| ANAKAINOSIS ! A Newsletter For Reformational Thought Volume Six, No. 1 September, 1983 Ground-Motive by Al Wolters "Ground-motive" is an expression coined by the translators of Herman Dooyeweerd to render the Dutch word grondmotief. It designates a fundamental category in Dooyeweerd's thought, referring to the struc~ ture of the religious depth-dimension which underlies all human thought and culture. It may be helpful, especially to the English- speaking student of Dooyeweerd's work, to make a number of observa- tions about the Dutch word grondmotief. To begin with, it should be pointed out that Dooyeweerd did not at first use this term, but initially preferred the expression grondthema, “fundamental theme." The first major statement of his theory of the four ground-motives of Western culture is contained in an article pub- lished in Patlosophia Reformata in 1941, under the title "De vier religieuze grondthema's in den ontwikkelingsgang van het wijsgeerig denken van het Avondland," (The four religious fundamental themes in the development of philosophical thought in the West). The sub-title of this article ("A contribution toward determining the relationship between theoretical and religious dialectic") is also significant, since it alludes to the fact that in this article Dooyeweerd conceives of the "fundamental themes" as playing a pivotal role in relating theory and religion. It is via these grondthema's that religion in- fluences theoretical thought. In the course of the 1940's, however, Dooyeweerd abandoned the term grondthema in favour of grondmotief. In a series of guest lectures which he gave at the Technical University of Delft in the academic year 1946-1947, the switch has already been made.! That this was a recent innovation at the time is shown by the lectures of his fol- lower S.U. Zuidema, who also lectured in Delft during this year, and who still consistently uses the older term grondthema.2 Thereafter both Dooyeweerd and his disciples (not Vollenhoven, who never adopted the theory) regularly use grondmotief. What accounts for the change? As far as I know, Dooyeweerd never explicitly gives an account of his reasons for the change in his usage, but it is not difficult to guess what prompted it. The Dutch word motief, like its cognates in other European languages, is am- biguous: it can mean both "motif" (i.e. "theme") and "motive" (i.e.“griving force"). By using it Dooyeweerd can make the point that his ground-motives refer not only to a recurrent pattern in phil- osophical thought, but also to a deeper and more encompassing re- ligious power which motivates human life in general. It is by ex- ploiting this latter connotation of the word that Dooyeweerd can make the point which he so often stresses, that ground-motives are rel- igious driving forces which precede theory and are at the root of entire civilizations. This is a emphasis which is particularly evident in his Roote of Western Thought, first written in the years 1945-1948. R.J. Rushdoony is therefore right when he points out, in his Introduction to Dooyeweerd's In the Twilight of Weetern Thought (Nutley, N.J., 1965), that the second element in "ground-motive" connotes underlying motivation, but ke is wrong to suggest that the meaning "motif" is thereby excluded. The point of Dooyeweerd's use of the word mottef is precisely that it can carry both meanings. As a matter of fact, it is the second sense which is usually the operative one in the compound form grondmotief. This compound is not a word listed in Dutch dictionaries, but it is not at all uncommon in Dutch academic literature, where it almost invariably means "basic theme" or "fundamental motif," without any connotation of motivation or power. This is its meaning, for example, when Vollenhoven speaks of the grondmotteven of Scriptural philosophy in his work Calviniem and the Reformation of Philosophy,4 when Herman Ridderbos refers to the grondmotieven of Paul's thought in his book Paul: An Outline of hie Theology® or when Jan Veenhof entitles the major chapter of his dis— portee nee "Grondmotieven in Bavinck's Views on Revelation and Scrip- ture." The language of Dutch academics here parallels or reflects (as so often) the usage of their German neighbours. Like its Dutch counter-part, German Grundmotiv is not listed in the dictionaries, but occurs quite frequently in scholarly prose. For example, we find the following sentence in Richard Harder's authoritative introduction to Enneads I, 6 by Plotinus: "Ausserlich gesehen fasst Plotin zwei platonische Grundmotive zusammen, die Erotik und die Kathartik..,"'7 where the Grundnotive refer to the "fundamental themes" of love and purification in Plato. Viewed against the background of the regular meaning of both grond- motief and its German cognate,8 it is all the more striking that Dooyeweerd deliberately introduces into his use of the compound the other meaning of mottef, namely “driving force." In doing so he is forging a new technical term, with a meaning peculiar to his own philosophy, in the time-honored manner of philosophers from Aristotle (cf. kategorta) to Heidegger (cf. Dasein). It is noteworthy that Dooyeweerd is not alone among twentieth-century European thinkers to make "ground-motive" a fundamental category of his thought. The Lutheran theologian Anders Nygren (born in 1890, four years before Dooyeweerd) uses the Swedish term grundmotiv in a technical sense which has some striking analogies with Dooyeweerd'susage. Nygren is the chief advocate of the scholarly program of ‘motif research" (Swedish motivforekning) in intellectual history, the best-known example of which is his own monumental work Eroe and Agape (Swedish 1930-36: English 1939 and 1953). In a brief encyclopedia article entitled Motivforskning, Nygren summarizes his views as follows: Motif reeearch in the humanities and theology aims at pen- etrating behind the garment of ideas in which a conception presents itself, and to pinpoint what is constitutive for it. Considered from the outside, an idea may appear the same with- in different conceptions; in actual fact its meaning becomes completely different according to whether it is put in one context or another, whether it gives expression to one fund- amental conception or another. Therefore to gain full clarity about the real meaning of even a single idea, we must see it against the background of the overall structure of the con- ception into which it enters. This is the task which motif research undertakes; it could therefore also be designated as structural analysis. It has two senses.We can (1) inquire after the fundamental motif (grundmotiv) in a particular thinker's conception; he usually has something which is cen- tral and foundational for him, a nucleus as it were around which his other ideas group themselves and from which they receive their characteristic stamp. We can (2) inquire after the fundamental motif (grundmotiv) in a larger historical context. Grundmotiv in this sense then signifies a total attitude of life, characteristically distinct from other total attitudes of life.