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No. 25 - Safeguarding Prosperity in a Global Financial System: The Future International Financial Architecture

No. 25 - Safeguarding Prosperity in a Global Financial System: The Future International Financial Architecture

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Safeguarding Prosperity in a Global Financial System:The Future International Financial Architecture
Council on Foreign RelationsOctober 17, 1999Peter G. Peterson, The Blackstone GroupMorris Goldstein, Senior Fellow Institute for International EconomicsCarla A. Hills, Institute for International Economics
ForewordAcknowledgmentsExecutive SummaryI. IntroductionII. Why the International Financial Architecture Matters, Including to the United StatesIII. The Roots of Financial Crises and Weaknesses in the Existing ArchitectureIV. RecommendationsV. Concluding Remarks: Moderate versus Radical Reform PlansDissenting ViewsMembers of the Task ForceOther Reports of Council-Sponsored Independent Task Forces
The Council on Foreign Relations, Inc., a nonprofit, nonpartisan national membershiporganization founded in 1921, is dedicated to promoting understanding of international affairs through the free and civil exchange of ideas. The Council'smembers are dedicated to the belief that America's peace and prosperity are firmlylinked to that of the world. From this flows the mission of the Council: to fosterAmerica's understanding of its fellow members of the international community, nearand far, their peoples, cultures, histories, hopes, quarrels, and ambitions; and thusto serve, protect, and advance America's own global interests through study anddebate, private and public.THE COUNCIL TAKES NO INSTITUTIONAL POSITION ON POLICY ISSUES AND HASNO AFFILIATION WITH THE U.S. GOVERNMENT. ALL STATEMENTS OF FACT ANDEXPRESSIONS OF OPINION CONTAINED IN ALL ITS PUBLICATIONS ARE THE SOLERESPONSIBILITY OF THE AUTHOR OR AUTHORS.The Council on Foreign Relations will sponsor an Independent Task Force when (1)an issue of current and critical importance to U.S. foreign policy arises, and (2) itseems that a group diverse in backgrounds and perspectives may, nonetheless, beable to reach a meaningful consensus on a policy through private and nonpartisandeliberations.Typically, a Task Force meets between two and five times over a brief period toensure the relevance of its work. Upon reaching a conclusion, a Task Force issues areport, and the Council publishes its text and posts it on the Council website. TaskForce Reports can take three forms: (1) a strong and meaningful policy consensus,
with Task Force members endorsing the general policy thrust and judgments reachedby the group, though not necessarily every finding and recommendation; (2) areport stating the various policy positions, each as sharply and fairly as possible; or(3) a "Chairman's Report," where Task Force members who agree with theChairman's Report may associate themselves with it, while those who disagree maysubmit dissenting statements. Upon reaching a conclusion, a Task Force may alsoask individuals who were not members of the Task Force to associate themselveswith the Task Force Report to enhance its impact. All Task Force Reports"benchmark" their findings against current administration policy in order to makeexplicit areas of agreement and disagreement. The Task Force is solely responsiblefor its report. TheCouncil takes no institutional position.For further information about the Council or this Task Force, please write the CouncilonForeign Relations, 58 East 68th Street, New York, NY 10021, or call the Director of Communications at (212) 434-9400.Copyright (c) 1999 by the Council on Foreign Relations, Inc.All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America.This report may not be reproduced in whole or in part, in any form (beyond thatcopying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law and except byreviewers for the public press), without written permission from the publisher.
No event of the past 50 years has generated more calls for a reexamination of theinstitutions, structures, and policies aimed at crisis prevention and resolution thanthe Asian/global financial crisis that began in Thailand in July 1997. In September1998, following a speech he delivered at the Council on Foreign Relations, PresidentClinton underscored this theme when he suggested that it would be worthwhile toconvene a distinguished private-sector group to take a fresh look at the need forreform of the international financial architecture.The Council was therefore enthusiastic about sponsoring this Independent Task Forceon the Future International Financial Architecture. We were fortunate that Peter G.Peterson, chairman of both the Council and the Blackstone Group and secretary of commerce during the Nixon