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Noam Chomsky Understanding Power

Noam Chomsky Understanding Power

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01/21/2013

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 THE FOOTNOTES FOR:
UNDERSTANDING POWER
THE INDISPENSABLE CHOMSKY
Edited by Peter R. Mitchell and John Schoeffel.
 
Understanding Power: Preface Footnote
Preface
 1. For George Bush's statement, see "Bush's Remarks to the Nation on theTerrorist Attacks,"
New York Times 
, September 12, 2001, p. A4. For the quoted analysisfrom the
New York Times 
's first "Week in Review" section following the September 11thattacks, see Serge Schmemann, "War Zone: What Would ‘Victory’ Mean?,"
New York Times 
, September 16, 2001, section 4, p. 1.
 
Understanding Power: Chapter One Footnotes -- 1
Chapter One
 Weekend Teach-In: Opening Session
 1. On Kennedy's fraudulent "missile gap" and major escalation of the arms race,see for example, Fred Kaplan,
Wizards of Armageddon 
, New York: Simon & Schuster,1983, chs. 16, 19 and 20; Desmond Ball,
Politics and Force Levels: The Strategic Missile Program of the Kennedy Administration 
, Berkeley: University of California Press,1980, ch. 2.On Reagan's fraudulent "window of vulnerability" and "military spending gap" andthe massive military buildup during his first administration, see for example, JeffMcMahan,
Reagan and the World: Imperial Policy in the New Cold War 
, New York:Monthly Review, 1985, chs. 2 and 3; Franklyn Holzman, "Politics and Guesswork: C.I.A.and D.I.A. estimates of Soviet Military Spending,"
International Security 
, Fall 1989, pp.101-131; Franklyn Holzman, "The C.I.A.'s Military Spending Estimates: Deceit and ItsCosts,"
Challenge 
, May/June 1992, pp. 28-39;
Report of the President's Commission on Strategic Forces 
, Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, April 1983, especiallypp. 7-8, 17, and Brent Scowcroft, "Final Report of the President's Commission onStrategic Forces,"
Atlantic Community Quarterly 
, Vol. 22, Spring 1984, pp. 14-22 (theadministration's own Scowcroft Commission's rejection of the "window of vulnerability"story). See also chapter 3 of
U.P.
and its footnotes 3 and 4.On Kennedy in Latin America, see for example, Charles Maechling, Jr. [leadingU.S. counterinsurgency planner from 1961 to 1966], "The Murderous Mind of the LatinAmerican Military,"
Los Angeles Times 
, March 18, 1982, part II, p. 11 (discussing howthe Kennedy administration shifted the mission of the Latin American military from"hemispheric defense" [i.e. defense against external enemies] to "internal security" [i.e.control of domestic dissidence] after the Cuban Revolution and the failed U.S.-sponsored Bay of Pigs invasion attempt against Cuba, and thereby changed the U.S.position in the region from toleration "of the rapacity and cruelty of the Latin Americanmilitary" to "direct complicity . . . [in] the methods of Heinrich Himmler's exterminationsquads"); Stephen Rabe, "Controlling Revolutions: Latin America, the Alliance forProgress, and Cold War Anti-Communism," in Thomas Paterson, ed.,
Kennedy's Quest for Victory: American Foreign Policy, 1961-1963 
, New York: Oxford University Press,1989, pp. 105-122; Jenny Pearce,
Under the Eagle: U.S. Intervention in Central America and the Caribbean 
, London: Latin America Bureau, 1982, Part II; A.J. Langguth,
Hidden Terrors 
, New York: Pantheon, 1978, especially pp. 99, 115-116 (detailed description ofhow Kennedy liberals engineered the overthrow of Brazilian democracy in 1964 andreplaced it with the subfascist regime that ruled for decades, after the Brazilian PresidentGoulart had refused Robert Kennedy's admonition to end his flirtation with "romantic left-wing causes"). See also, David F. Schmitz,
Thank God They're On Our Side: The United States and Right-Wing Dictatorships, 1921-1965 
, Chapel Hill: University of NorthCarolina Press, 1999, ch. 6.Chomsky adds that military-controlled states dedicated to "internal security"constituted one of the two major legacies of the Kennedy Administration to Latin

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