--Motif research has been widely prac- tised especially in contemporary theology. By way of example we can refer to the difference between the love motif of Hellenism and that of Christianity.9 What is remarkable about Nygren's use of the term grundmotiv (ren dered "fundamental motif " in the English translation of his magnum opus) is that it can refer to an attitude of life which dominates and gives meaning to the themes and ideas of intellectual history, and that he works this out especially with respect to the conflct and synthesis of the "ground-motives" of biblical Christian and pagan Greek thought in the Western tradition (represented by Agape and Eros). All of this is strongly reminiscent, despite obvious differences, of Dooyeweerd's approach to the intellectual history of the West. Even the ambiguity of the term (both intellectual and fundamentally attitudinal) is found in both thinkers. Was Dooyeweerd perhaps influenced by Nygren? As far as I know there is only circumstantial evidence which might suggest this, but it is certainly striking that Nygren published a book entitled Filoeofé och motivforekning ("Philosophy and Motif Research") in 1940, one year before Dooyeweerd's article on the four grondthema's of the West, and six years before his adoption of term grondmotief with its pe- culiar double meaning. Given the fact that Dooyeweerd was working in Nazi-occupied Holland in the years 1940-45, when scholarly com- munication with other countries were virtually cut off, and that he did not have a command of the Swedish language, we can probably rule out direct intellectual filiation. Yet the parallels between hisdoctrine of grondmotif and Nygren's of grundmotiv remain startling, and must have something to do with the common European intellectual milieu, largely dominated by German thought, in which the Dutch and the Swedish thinkers both lived and moved prior to World War II. Footnotes 1 H. Dooyeweerd, "Sociologie," in Stichting Studium Generale aan de Technische Hoogeschool te Delft, Syllabus 1946-1947 (Delft, 1947), pp. 131-178, esp. 140-148. ‘The lectures are reprinted in H. Dooyeweerd, Verkenntngen in de wijsbegeerte,de soctologie en de rechtswetenschap (Amsterdam, 1962), pp. 67-146. S.U. Zuidema, "Huidige .existentiephilosophie" in syllabus 1946-1947, pp. 87-100, esp. 96, 98. Op. cit., Dp. xv. Het Calvinteme en de Reformatie van de Wijebegeerte (Amsterdam, 1933), p. 22, cf. 49. Grand Rapids, 1975. The phrase "ground motif" of the English translation (p. 49) reflects grondmotief in the Dutch original. Revelatie en Inspiratie (Amsterdam, 1968), p. 250, cf. 141. Plotins Schriften, lbersetzt von Richard Harder. Neubearbeitung mit griochischem Lesotext und Ammerkungen. Bd. Ib. (Hamburg, 1956), p. 366. On the Dutch and German use of the term see J. Stellingwerff, "problemen van het historisme," in Perspectief. Feestbundel van de Jongeren bij het vijfentwintig jartg bestaan van de vereniging voor Calvintetteche wijsbegeerte (Kampen, 1961), pp. 216-220. See the article in svensk Uppelagebok. Second edition. Band 20 (Malnd, 1960). (my translation)The Socio-economic Thought of Francis Wayland by Bob Wauzzinski The following contribution vas prepared in the context of the author's work on a doctoral thesia to be entitled The Relationship of Evan- gelicalism and the Industrial Revolution, 1820-1914 It deals with the thought of Francie Wayland (1796-1865), a leading evangelical intellectual, who was for many years president of Brown University in Providence, Rhode Ieland. Wayland considered himself to be a Democrat and a Puritan.l As a teacher of jurisprudence, he often extolled the virtue of Chief Justice Marshall, Alexander Hamilton and Daniel Webster.2 Given this Democratic bent, Wayland welcomed all socio/economic classes to Brown. However, to understand Wayland's socio/economic moorings, one must understand more fully the worldview propagated by Wayland while he was at Brown. In looking at Wayland's economic views, one can discern a moderate Yankee spirit of libertarian individualism. This spirit did not denigrate the function of government, it extolled, rather, the rights and responsibilities of the individual. A) The Elements of Political Economy: The Triumph of Utilitarianism The Elemente of Politieal Beonomy was published seven years after Wayland's death. . Although the book only sold. approximately 14,000 copies when it was published, it became a standard for economic studies on the eastern seaboard. According to Wayland, political economy is the study or systematic arrangement of God's universal laws concerning wealth. Wealth is defined as any object or service capable of gratifying a desire. If one possesses many goods or services, he is believed to be rich, while if one possesses few articles he is deemed poor.3 However, the sheer amassing of goods is not the only criterion used to determine wealth. Following such classical economists as Smith and Ricardo, Wayland suggested that wealth is more properly defined as value or utility. The value or utility of a good concerns the pleasure, satisfaction or need fulfillment derived from the production or consumption of a good or service. Clearly, Wayland borrowed heavily from the classical school for his formulation of value theory. He maintained that, "The DEGREE (em- phasis his, hereafter e.h.) of intrinsic value of any substance de- pends upon the NATURE (e.h.) and the NUMBER (e.h.) of the desires - which it can gratify."4 In addition to the implied subjectivism, whereby an article's value is determined by one's internal pre- dilection, one should also note the emphasis placed upon the psych- ological and quantitative aspects of value. Classical theorists needed to account for the origin of the value of the consumed good. The value of the consumed good originates in the consumer's desire as demonstrated by his willingness to purchase a good, according to both Wayland and the classical economists. Furthermore, Wayland accepted the classical school's definition of the theory of labor value. This theory maintained that the degree 5of value of a produced good depends upon the amount and skill that are necessary to create a given product. Wayland said of this labor theory of value that, "it ALONE (e.h.) enters into computation in fixing exchangable value. Thus, the exchangable value of iron and of gold depends upon the...labor which must be employed in pre~ paring them to gratify desire."5 However, simple internal predilection seemed to be too vague a found- ation for an entire field of science such as economics. Other theorists, like Jeremy Bentham and J.S. Mill, believed that a mere subjectivistic definition of value was too amorphous and potentially misleading. Desiring® the recognition won by other natural sciences, these theorists endeavored to become more "objective." The re- solution of this dilemma came when Bentham et al., reestablished the science of economics upon the foundation of mathematics. With this change, desires could be counted, weighed, measured and tallied. More about this in a moment. Given Wayland's acceptance of these value theories, he faced a problem. How could he account for creation's undefined potentials and their relationship to value? Isn't gold, for example, precious because it has created intrinsic value imparted to it before human hands touch it? Therefore, hasn't God imputed value into the creation be- fore human labor can transform the raw materials? In confronting these questions, Wayland was forced to contradict him- self. He believed that God had placed latent value in raw material. However, this created value can only be fully realized when the con- sumer actually purchases a good. On the one hand, he talked of in- trinsic value, while speaking of value realized in consumption. Re- solution of this dilemma involves either believing in the value added theory, whereby latent value is more fully realized by the con- sumer's purchase, or believing that the consumer simply actualizes the latent value of a product by his purchase. Wayland can not be consistent and say, on the one hand, that God has given value to the creation, while saying at the same time that this value's degree de- pends upon the human wants that it can satisfy. Moreover, by accepting the labor theory of value, Wayland reduced, the worker's value to the labor that was imparted to a product. In our opinion, value comes from being made in the image of God. The reduction of the worker's value to his economic activity, comes dangerously close to idolatry. Human meaning, dignity and worth greatly exceeds "the works of men's hands." Furthermore, even if one were to grant that Wayland was not speaking