administration, and Carla A. Hills, CEO of Hills & Co. andUS Trade Representative during the Bush administration, agreed to serve as co-chairs. We chose Morris Goldstein, a widely respected former deputy director of research at the IMF and now a senior fellow at the Institute for InternationalEconomics, to be the project director and to author the report. We also invited astellar group of economists, bankers and financial experts, industrialists and laborleaders, political scientists, strategists, and regional specialists to join the task force.Suffice it to say that it would be difficult to assemble a group that could match forbreadth and depth of experience on international financial policies the membership of this task force. The Council wishes to thank them all for their time and contributions.The task force met regularly from January through June 1999. The first set of meetings focused on what was "broken" in the existing architecture, and the last seton how to "fix" it. Both moderate and more radical reform proposals wereconsidered. In addition to its internal debates, the Task Force benefited fromdiscussions with current and former economic policymakers. In this connection, the
task force is especially indebted to Michel Camdessus, Andrew Crockett, StanleyFischer, Tim Geitner, Alan Greenspan, William McDonough, Robert Rubin, GeorgeShultz, and Larry Summers for sharing their views on the architecture. Likewise, thetask force appreciates the valuable reactions and suggestions it received last April ina meeting with a group of central bank governors and finance ministers from a set of larger emerging economies and industrial countries.In this final report, the task force argues forcefully that despite the sorry trackrecord on banking, currency, and debt crises of the past twenty years, it would be acounsel of despair to conclude that little can be done to make crises less frequentand less severe. With the US economy now connected much more closely to the restof the world than it was two or three decades ago, a strengthening of theinternational financial architecture is also very much in our national interest. The USeconomy performed impressively throughout the latest crisis because domesticspending was strong and inflation was low. Next time, we may not be so wellpositioned to weather the storm.The task force favors a market-oriented approach to reform that would creategreater incentives for borrowing countries to strengthen their crisis prevention effortsand for their private creditors to assume their fair share of the burden associatedwith resolving crises. This would place the primary responsibility for crisis avoidanceand resolution in emerging economies back where it belongs: on emergingeconomies themselves and on their private creditors, which dominate today'sinternational capital markets.Notwithstanding some dissents on specific findings and proposals, all 29 members of the task force endorse the broad thrust of this report. Seven key recommendationswere able to command majority support:1. Greater rewards for joining the "good housekeeping club." The IMF shouldlend on more favorable terms to countries that take effective steps to reducetheir crisis vulnerability and should publish an assessment of these steps sothe market can take note.2. Capital flows-avoiding too much of a good thing. Emerging economies withfragile financial systems should take transparent and nondiscriminatory taxmeasures to discourage short-term capital inflows and encourage less crisis-prone, longer-term ones, like foreign direct investment.3. The private sector: promote fair burden-sharing and market discipline. Allcountries should include "collective action clauses" in their sovereign bondcontracts. In extreme cases where rescheduling of private debt is necessary,the IMF should provide financial support only if debtor countries are engagedin "good faith" rescheduling discussions with their private creditors, and itshould be prepared to support a temporary halt in debt payments. The IMFshould also encourage emerging economies to implement a deposit insurancesystem that places the main cost of bank failures on shareholders and onlarge, uninsured private creditors-not on small depositors or taxpayers.4. Just say no to pegged exchange rates. The IMF and the Group of Sevenleading industrial countries should advise emerging economies againstadopting pegged exchange rates and should not provide funds to supportunsustainable currency pegs.5. IMF crisis lending: less will do more. For country crises, the IMF shouldadhere consistently to normal lending limits and should abandon huge rescuepackages. For systemic crises that threaten the international monetarysystem, the IMF should turn to its existing credit lines when problems are

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