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Glasser has pushed the claims of bloggers still further, writing that “newspapers representall that is old and moldy about journalism: printed on dead trees, distributed by underpaidteens, and read by an aging audience. Weblogs represent all that is edgy and hip about journalism: written in a personal voice, encompassing divergent modes of thought, anddistributed on a global platform” (Glasser 2003). Of course, along with the celebrationhas come the inevitable backlash; Steve Lovelady of the
Columbia Journalism Review
has publicly referred to bloggers as “salivating morons who make up the lynch mob”(Lovelady, cited by Rosen 2005).Despite the far reaching claims made by many of the proponents and detractors of grassroots journalism, serious academic study of this social phenomenon remains in itsinfancy. Few scholars of journalism,-- perhaps due in part to the tenuous place of so-called “journalism studies” within the academy (Zelizer 2004)-- have begun to advanceserious theoretical claims about the social impact of grassroots journalism. Even lesscommon are studies that analyze the specific varieties of content produced by various participatory journalism projects. This chapter aims to address these concerns. I begin byunpacking the relationship between “participatory journalism” and common theoreticalunderstandings of “alternative media.” After working through and situating these variousdefinitions of alternative media, I undertake a provisional examination of what we mightcall, following Bourdieu, the boundaries of the participatory journalistic field (Bourdieu1992). I compare the mission statements of three organizational participants in the field— UK Indymedia,Wikinews, and The Northwest Voice and analyze their journalistic outputalong three dimensions: level of participation, adherence to “journalistic” norms, and tiesto radical social movements, as well as the architecture of their websites. I conclude by
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