of the total value of the worker, the value that a laborer brings to a job vastly ex- ceeds his product input. Thus, we maintain that Wayland was an economic subjectivist. Man is the value producer. Prior to the process of capital transformation, the science of political economy could not calculate and quantify any form of value. They could only calculgte the augmentation, cither of the amounts, or of the degree of value.Now we shall return to Utilitarianism's place in the development of the science of economics. For the Utilitarians, value could be equated with utility or human happiness. They believed that happiness and pain governed all that people do. It was Bentham who said, "Nature has placed mankind under the governance of two sovereign masters, pain and pleasure. It is for them alone to point out what we ought to do, as well as to determine what we shall do. On the one hand the standard of right and wrong, on the other hand the chain of causes and effects are fastened to their throne."8 Utilitarianism not only had moral absolutes, it developed a morality that could be calculated or calibrated to determine the relationship between morality and happiness. Utilities or specific bits of de- sired happiness, could and should be numbered so as to ascertain in- dividual and collective utility. Bentham says, "Sum up all the values of all the pleasures on one side, and all those of pain on the other. The balance, if it be on the side of pleasure, will be the GOOD (e.h.) tendency of the act upon the whole, with respects to the interests of that INDIVIDUAL (e-h.) person...Sum up the numbers expressive of the degree of GOOD (e.h.) tendency with respect to each individual...and you will ascertain the GOOD (e.h.) upon the whole."9 The quotes betray the presence of the felicific calculus and its re- lationship to social utility. Using the individual as the primary social unit, utility could be determined for an entire society. Groups, if they did exist, owed such existence to the individual. Indeed, for Bentham, the community is a fictitious body composed only of individuals who constitute a given group or society.10 Possession and consumption of goods and services increased one's utility, according to the Utilitarians. Thus, if possession and consumption increased one's utility, more individual possession and consumption would further increase one's utility and morality. Re- member, utility is the state of affairs that one had to pursue. This state is reached via consumption. Thus, morality dictated, for the Utilitarian that one must consume in order to secure utility or happiness. Goudzwaara says of this morality, "Thus, it becomes evi- dent how the relationship between prosperity and morality has come full circle, The only valid moral principle in life is equated with the acquisition of the greatest number of utilities. In addition, goods are positive factors of utility, and labor is a negative factor of utility. As we have alluded to in previous paragraphs, Wayland acquiesced to such Utilitarian formulas. Happiness and morality are equated with the calculable means of consuming and producing more acquired cap- ital. "The greater the share of these products which falls to the lot of each individual, the greater are the means of physical happiness in his possession."12° The same equation holds true for one's labor. “If a man increases his labor ten times, there will be ten times more value created and thus ten times more enjoyment or happiness."13 Thus, one can see Wayland's accommodation to a utilitarian calculus, The morality of this calculus will become clearer, hopefully, in sub- sequent analysis.Of course, Wayland was not a crass hedonist.14 He did not believe that one's total happiness solely increased with the acquisition of more material goods. He fought for frugality, fair wages and justice for the laborers, while warning against all extravagance. Nevertheless, as we will soon note, he contradicted himself when he attempted to re- late his moral science to his views on political economy. The barriers erected in his views of moral science, against more acquisitiveness, are constantly being inveighed upon, by necessity, because of his de- sire to maximize utility. The following quote seems to typify this contradiction: "Every man is permitted to enjoy, (via consumption) in the most unlimited manner, the advantages of his labor...gaining all that he can."15 Nevertheless, "the habit of benevolence tends to moderate and correct the intense love of gain."!6 "Perhaps the habit or motto, for example, of gaining all that you can while you give a- way all that you can, motivated Henry Ford, and other entrenreneurs, to forget about economic justice while preaching charity."17 Wayland extended his concept of utility to cover his analysis of the class structure. Following the classical's lead, Wayland defined a class by its relationship to the function that it held in the pro- duction process. Capitalists and laborers each had their own spec~ ialized function within the overall production process. This spec- ialization, and its concomitant process--division of labor, became the modern basis for the creation of utility and increased productivity. Like the classical economists, Wayland believed that labor was a disutility while, as we have mentioned, consumption was a utility. He maintained that the advent of labor came about in a postlapsarian state. That is, labor's inception didn't occur until after the fall. After the fall, humanity is cursed and therefore work becomes painful, boring and dangerous-per se! Indeed, humanity is entangled in an impossible dilemma: we must work in order to maintain ourselves in the world. However, while working we feel the crushing weight of God's displeasure, according to Wayland. Accordingly, he says, "The uni- versal law of our existence is: ‘In the sweat of thy face thou shalt eat thy bread, '"18 One can not deny that work can be boring, troublesome and at times, dangerous. However, Wayland confused a fallen or a cursed situation with a prelapsarian state of blessing. In our opinion, the first two chapters of Genesis portray the act of labor as being a pleasant and’ a creative assignment; one given to humanity, by God, for his glory and human benefit. Labor's faithful execution was considered to be part of mankind's imaging of God the Creator. Labor was not tobe effortless, however, neither was it deemed to be a disutility. Wayland believed that postlapsarian labor yields great blessings. Labor imparts strength to the mind and heaith to the soul, a "just" reward for day's work and a developing interdependence between labor and capital.20 This is a lot to expect from a fallen situation! Wayland attempted to address and stimulate the working class. He argued that the greater the ratio of capital to labor, the higher will be the wages of the laborer, and therefore, the stimulus for hard work will be greater. Thus, hard work would increase the laborer‘s shareof the fruits of the production process. According to Wayland, "the laboring classes are really more interested in the increase of cap- ital than aré the wealthy class."21 He therefore, encouraged working class thrift, and with this the creation of future utility. More- over, Wayland took it for granted that the wealthy would never waste their substance on anything as unproductive as luxury. Theologically, Wayland believed that there is a positive relationship between utility, production and the work of the institutional church. "The circulation of the Scriptures, the increase of Sabbath schools and the preaching of the gospel are of the very greatest importance of a country."22 We return to the relationship of morality to consumption. Wayland, argued that consumption is a universal law created by God, whereby the destruction of value or utility occurs when one uses or consumes an item. One had