition by some states, then this forcible and illegal fragmentation of the Republic of
Serbia will accelerate and amplify the world transition crisis. The "Kosovo model" wоuld
then strongly boost the potentials and aspirations of those who, by way of responding to the
epochal challenge of the world system historical demission, offer the new feudal world
order. Each protagonist of new feudalism – be they traditional, such as various secessionist
groups and movements worldwide, or modern, like global corporations – could then invoke
the "Kosovo model" as an example of how more smaller states can be proclaimed by mere
will and violence. Certain projections of this trend warn of a world partition into more than
400 states in the foreseeable future. Under such assumptions, the concentration of world
power would reach proportions unparalleled in our history. The ultimate impact of this
course of events is not difficult to imagine – a world crumbled into several hundred small
states and ruled by some or just one single global corporation with unlimited imperial power.
Such a world would be organized as a world corporate empire, a totalitarian world in which
the T.I.N.A (There Is No Alternative) dogma has reached its final goals. An unbearably bad
world.

4. But the opposite scenario can be similarly considered. If in attempts to resolve


the Kosmet crisis, a sustainable, long term solution, acceptable to all stakeholders and
based on international law is reached, it would set a model for resolving structurally
identical problems elsewhere and thus, the scope of the world transition crisis would be
significantly mitigated. The Kosmet crisis settlement plan put forward by the Republic of
Serbia is grounded in and developed on these assumptions. Although this fact is ignored,
there can be no doubt that this is an innovative proposal. A close and impartial observer
will easily note in it the influence of the very best that the modern history of political
theory and institutions has to offer, including the theory of governance and selfgovernance
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versus the theory of rule, as well as the concept of horizontal and vertical network relations
between different actors and levels of governance and selfgovernance. If the Republic of
Serbia’s plan for the Kosmet crisis settlement were affected and operationalized, then the
"Kosovo model" would become a blueprint for resolving structurally identical problems
worldwide. The scope of the world transition crisis would thus be substantially moderated
and the existing system of international relations and world power configuration could
enter an era of nonconflict innovation and reforms. The global impact of this process could
definitely be the establishment of sustainable principles of a world democratic republic,
and by no means a world corporate empire.

5. Therefore, the Kosmet crisis neither is nor can it be a sui generis case, a unique
case that is ideally isolated from the time and space entirety of the world in which it
emerged. After all, it is well known that ideally isolated cases in the system of international
relations are as impossible as ideally isolated laboratory experiments. However, what I
particularly wish to underline here is the fact that in both cases, the solution emanating from
current debates over the future Kosovo and Metohija status, namely decisions regarding the
status of the Republic of Serbia and the Serbian question, will set a conceptual framework,
model and a initial momentum for the next and new cycle of global transformations. Why?
Because we are dealing with one of those structural constant which substantially impact on
the dynamics of global processes. That this is a constant of substantial bearing on the
dynamics of global processes is clearly confirmed through 8.000 years of history – from the
days of the agrarian civilization of neolithic Vinča until today.

6. History has proved that the Balkan peninsula is one of the structural constants of
the world order and world power configuration. Given its geography, climate, history,
civilization, technology, culture, its social, psychological an, not least, ethical context, it is a
space where balance of oder and power configuration of world affairs is either set or upset.
The Balkans Peninsula is thus a medial structure of world affairs and their configuration.
Serbia has been lying at the very centre of this medial structure.
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7. If we visualize the Balkan Peninsula as a medial structure in the shape of an atom,


we will see that, in this simple image, Serbia's position is that of the atom's nucleus. As we
know, if the nucleus of an atom is subjected to the process of splitting or fission, the
consequence will be the release of an inordinate amount of uncontrolled destructive energy.
On the other hand, if the nucleus is exposed to fusion, the result is an equally enormous
volume of energy, however, controlled and non-destructive. In other words, if in line with
the trend of establishing a world corporate empire, the Republic of Serbia is subjected to
fission, a huge amount of uncontrolled and destructive energy will be released worldwide.
Conversely, if the trend of building a world democratic republic is pursued, and the
Republic of Serbia undergoes the process of fusion, immense, however, controlled and non-
destructive, i.e. creative human enery will be released worldwide.

