Top Israeli Politicians Plotting to Put an End to Netanyahu's Lengthy Rule

The consensus is that the prime minister can't be ousted so long as the current
political order remains intact; an alternative right-center alliance is in the
works, but will candidates' egos stand in the way?
Yossi Verter Mar 03, 2016 8:07 PM
Netanyahu in the Knesset, January 2016.Olivier Fitoussi
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This month marks the first anniversary of the election of the 20th Knesset. The
next election is beyond the so-called hills of darkness, in three-and-a-half years,
if held on schedule. But the political arena is seething and sizzling, with just one
topic on the agenda: how to put an end to the lengthy rule of Benjamin
Netanyahu, how to make his fourth term his last.
Every senior politician in the coalition and opposition alike is busy trying to crack
the nut of Netanyahus decade in power. Conversations I have had with several
unnameable sources turned up one element of agreement: the need to create an
alignment.
The consensus is that Netanyahu cannot be ousted so long as the current
political order remains intact, since it will only ensure his victory next time, too.
The familiar map of the right wing and the ultra-Orthodox Likud, Habayit
Hayehudi, Shas, United Torah Judaism will always block any realistic scenario
of establishment of a center-left government.
The sworn anti-Bibi bunch that might be part of a future move to oust him are
the following: Moshe Kahlon, leader of Kulanu; Avigdor Lieberman, head of
Yisrael Beiteinu; Yair Lapid, leader of Yesh Atid; Gideon Saar, a former Likudnik
whose name comes up in this context; and Gabi Ashkenazi, the former Israel
Defense Forces chief of staff, who is at present inclined to run in the next
election. For his part, the latter will definitely not run as No. 2 in Lapids party,
or in Zionist Union, even if its leadership is presented to him on a silver platter.
Indeed, Ashkenazi is convinced that Labor, the battered dominant partner in
Zionist Union, has concluded its historic role as the countrys ruling party.
The prevailing assumption is that a new political grouping that includes several of
the above-named gentlemen one will not be enough could forge the necessary
conditions to topple Likud. New in-depth surveys show that, for now, (A) Nearly
two-thirds of the voters want to see Netanyahu pack his bags for good; and (B)

a large percentage of voters see no substitute for him. Conclusion: As long as (B)
holds true, the premier will hold on.
Moshe Kahlon and Avigdor Lieberman having a chat at the Knesset. Olivier
Fitoussi
The members of the anti-Bibi bunch have concluded that in the current gloomy
situation, in which there is no rival to Netanyahu, the only way forward is to
gnaw away at his party: To channel votes from Likud to a new right-lite party
with a slate that will appeal to moderate Likudniks who style themselves
mainstream people who want the right to stay in power but are fed up with the
leadership of the Netanyahu family, as Lieberman put it this week.
As long as security remains the dominant theme in Israel, its logical for any new
alignment to come from the right-center. The left is not a solution, its part of
the problem. Kahlon and Saar is a natural combination. Ashkenazi will define his
identity if and when he joins as center. In our universe of images, he will
always look more hawkish and more security-oriented than Zionist Unions Isaac
Herzog and Lapid, even if all three espouse the identical policy. Lieberman calls
himself pragmatic right, though his public image is extreme right. If there
were a chart, he would be a bit to the left of Naftali Bennett. By the way, there
is some sort of unclear connection between the two that they are hiding. The
Prime Ministers Bureau is aware of and disturbed by it.
Lapid, though he would like to head the imaginary party and become its
candidate for prime minister, is of no relevance. Despite his clumsy efforts to
sell himself as center with a slight rightward inclination, the public continues
to perceive him as part of the left-wing camp. His nationalistic affectations and
his transparent flirtation with religiosity and religious parties havent persuaded
a single Likud voter to defect to Yesh Atid.
And then theres also the minor matter of ego. Ashkenazi doesnt dream of being
anyones No. 2. Nor does Lapid, who is now getting the equivalent of 18 seats in
the polls. Same for Saar. And Lieberman might compromise by accepting the
defense portfolio, according to one of the conspirators.
Kahlon is the pivot. Hes only showing five or six seats worth of support in the
polls, half his partys current representation. But hooking up with Saar gets him
five more seats, all from Likud. Kahlon is the only one in the above-mentioned
group who isnt eyeing the premiership. Hell be happy to return to the Finance
Ministry next time.
So far, one of those involved said, the major stumbling block to replacing Bibi
is ego. As soon as we solve that, everything will be easier. Interestingly, a

similar comment was made recently by a senior Likud figure: If only we could
get behind an agreed-upon candidate, we could dump him, he said with a sigh.
Apocalypse now
In June 2009, at Bar-Ilan University, the two-state idea became the preserve
of the right wing and the de facto policy of the Netanyahu government (albeit
not by official decision, but in a speech). Late last month, in the same venue, the
burial of the idea of a Palestinian state was announced. In a well-prepared,
comprehensive speech, Jerusalem Affairs Minister Zeev Elkin put paid to the
prospect of the establishment of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and
predicted the inevitable collapse of the Palestinian Authority.
One shouldnt overstate the influence wielded by Elkin on government policy. But
still, besides being a member of the security cabinet, he is a senior figure in the
ruling party, close to Netanyahu, and an articulate spokesman of the mood on the
right. In a climate that lacks even the semblance of an effort to renew talks
with the Palestinians, Elkins words could be an incentive for the international
community to turn urgently to the United Nations Security Council to discuss
ways to forestall the PAs implosion.
Elkin noted that one of the factors that prompted him to make his learned
assessment public is his own despair. He understands that he will not be able to
generate a serious dialogue about the PAs collapse behind closed doors,
meaning in the security cabinet. His remarks would seem to jibe with what
Education Minister Naftali Bennett, also a member of that cabinet, said
recently: that the conceptual stagnation of the defense establishment is the
major strategic threat to Israel, not the rockets and missiles of Hamas and
Hezbollah.
I put it to Elkin that the conclusion to be drawn from his remarks is that the
security cabinet is not doing its job. Thats not true, he said. There are
serious discussions, but no one listens to me. Thats why Ive despaired.
So, I said, when the PA collapses, after the era of President Mahmoud Abbas,
you will be able to say that you were the first to spot it? Yes, he replied, and
this time it will be true, too.
Yossi Verter
Haaretz Contributor
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