to (in the sweat of his face) labor in order to produce utility before one could consume it. However, when one consumes an item, the utility of that item is forever destroyed. One ought to, and must consume in order to gratify necessary desires (food, clothing) or moral desires (benevolence). More frighteningly, Wayland related the theories of utility and con- sumption to the laborer. Like many of his day, Wayland viewed the laborer as a means to the end of production. If a laborer was in- jured on the job, the primary harm done was not the damage done to the laborer. Rather, the chief concern to Wayland was the industrial dis- ruption caused by the loss of work time.23 Furthermore, the production process dictated the supply of labor that was to be present in a fac- tory. Either the oversupply or undersupply of labor destroyed the division of labor, reduced industrial efficiency and therefore created worker idleness. The greatest amount of universal happiness would occur when labor was used (thus consumed by capital) or hired in the most efficient manner for the realization of profit maximization.24 Thus, efficiency and the dictates of the production process took pre~ cedence over the humanity of the laborer. Wayland fell prey to a form of nationalistic chauvinism. This form of nationalism was tied to his doctrine of utility. Civilization he maintained, advances through the gratification of the greatest, number of human desires that can be met within God's moral framework. Moreover, western superiority over "savage" nations can be determined by, for example, the amount and maintenance of fixed capital. Ac- cordingly, he once said, "we...see that the advantages which we enjoy over savage nations result...from a greater possession of fixed cap- ital or pre-exerted industry...Hence savages can only barter inferior goods...An Indian who exchanges pelts...for a rifle, powder and bullets has improved his conditions."26 Paralleling the currently held form of nuclear realism, Wayland once said of gunpowder, "It has a moral advantage over other methods of slaughter...(because) since its introduction wars have been con- ducted on a more humane principle...Besides, the more energetic the means of destruction in war, the less is the loss of life in battle."27 With the advent of the Civil War, Wayland was forced to reconsider this position!Wayland incorporated Adam Smith's wage theory. Smith believed that wages were advanced to the workers in anticipation of sales. Wages could not be increased unless the surplus capital exceeded that of the fruits of fixed capital. Surplus capital was determined by, among other things, savings and sales. In the short run, a given number of workers and a fixed amount of savings could be combined, along with the products of fixed capital, for a minimum or average wage. In the long run, the supply of labor was related to the minimum living stan— dard needed to marginally sustain the labor force. Wayland inter- preted this doctrine according to his Utilitarian bent. Accordingly, he said, "Hence the minimum price of wages does not depend upon the will of employers, but upon those psychological laws which regulate the existence of man."28 Furthermore, according to this theory wages dictated the extent of the population. In the long run, the level of the demand for labor was believed to determine the wage level, which in turn was determined by the amount of savings. Thus, frugality and savings helped dictate the future size of capital's return as well as the size of the population. Wayland imbibed David Ricardo's theory of rents. According to this theory, as population rises, greater amounts of inferior soil are brought under cultivation, thus causing the yields to fall in quantity and quality. Under these conditions, rent is determined by the mar- ginal utility, or the latest yield, of the last parcel of inferior soil used. Since labor costs remain the same for all quantities of land, the land owner is forced, at the greatest point of marginal utility, to cease cultivation as profits begin to diminish. However, as population is still rising, demand is increasing, which in turn causes prices to rise. Hence, with less money and food, the worker is forced to reduce his family size. In accepting this doctrine, Wayland fell prey, at this point to the same economic pessimism that pervaded David Ricardo's thought.30 The economic pessimism and rigidity naturally extended to their theories about population growth in the long run. B) The Elements of Moral Setence: The Ascendancy of A Nature/Grace World View. Wayland divided the study of moral science between the theoretical study of moral or natural law and the practical application of ethical principles. The former included the laws of nature, mathematics and jurisprudence; while the latter included his thoughts on piety and benevolence. According to Wayland, moral action is voluntary and intentional. While voluntary, moral obligation is universally binding as it owes its origin to God. Moral obligation produces, if correctly dis- charged, the greatest amount of happiness or utility for al1.31 Universal moral law externally bore down upon human consciousness according to Wayland, because it was naturally part of the divinly established impinging constitution of the universe. It was so placed, through the Agency of Divine Will. In appealing to the Divine Will, as written into the fabric of the universe, one could appeal to the restraining and compelling force of natural law. Reason was the agency that located and obeyed the dictates of moral or nat- ural law. Divine rational authority, thus, had a parallel and a re- 10ceptor in human reason which could faithfully determine and execute the dictates of moral law. Natural law lead to natural religion or "the light of nature," ac- cordine to Wayland. The light of nature was universally available to men of good conscience and intellect. This light of nature was shed abroad by the "Universal First Cause."32 The First Cause made and designed a rational universe to aid us in our morality and science and thus to lead us to duty and rationality. The reward for moral obedience was, of course, happiness or utility. Combining his moralistic and utilitarian emphasis Wayland wrote, "If we do. good we are rewarded and it we fail we are punished and therefore receive Pain. Of course, the exclusive practice of natural religion was insufficient for the Christian. As a Calvinist, Wayland had to condemn pagan ethics to some degree. He believed that such ethics were deficient in sev- eral respects. First, there isn't enough motivational power to sus- tain one's duty. Secondly, especially with the Greeks, reason is too speculative and esoteric and therefore, beyond the reach of the common person. Next, natural religion only spoke of universal laws and not of specific acts of obedience. Finally, and most poignantly, since pagan ethics can trace its inception to human reason, it_is, therefore, "worldly" and needs to be crowned by revealed religion."34 Revealed religion perfects and complements natural religion. Revealed religion also motivates and empowers one to fulfill the law's demands. Revealed religion, in its scriptural form, presents a clearer, hence more factual, picture of moral duty, while at the samé time, har- monizing with natural religion qua anticipatory religion. Speaking of the anticipatory character of all natural laws, Wayland said, "each one of these anticipations furnishes a distinct 2 priori pre- sumption in favor of the truth of revealed religion."95 How can one be sure, however, that the scriptures are true? "It is by the general laws of evidence that the present proofs of the authenticity for the scriptures as a capstone to natural religion can be demonstrated." Hence, universal yet common reason can establish the need for, vindicate and validate the authenticity of