8. At this moment, the world order, its institutes, the configuration of power and
international affairs in general are taking shape and becoming crystal clear at their focal
point from which either fission or fusion can be generated. This focal point is Serbia which
in our simple picture is placed at the nucleus of the Balkan Penisula median structure in
world affairs. As we know, the present moment in world affairs is just a stage in the so
called world conservative revolution launched in 1981 by Margaret Thatcher (British Prime
Minister from Maz 1979 to November 1990) and Ronald Reagan (U.S. President from
January 1981 to November 1989) within the coordinates of a new feudalism, its neoliberal
T.I.N.A doctrine ( There is no Alternative) and its world corporate empire.

9. At this point, it seems fitting that we remind ourselves of the fact that it was in
Kosmet indeed that one of the first episodes of the so-called world conservative revolution
took place. It was on March 26, 1981 when in Prishtina and other towns in the Province,
well organized and synchronized anti-Serb and anti-Yugoslav demonstrations of the
Albanian ethnic community broke out. The demonstrators' principal demand was voiced in
their slogan: Kosovo – Republic! The crisis triggered by these events has not ended to this
day. That is, it has been going on for 26 years. From the experience of these 26 years and the
knowledge we have today, especially about the so-called Operation Gladio in Italy and other
European countries, as well as about the Operation Condor in South America, it is evident
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that this crisis was induced and maintaned for 26 years as an instrument of subversive, cold-
war strategy of tension and the so-called false flag strategy, mastered to perfection in the
United States. In support of such conclusion, I would also like to mention the NATO pact
1972 phased plan for destabilizing and breaking up of Yugoslavia. The initial phase in the
implementation of this plan was to be organized and launched in Kosovo and Metohija. The
plan also envisaged that events to be initiated with the crisis in Kosovo and Metohija, should
be set in motion shortly after the death of Josip Broz Tito. And indeed, the events started as
mentioned on March 26, 1981, less than a year following Tito's death. This was one of the
first, if not the very first, episode of the so-called world conservative revolution, its new
feudalism and its world corporate empire. This cycle of transformations is presently at its
final point. Interestingly, the venue of this last, or one of the last episodes of the so-called
world conservative revolution is the place where it originally began in 1981 – Kosovo and
Metohija.

10. The visible shape of the current stage of the so-called world conservative
revolution and its world corporate empire is the building up of a next world power
configuration. Thus, after the experience of the tripartite world some thirty years ago, we are
once again witnessing the formation of a new, trilateral configuration of world power. By
contrast to the First, Second and the Third World of the seventies, the ongoing process is
shaping up through delicate tension in the partnership between the United States of America,
European Union, meaning the Federal Republic of Germany, and the Russian Federation.
Although this structure is not yet stabilized, it is interesting that its perspective is already
decided. On the horizon of future events we can see China, as well as India and probably
Brazil – where rich sources of oil were discovered just recently – which will transform this
trilateral configuration into a pentagonal or hexagonal shape some twenty years from now.

11. Anyway, the current phase transformation of world power in the visible part of
the historical spectrum is unfolding at the focal point and is manifested in the debate about
the present and future status of Kosovo and Metohija. The choice facing the United States of
America, European Union, meaning the Federal Republic of Germany, and the Russian
Federation in this matter is a simple choice with dramatically different consequences. It is a
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choice between fission and fusion, a choice between a world corporate empire and a world
democratic republic. For many years to come, our common human future will be determined
by this choice.

Note: Paper presented at the International Conference: Kosovo and Metohija as a Global Problem,
University of Belgrade Law School, 15 - 18 November, 2007, organized by the Student Parliament of
the Belgrade University School of Law; Friday, November 16, 2007, session entitled: Global
Perspectives; speakers at the session (by order of address) were: Ljubomir Kljakić, assistant Minister
for Kosovo i Metohija, Serbian Government; Prof. dr George Charles Thomas Raju, Marquette
University, Milwokee, Wisconsin, USA; Prof. dr Hakan Wiberg, Danish Institute for International
Studies, TFF; Prof. dr Slobodan Samardžić, University of Belgrade, Faculty of Political Sciences,
Minister for Kosovo i Metohija, Serbian Government.

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