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 This paper discusses the development of a political system in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, inan effort to understand the state of the current political system in the country. Different phases anddefining moments in the history of Jordan will be studied, and will often directly correspond to phases of  Jordanian national identity. Starting from the assassination of King Abdullah I and the short-lived reign of 
Talal, through the numerous coup d‟état attempts in early reign of Hussein I, up to the 1994 Wadi Araba
Treaty of Peace, the effect of ongoing events in shaping a political system in Jordan will be explored.The development of a political system in Jordan will be discussed hand-in-hand along withcontemporary regional politics and political movements, coupled with internal views regarding nationalidentity. As such, the rise of Nasser and Nasserism is examined, illustrating the impact of the increasingly
popular Nasserist movements in the 1950‟s on the government, its policy, and the political system.
Similarly, the Arab-Israeli Conflict as a whole, including the Six-Day war, the influence of the PLO, the riseof Fedayeen, and Black September will be reviewed, showing how these also shaped state policy. Inaddition, the rise of Islamic movements, particularly the Islamic Action Force (IAF), the Jordanian branch of the Muslim Brotherhood, and its relation to and impact on the political system will be discussed throughoutthe course of history.It will be argued that the period of 
the late 1950s in King Hussein‟s reign,
the Six-day war of 1967,the battle of Karameh of 1968, and most importantly, Black September of 1970, have been definingmoments in the history of a Jordanian national identity and the formation of its current-day political system.The paper will reason that Black September represents the climax of an internal political crisis that lasted
throughout the „70s and „80s.
 The development of a Jordanian political system will be studied, beginning with King Talal andPrime Minister Tawfiq abul-
Huda‟s rewriting of the constitution and the establishment of 
some sort of asemi-democracy that is put to the test in the 1952 abdication of King Talal. The effect of Nasserist-inspired
coup d‟état attempts, as well as
Black September on the Jordanian political system will be investigated, as well as the 23-year-long era of martial law, and the still-developing political system that emergedafterwards.The essay aims to argue that the current political system
 – 
as well as its lack-thereof 
 – 
in Jordan, is aresult of a combination of organic development and non-develo
pment due to a century‟s internal, as well
as regional, political repercussions. It is my hope that this paper would illustrate the malleability of thepolitical system and the possibility of continuous improvement. More so, it is my hope to illustrate that theexisting political system (whether its current state is fortunate or unfortunate) is a result of internal,regional, and
 – 
seldom
 – 
external political repercussions, rather than a set static agenda by the rulingelite.
 
 
Since Abdullah I’s 
reign, the newly-created kingdom of Jordan was particularly unstable; the Hashemite Kingdom of Transjordan (East Bank) has just merged with the West Bank, absorbing highly  politicized Palestinian West Bankers, as well as refugees, giving them all Jordanian citizenship, and tripling the population of the country 
1
. The entering population of Palestinians was more sophisticated, urbanized, and educated than the average Transjordanian population, which was predominantly Bedouin. Palestinians loyal to the Mufti 
also saw Jordan as an occupying power, and held a “high moral ground”, believing that Jordan’s 
 Arab Legion, along with other Arab armies, have failed them, while others looked at King Abdullah as a
“protector against Israeli aggression”. It is important t 
o note that, until 1967, these Palestinians never demanded separation from the East Bank.
2
 Thus, with a tripled population, a Transjordanian-Palestinian divide, strong Palestinian nationalism,and a growing refugee problem, the newly-created Hashemite kingd 
om was in highly critical times…
 
With three fatal gunshots
3
the life of newly-
created kingdom of Jordan‟s first monarch ended,
marking the beginning of decades of uncertainty and instability that continue to leave a distinctive markon
the country‟s political system today
.
 Abdullah‟s successor, his son Talal, shaped by his father‟smistreatment during his upbringing, was resolved on becoming his father‟s polar opposite, and as such
initiated far-reaching reforms to the Jordanian political system.
4
 While initiatives such as acknowledging the opposition, integrating it into the political system andcabinet, selecting more representative Senators in the upper house of the parliament, and liberalizing thestate as a whole were important and highly welcomed by the people, Talal and Prime Minister Tawfiqabul-
Huda‟s biggest and most far reaching achievement is Jordan‟s re
-written constitution.
5
 
Talal‟s 1952 constitution translated Jordan‟s monarchy from an absolutist authoritarian regime into a
 constitutional one, with a
 basic 
framework of checks and balances. Indeed, the 1952 constitution proclaims
“the
 Nation
 
is the source of all powers”
6
, replacing previous proclamation that, in the King is vestedexecutive
7
and legislative
8
power. The constitution also
attempts 
to safeguard some basic human rights, as
Satloff puts it, “banning discrimination on race, language, or religion (Article 6i); ensuring work,
education, and equal opportunity (Article 6ii); guaranteeing freedom of opinion in speech, writing,
„photographic representation,‟ and the press (Article 15i/ii)”.
9
 The constitution also created a bicameral parliamentary system; the upper house, the Senate,constitutes of notables appointed by the king and makes no more than one-third of the parliament, whilethe lower house, the Chamber of Deputies, constitutes elected representatives.

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