the scriptures. Isn't it a joyful day when the Word of God can be determined to be free of error, before the tribunal of human reason. Wayland's Utilitarianism was extended to include one's obligation to be benevolent. To practice benevolence, was to experience greater utility or happiness. Benevolence, one may remember, limited, more- over, one's acquisitiveness. "It is my constitution that both en- ables me and limits me in the enjoyment that I may employ."9? Fur- thermore, benevolence is the practical demonstration of self denial and philanthropy which increased one's utility. Benevolence was the highest natural virtue. Wayland, it seems, suffered from a dualistic view of the relationship of grace, as revealed in the scriptures, to nature or natural religion. His usage of the Aristotelian notion of a First Cause betrays his rationalistic a priori. Rational people could commonly attest to and obey, to a limited extent, the dictates of natural law through their awreason and conscience. Through his relatively autonomous, self-suf- ficient reason, and because of his felicific calculus, man was deemed capable to moral good apart from grace or revealed religion. Indeed, revealed religion only crowned the virtues of the light of nature. The light of nature, autonomously conceived, was simultaneously equated with the natural laws of God and thé laws of reason.®! Wayland had succeeded in bridging the gap that his father could not cross. The "lower" areas of life, and their concomitant virtues, could be coupled with and perfected by, revealed religion or grace. This ontological chauvinism enabled him to be both a vigorous sup- porter of public education (where common factual reason reigned) and an enthusiastic supporter of revivalism (where grace perfected the ways of the world). In his practical ethics, Wayland thought of himself as a Democrat and a Puritan. Morality couldn't be legislated and personal liberty was supreme. “Society is composed of individuals and hence socicty can have no other rights than individual rights."40 Thus, a person ought to have, at least the final say over the use of his faculties. Ac- cordingly, he opposed slavery, defined justice and reciprocity. Wayland was an enthusiastic proponent of private property. It was a social absolute and its use must be guaranteed by social contract. Private property demands the "exclusive enjoyment of the benefits of my labor...The more rigidly contracts are observed, the more capital will multiply, the greater will be the inducements to industry and stronger willbe the barriers against extravagance, vice and barbar- ism." His theory of society was divided between reflections on simple and civil society. The former was rooted in a social contract, which in turn was based upon conscience; while the latter, or civil society, was instituted by God and expressed in the local, state and federal government. Simple society became the basis of voluntary associations which civil society could never coerce or form. Moreover, as all civil authority ultimately resided in the individual, society's (simple and civil) job is to protect private property, redress the wrongs done to the individual and guard the sacredness of contract.‘ Individuals, in turn, contractually bind themselves to a republican form of gover- nment and thereby agree tg,pay for and obey the government as long as the compact is fulfilled. The sovereignty of God is replaced, in the social contract theory, with popular sovereignty. Natural law theorists, in breaking with the theocratic ideals of the middle ages, exalted the Individual over the Group or Corpus Christum. Society is, e.g., nothing but the partner- ship of individuals, who remain individuals, while at the same time constituting themselves into a sovereign body.* Finally, Wayland's moralism affected his view of soteriology. He main- tained that conversion is "an entire change in moral affections.” Christ came, according to this schema, to perfectly subject himself to the demands of God's moral law and thereby magnify and honor the law of God. As the Word made flesh, Christ's death and resurrection thus enables sinners to be moral.’° This relatively myopic view obscures 12the effect that Christ had upon creation through his ever-coming kingdom. Moreover, his moralism reinforces the compartmentalization of religion by reducing redemption to an internal, moral affair. C) The Elemente of Intellectual Philosophy: ‘The Victory of Common Sense Realism. Having looked at Wayland's views concerning political economy and morality, we now turn our attention to his philosophical reflections. We have seen Wayland's accommodation, in his economic theories, to several Utilitarian notions, which in turn were correlated with pro- minent tenets of classical economic theory. Moreover, his views on moral science seemed to be erected upon dualistic, nature/grace axioms. Through unearthing the foundational presuppositions of his thought, we have endeavored to demonstrate both his accommodation to current thought forms and the pervasiveness of these axioms for nineteenth century thought. Wayland's trinity of accommodation is completed with his acceptance of some of the central tenets of Common Sense Realism (C.S.R.). Ac~ cordingly, he said, "There is a world outside of us and a world in- side of us...both are given to us by the principle of our constitution as ultimate facts."46 The mind links, according to C.S.R., the inner world and its qualities with the outer world. Following C.S.R., Way- land maintained that the proper job of philosophy is to observe phen- omena and their interrelationships and then relate this correlated material to the universal, natural laws to which they are subjected. Empirically based, philosophy was supposed to be anti-speculative in practice. There are, at least, two dualisms that characterize Wayland's version of C.S.R. There is the mind/body dualism whereby the mind, as a Lockean sheet of blank paper, was believed to be rational, "spiritual" and bound to a soul, while the body was thought to be natural, material and hence "inferior."47 Accordingly, an object is presented to our brain by our senses. A neurological response automatically produced the act of "knowing. Knowing was believed to be the interrelationship of external objects with one's senses; the senses finding their cul- mination in reason. Moreover, there is a spirit/matter dualism where- by the mind, as "spiritual," receptive and creative, transcends yet shapes the oxternal stimuli.” Like Reid, Wayland rejected the equation of the knowability of the essence of an object with the human act of perception. He maintained that one can only know the primary and secondary qualities or pro- gerties of an object or event. The correlation of our senses and reason can not deceive us. If we are deceived, it is because of an improperly drawn inference. In accepting Reid's version of C.S.R., Wayland rejected Berkloy's idealism,49 and Locke's semi-materialism.°0 In rejecting Locke, on this point, Wayland attempted to provide a justifiable method that when properly operative, could attempt to prove God's existence. Wayland's accommodation to C.S.R. also forced him into a Redian ver- sion of epistemological individualism. Accordingly, "the knowledgg which we acquire by perception is always of individual entities."” 13Not only-does perception yield individual entities called propositions, but beliefs are ontologically unique and indivisible. Such absolute individualism is readily amenable, and perhaps forms the basis of, his economic views, social contract theories and theories of justice. Finally, reason is, for Wayland, necessary or universally binding. As we have noted, this fact forced Wayland to maintain that reason was common, forceful and self-evident. As such, reason can validate, propel and grant authenticity to scientific reflection and moral action. This arbitrary elevation of one human function to such an authoritative position lead Wayland to equate reason's function with the laws of God for creation.°% Continuing on such an optimistic note, Wayland maintained of common rationality's study of natural law that ..-"the study of the ideas of God is not as likely to elevate and ex- pand the mind as much as the study of the ideas of Virgil, Horace or Homer. I would also add, of Plato." Critique and Conclusion Any evaluation of Wayland's economic doctrines must take into account the historical realities of the period. Basically, classical econ- omics was "the only game in town."55 If a principled man such as Way- land wanted to relate his faith to economics, the classical model was his only viable alternative. In light of this fact, our critique is aimed at some of the modern Evangelicals who accept without question some of the basic axioms of Capitalism. current pragmatic economic realism differs greatly from Ricardo's pessimism and Wayland's optimistic pessimistic mixture. The mod- ern welfare state vastly exceeds the expectations of Ricardo, Smith or Wayland. Society has made some progress, while the predicted bitter disputes between landowner, capitalists and wageearner (with landowner winning) have either never developed; or if they have, their results have been less than apocalyptic. However, the spirit and some fundamental axioms of Wayland's thought have become embedded, perhaps unconsciously, in the worldview of Evang- elicalism. His life and individualistic ethic seemed to beg for nineteenth century acceptance. After gaining such acceptance, this spirit seems to have reverberated throughout much of America's self- perception. Moreover, his version of the "gospel of wealth and benevolence" seems to foreshadow later America at its worst and best. Economic growth, virtually unlimited resources, scientific progress, as well as such charitable projects as the rescue missions and phil- anthropic foundations, have become the vehicles of both the eating and sharing one's Mammonistic cake. In using classical theories of wage, rent and utility, Wayland was condemning himself to irrelevancy. The birth rate would drop in America not because of declining wages, but because of the process of industrialization. This process, demanding both mass consumption and mass production, forced industrializing society into an un- expected and troublesome problem--gluts. Gluts or unused, stored or warehoused goods caused by inadequate consumption, became one of the chief causes of modern unemployment. Given the advent of such gluts, the Utilitarian ship of consumption demanded that any re- maining Christian barnacles be stripped, and thereby be made to 14float more freely into the "utopia" of deficit spending. Wayland paved the way for such hedonism, albeit unwittingly, through his accommodation to Utilitarianism. Similar to his demonstrated views on morality and economics, Wayland remained a subjectivist in part, as can be seen when one surveys his basic philosophical categories. Common Sense Realism guaranteed that an internal rational/empirical source, which called forth an autonomous, universally valid, dualistic worldview, could function as a common light for all men. Reason, as aided by a self-concious empiricism, could guarantee factuality or scientific certainty; while morality, which was itself rationally inspired, ensured moral principles or value absolutes. Morality and rational empiricism, with the former being superior, mutually complemented and supplemented each other. This stance, in our opinion, undercut any epistemological contention that the notion of sola seriptura could be or was of primary im- portance for the relationship of faith and science, and that com- plex in turn, to life. Bob Wauszineki te a doctoral etudent at the University of Pitteburgh. lite addrese is Box 595, Chatham College, Pittsburgh, Pa., U.S.A. 15232 Footnotes 1 Francis Wayland Jr. and H.L. Wayland, A Memoir of the bife and Labore of Francis Wayland, D.D., LL.D., Two Vols., (New York: Sheldon and Co., 1867), Vol. 11, p.27. 2 Memoir., Vol. 1, p-242. 3 Francis Wayland, The Elements of Political eonomy, (Boston: Gould and Lincoln, 1872), p.16. 4 thia., p.16. 5 [bid., p.19. of. 20, 24. © Jacob Viner, "Viner on Bentham and Mill." p.211F. in Henry W Spiegel ed.’ The Development of Economie Thought. (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1952). 7 Polétical Eoonomy, p.32. cf. pp.19,24. 8 Jeremy Bentham, The Principles of Morals and Legislation (New York: Hafner Publishing Co., 1962), p.1. 9 thia., p.31. 10 tpid., p.3. 44 Bob Goudzwaard, Capitaliom and Progress, trans. by Josina Van 1512 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 16 Nuis Zylstra (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1979), p.31. Political Eeonomy., p.33. Ibid., p.57. Cf. his "The Perils of Riches" in his Sermone to the Churches (New York: Blakeman Co., 1858), pp.211, 213, 218, 220, 238-239. Political Zeonomy, p.108. cf. pp. 93-98, 113, 125. Ibid., p.386. Cf. Reinhold Niebuhr, "How Philanthropic Is Henry Ford?" in Love and Justice., ed. by D.B. Robertson (Philadelphia: West- minster Press, 1958), pp. 98, 100, 101, 104, 108. Political Economy, p.106. For a discussion of the relationship of the image of God to labor, nature and the postlapsarian curse see, Meredith G. Kline, Images of the Spirit, pp. 13-34, 38, 59, 70, 98. For an cconomist gritique of labor as disutility see, Bob Goudzwaard, op cit., pp. 31f., 140f., 241f. Political Economy, p.33. We can not detect anywhere in Wayland's work, a sufficiently developed doctrine of creation. Given its operative presence, Wayland could have argued for such benefits. However, such results would not originate from a postlapsarian Promethean will. Rather, this development would owe its in- ception to the creational potentialities of the earth and to the task, and e.g. the possibilities, that God has given humanity in the task of the unfolding of His creation. Ibid., p.125. Ibid., p.131. Ibid., p.376. Tbid., p.373-374, Ibid., p.377. Ibid., p.40-41. Ibid., p.64, 65. Ibid., p.292,29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 aL 42 43 44 45 46 a7 For Wayland's mirror-like restatement of this position cf. op. cit., 291-298, 301-303. Ibid., p.341-350. cf, Robert L. Heilbroner, The Worldly Philo- sophers., (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1972), p.92-101. Francis Wayland, The Blements of Moral Science (Boston: Gould, Kendall and Lincoln, 1842), p.36. Ibid., p.127. ef. 111, 125. Thid., p.125. For a more complete discussion, cf. op cit., pp.130-135. Tbid., p.137. Tbid., p.139. Ibid., p.70. Ibid., p.76. Otto Gierke, Natural Law and the Theory of Society: 1500-1800. trans. by Ernest Barker (Boston: Beacon Press, 1960) p.128. Elements of Moral Seience., p-219. Ibid., p-233, cf. Otto Gierke, op.cit. pp.104, 130-31. Ibid., p.346-347. It is interesting to note that Wayland allowed for civil dis~ obedience. cf. op.cit., p.350 and his, "The Duty to the Civil Magistrates.", Part III, pp. 376-386 in Salvation By Chrtat (Boston: Gould and Lincoln, 1859). Otto Gierke, op.cit., p.128. Francis Wayland, Sermons to the Churches (New York: Sheldon, Blakeman and Co., 1858), p.72. Francis Wayland, The Elemente of Intellectual Philosophy., (New York: Sheldon and Co., 1854), p.17. John C. Vander Stelt., Philosophy and Scripture, (New Jersey: Mack Publishing Co., 1978), pp.303-14. 1748 For Wayland's discussion of these dualisms cf. op.cit., pp.21-29; and for the relationship of reason to the human senses cf. op.cit., pp.137-40, 180-279. 49 Ipid., p.38-40. cf. Sydney Alstrom, "Scottish Philosophy and Ameri¢an Theology" in Church Rietory, 24 ( 955); pp-267-68. Tbid., p.133f. 51 Ibid., p.136. 52 Ipid., p.87. ef. 96-97, 180. 53° p, Wayland Jr., Memoir, Vol. II, p.88- 54 Elements of Intellectual Philosophy., p-87- 58 For a possible exception cf., "Foxwell on Ricardian Socialists’ in H.W. Spicgel ed., op.cit., pp.269-296. BIBLIOGRAPHY Alstrom, Sydney. "Scottish Philosophy and American Theology" in Church History, 24 (1955). Bentham, Jeremy. fhe Principles of Morale and Legislation. New York: Hainer Publishing Co., 1948. Berkhof, Louis. Systematic Theology. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1974. Copleston, Frederick. A Hietory of Philosophy. Vol. Two, Part Il. New York: Image Books, 1962. Cross, Whitney R. he Burned-Over District: The Social and Intellectual History of Enthusiastic Religion in Western Nev York, 1800-1850. Ithaca, New York, 1950. Gierke, Otto. Natural Law and the Theory of Soctety, 1500-1800. trans. by Ernest Barker. Boston: Beacon Press, 1960. Goudzwaard, Bob. Capitalism and Progress. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1979. Horney, Karen. The Neurotic Personality of Our Time. New York: W.W. Norton Co., 1964. > - Our Inner Conflicts. New York: W.W. Norton Co., 1966. Heilbroner, Robert L. The Worldly Philosophers. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1972. Kline, Meredith G. Images of the Spirit. Grand Rapids: Baker Book 18.House, 1980. Marsden, George M. The Evangelical Mind and the New School Presbyter- ian Expertence. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1970. Murry, James 0. Francis Wayland, New York: Houghton, Mifflin Co., 1891. Niebuhr, Reinhold. "How Philanthropic Is Henry Ford?" in Love and Justice. ed. by D.B. Robertson. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1958. Spiegel, Henry ed. The Development of Economic Thought: Great Beonomiste in Perspective. New York: John Wiley and Son Inc., 1952. Vander Stelt, John C. Philosophy and Seripture: A Study in Old Prince- ton and Westminster Theology. New Jersey: Mack Publishing Co., 1978. Wayland, Francis. The Elemente of Intellectual Philosophy. New York: Sheldon Co., 1854. : The Elements of Moral Setence. Boston: Gould, Kendall, and Lincoln, 1842. 7 . The Elemente of Political Economy. Boston: Gould and Lincoln, 1872. «The Limitattone of Human Responsibility. New York: “Appleton Co., 1838. , + Occasional Discourses. Boston: James Loring, 1833. , . Salvation by Christ, Boston: Gould and Lincoln, 1859. , . Sermons to the Churches. New York: Sheldon, Blake- man Co., 1858. «_ Sermons Delivered in the Chapel of Broun University. Boston? Gould, Kendal and Lincoln, 1849. Wayland, Francis Jr. and H.L. A Memoir of the Life and Labors of Fran- ete Wayland, D.D., LL.D. Two Vols. New York: Sheldon Co., 1867. Weisberger, Bernard A. They Gathered at the River: The Story of the Great Revivaliste and Their Impact Upon Religion in America. Chicago, 1966. 19Index to Volumes I-V Articles and Editorials AACS Marks 25th Anniversary (Sept 81) The Affluent Society Revisited (June 79) Angst and Autonomy: Fundamental Ontology and the Idea of Rigorous Science (Dec 79) Animals and the Modal Scale (Dec 81) Binswanger's Anthropology (Mar 80) Calvinism and the Quiet Revolution of Society (Jun 82) The Centenary of the Free University (Mar 80) Characteristics of Christian Culture (excerpts from Rainbous for a Fallen World) (Sep 80) Civilization as Creatto Tertta (Mar 81) The Consistent Problem-Historical Method of Philosophical Historio~ graphy (Dec 82/Mar 83) Constancy and Dynamics (Mar 81) Creation (Sep 79) Development or Catastrophe? (Jun 80) The Doctrine of Vocation in England (Sep 79) Dooyeweerd Commemorates Kuyper (1937) (Sep 82) Dooyeweerd, Worldview and Law (Mar 81) Dynamics of the Christian Religious Motive (Sep 81) Enkapais (Jan 79) Evolution and the Biotic Aspect of Reality (Sep 79) The Film Medium and its Christian Use (Jun 80) - The Four Options in Philosophy of Religion (Apr 79) God's Revelation in Creation Ordinances (Sep 79) In Memoriam: Professor Vollenhoven (Sep 78) Introduction (Sep 78) Is the Computer a Technical Object? (Sep 79) Jesus Christ: Neither Revolutionary nor Conservative (Sep 79) Kirchheimer's Rechtsstaat: An Outline for Critique (Mar 82) The Late Middle Ages: Waste Land or Promise of Harvest? An Assess— ment and Some Personal Remarks (Dec 79) The Legacy of Scholarly Renewal: A Response to Anakatnosis 1:4 (Dec 79) Mammon and Monetary Policy (Dec 81) Modal Aspects (Sep 78) The Nature of History and the History Teacher's Task (Jun 81) On Stoker's eightieth birthday (Apr 79) Personalism and Ethics (Jun 79) Philosophy and Foreign Policy in Kissinger (Sep 80) Philosophy as schooled memory (Sep 82) The Problem of the Relationship of Nature and Grace in the Calvinistic law-idea (Jun 79) Professor Meijer C. Smit, 1912-1981 (Jun 81) Puritanism on Authority (Jun 79) Rank and Worth (Jun 83) Rationality in the Calvinian Tradition--A Report (Sep 81) Recent Articles by David Caudill (Jun 83) Reformational Philosophy and School Curriculum (Jun 80) Report on the Third International Conference (Sep 81) Response to "Mammon and Monetary Policy” (Jun 82) 20Responses to "Animals and the Modal Scale" (Jun 82) Some Basic Semiotic Categories (Jun 79) Theology and Philosophy (Jun 79) Theses on Analogia Entts (Jan 79) Theses on P.A. Verburg's Linguistic Theory (Sep 79) Toward an Ecumenical Historical Consciousness (Sep 80) Transcendental Method in Dooyeweerd (Apr 79) Two Unmoved Movers in Aristotle (Mar 80) Understanding Life (Dec 82/Mar 83) Visions of Life and Social Structure (Mar 82) Yollenhoven, Dooyeweerd and Law (Jun 81) Vollenhoven, Dooyeweerd and Law--A Rejoinder (Dec 81) Vollenhoven on "Word of God" (Jan 79) Vollenhoven's Last Philosophical Work (Jun 81) What's in a Name? (Jan 79) William Whewell (1794-1866) (Sep 78) World-view and Philosophy (Sep 80) World-view and Philosophy (IT) (Dee 80) Worldview and Textual Criticism (Jun 80) Authors of Articles and Editorials Aay, Hank (Sep 81) Vandervelde, George (Jan 79) Blomberg, Doug (Jun 80) Caudill, David (Mar 82, Jun 83) Clouser, Roy (Apr 79, Jun 79) Cooper,’ John W. (Mar 80) Davis, Reed (Sep 80) De Graaf, S.G. (Jun 80) Dooyeweerd, Herman (Jun 79, Sep 79, Sep 82) Hamilton, John (Jun 80) Hardy, Lee (Dec 79) Hart, Hendrik (Mar 82) Hollingsworth, K. (Sep 78) House, Vaden (Sep 81) Knudsen, Robert (Sep 78, Jan 79, Apr 79) Marshall, Paul (Sep 79) McIntire, C.T, (Dec 81) McNally, Don (Sep 78) Morbey, Michael (Mar 81, Dec 81, Jun 82) Peck, John (Jun 82) Reitsma, Richard (Jun 82) Rowe, William V. (Mar 80) Schlossberg, Herbert (Jun 82) Seerveld, Calvin (Sep 80, Sep 82) Simons, Peter (Dec 81) Strauss, D.F.M. (Jun 79, Mar 81) Sweetman, Bob (Sep 80) Tiemstra, John (Jun 79) Tol, Anthony (Jun 81) Troost, A. (Jun 79) Van den Berg, D.J. (Jun 79) Van der Walt, B.J. (Sep 79, Dec 82/Mar 83) Van Dyk, John (Dec 79) Van Dyke, Harry (Jun 81) Van Wijk, Michael (Sep 79) Verbrugge, Magnus (Sep 79, Dec 82/Mar 83) Visagie, P.J. (Sep 81) Weideman, A.J. (Jun 79, Sep 79) Wolters, Al (Sep 78, Jan 79, Jun 79, Sep 79, Mar 80, Jun 80; Sep 80, Dec 80, Mar 81, Jun 81, Jun 83) Zuidervaart, Lambert (Dec 79) zylstra, Bernard (Mar 82) Authors of Book Reviews House, Vaden (Dec 82/Mar 83) MacRury, Malcolm (Jun 80) Olthuis, James (Mar 80) Sewell, Keith (Mar 81) Terpstra, Nicholas (Sep 81) Vandenberg, Adrian (Jun 80) Walsh, Brian (Sep 79) Wearne, Bruce C, (Sep 81) 21Books and Papers Reviewed and Noticed Aay, Henry, Conceptual Change and the Growth of Geographic Knowledge: A Critical Appraisal of the Hietortography of Geography (Apr 79) Antonides, Harry, Multinationals and the Peaceable Kingdom (Apr 79) Barcus, Nancy B., Developing a Christtan Mind (Sep 79) Bebbington, David, Patterno in History (Jun 80) Boer, Jan H., Miestonary Messengers of Ltberatton in a Colonial Con- text: & Case Study of the Sudan Untted Mission (Dec 79) Carvill, Barbara M., Johann Karl August MusHue ae Critic and Novelist (Jun 81) De Graaff, Arnold, and James Olthuis (eds), Toward a Biblical View of Man: Some Readings (Apr 79) Den Otter, A.A., Civilizing the West: The Galts and the Development of Western Canada (Mar 82) Dooyeweerd, Herman, La idea eristiana del estado (Jan 79) Dooyeweerd, Herman, The Secularization of Science (apr 79) Echeverria, E.J., Criticism and Commitment: Major Themes in Contem- porary "post-eritical" Philosophy (Dec 82/Mar 83) Gaffin, Richard B. (ed), Redemptive History and Biblical Interpretation: The Shorter Writings of Geerhardus Vos (Dec 81) Goudzwaard, Bob, Capitalism and Progress: A Diagnosis of Western Society (Jun 80) Greene, Albert, Reformation or Reconstruction? A System of Educational Values and Objectives Drawn up in Accord with the Philosophy of Herman Dooyeweerd and Compared with that of Theodore Brameld (Jan 79) Harper, William A., and Theodore R. Malloch (eds), Where Are We Now? The State of Christian Political Reflection (Jun 82) Hart, Hendrik, Understanding our World: An Integral Ontology (Dec 81) Helleman-Elgersma, Wendy, Soul-Sistere: A Commentary on Enneads IV 3 (27), 1-8 of Plotinus (Dec 80) Huisjes, C.H., Worms and Logic: An investigation of the links between normontology and deontology, especially in the work of G.H. von Wright (Sep 82) Kraay, John, and Anthony Tol (eds), Hearing and Doing: Philosophical Essaye dedicated to H, Evan Runner (Jan 79, Dec 79) Kuschke, Gudrun F.T., Anatomy of Christian Poetry: an integrated anal- ysis of the poetry of Werner Bergengruen during the Third Reich period, based on a methodology derived from the "Philosophy of the Cosmonomte Idea" by #. Dooyeveerd (Sep 52) Lyon, David, Karl Mara: Flowers, Chains and Freedom: A Christian Apprectation of Marz (Jun 79) Malcolm, Tom, Reflection on a Christian Worldview (Jan 79) Malloch, Theodore R., A Critical Treatment of Some Conceptualtzatione of Ideology in Behavioral Political Setence (Mar 81) Marshall, Paul, "John Locke: Between God and Mammon" (Apr 79) Marshall, Paul, et al, Labour of Love: Essays on Work (Mar 80) McIntire, C.T. (ed), Herbert Butterfield: Writings on Christianity and History (Jun 79, Mar 81) McKillop, A.B., A Disciplined Intelligence: Critical Inquiry and Canadian Thought in the Vietorian Bra (Sep 81) McNally, Donald H., Setence and the Divine Order: Law, Idea, and Meth- od in william Whewell's Philosophy of Sctence (Sep 82) Mechielsen, Jack (ed), No Icing on the Cake: Christian Foundations for Education in Austratia (Dee 81) O'Donovan, Oliver, The Problem of Self-Love in St. Augustine (Dec 80) Plantinga, Theodore, Rationale for a Christian College (Dec 80) 22Plantinga, Theodore, Underatanding qe the Basta for Historical Inquiry in the Later Philooophy of Wilhelm Ditthey (Apr 79) Polman, Bert F., Church Muste and Léturgy in the Chriatian Reformed Church of North Amertca (Dec 80) Rogers, Jack, and Donald McKim, The Authority and Interpretation of Scripture, An Histortcal Approach (Mar 80) Schouls, Peter, The Imposition of Method: A Study of Descartes and Locke (Apr 79) Schuurman, Egbert, Technology and the Future: A Philosophical Challenge (Dec 805 Sire, James, The Universe Next Door: a baste world view catalogue (Sep 79) Skillen, James W., Christians Organtzing for Political Service: a atudy guide based on the work of the Association for Public Justice (Jun 82) Skillen, James W. (ed), Confessing Christ and Doing Politics (Jun 82) Spykman, Gordon, et al, Soetety, State and Schools: A Case for Struec- tural and Confessional Pluraltem (Dec 81) Stafleu, M.D., Time and Again: A Syetematic Analysis of the Foundations of Physics (Dec 80) Storkey, Alan, A Christian Social Perspective (Mar 80, Sep 81) Vander Goot, Henry, The Fundamentality of Creation in’ the Theology of Gustaf Wingren, Illustrated from the Controversy with Andere Nygren (Sep 78) Vander Goot, Henry (ed), Life te Religion: Eseays in Honor of H. Evan Runner (Dec 81) Vander Stelt, John (ed), The Challenge of Marwist and Neo-Marvist Ideol- ogtes for Christian Scholarehip (Dec 82/Mar 83) Vander Stelt, John, Philosophy and Seripture: A Study in Old Princeton and Westminster Theology (Apr 79) Van der Vyver, Johan, Seven Lectures on Human Rights (Sep 78) Van der Waal-Braaksma, C.J.D., A Commentary on the Revelation of Jesus Chréet (Jun 81) Van der Walt, B.J., Heartbeat: Taking the pulse of our Chrietian theological and philosophical heritage (Sep 78) Van der Walt, B.J., Horézon: Surveying a route for contemporary Christian thought (Sep 78) Van Eikema Hommes, H.J., Major Trends in the History of begal Philosophy (apr 79) Vickers, Douglas, A Christian Approach to Eoonomies and the Cultural Condition (Jun’ 82) Wetenschap, Wijeheid, Filoooferen: Feotechrift in Honour of Hendrik van Riessen (Sep 82) Wolters, Al, "Facing the Perplexing History of Philosophy" (Jan 79) Zigterman, Kent, "Form, Universal and Individual in Aristotle" (Apr 79) Zuidervaart, Lambert, Refractions: Truth in Adorno's Aesthetic Theory (Jun 81) Zylstra, Bernard, "Philosophy, Revelation and Modernit in the Thought of George Grant" (Jan 79) Crossroads 23SOME CURRENT PUBLICATIONS The following recent or forthcoming publications will be of in- terest to the readers of Anakainosie: 1. Theodore Plantinga, Learning to Live with Evil (Berdmans: Grand Rapids, 1982) x plus 163 pp. A survey of conceptions of evil with a thetical alternative drawing on Augustine and Calvin. Plantinga teaches philosophy at Redeemer College in Hamilton. 2. C.T. McIntire, England against the papacy 1858-1861. Tories, Liberate, and the Overthrow of Papal Temporal Power during the Italian Risorgimento (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1983) xv plus 250 pp. This is a revised version of the doctoral thesis of McIntire, who teaches history at the Institute for Christian Studies in Toronto. 3. George Vandervelde, "Creation and Cross in the Christology of Edward Schillebeeckx: A Protestant Appraisal, enical Studies 20 (1983), pp. 257-271. Journal of keum- An analysis of a key theme in the Christology of Schillebeeckx, major contemporary Roman Vandervelde teaches systematic theology at the Institute for Christian Studies. Catholic theologian. 4. Hendrik Hart et al., edd. ition. 407 pp. (University Press of America: The proceedings of a philosophy conference under that Rationality in the Calvinian Trad- Lanham MD, 1983), ix plus title held at the Institute for Christian Studies in 1981. 5. Hendrik Hart, Understanding our World America: Lanham MD, 1984) (University Press of This is a major study on epistemology, currently at press, by systematic philosopher Hart, who teaches at the Institute for Christian Studies in Toronto, ANAKAINOSIS Editor: Al Wolters Issued quarterly, ‘Annual subscription $15 [ANAKAINOSIS is an academic newsletter ‘Camicussion forums which is itended to be fr vehicle for informal academe discussicn, Raalors are weleome to test out thes papers fn theses on ANAKAINOSIS' audience, oF to fespond to articles printed in each issue Nonces of upcoming conferences, current research projects oF published works may be 24 submitted for publication o Facilitate ex change of this hind of information, _ANAKAINOSIS is pubished quarterly in ‘March, June, September and December by the ‘Association jor the Advancement of Christian AACS), 229 College Stree, star MST IR4 (Canada) Toront Subscription rates ate 15 (Canadian) for 1 year, $45 for 3 years European subncrbers may deposit payment withthe Calvinist ‘World Association, Potgieterweg 46,1857 CJ) Heiloo, The Netherland, via "Giro" number 17-75-496, and are asked to send subscription ‘or renewal slips to the ACS, Toronto, ‘Material from this newsletter may not be {quoted or reproduced without the prior per Iission of the author o of the editor Statements of fact or epinion appearing in ANAKAINOSIS do not imply the endorse ment ofthe editors or the publishers. ll eor ‘eopondence and articles for publication "Should be addressed to Dr Al Walters, Editor ©/0 AACS at the above addeess. Copy dead Tines are the fist of Febraary, May, Augort and November