JAPANESE CULTURES INFLUENCE ON EDUCATIONAL PRATICES: ITS IMPACT ON

MEETING THE ACADEMIC AND PSYCHOLOGICAL NEEDS OF STUDENTS

BY

RAI
 Chapter 1: Introduction

In modern day society, Japan is known as a globalized country with a

unique culture and history. In the realm of education, Japanese students are
known for having some of the best test scores in the world (WuDunn, 1996).
Based on this, one could assume that they have an outstanding education
system. It is true for many aspects- Japanese students tend to be very
independent, respectable, well-behaved, and hardworking (Sato, 1990). This
is a result of the beliefs that have been handed down from traditional
Japanese culture and are ingrained in everyday society and education. These
beliefs make many of Japans educational practices very different than the
ones used in Western countries (Schmid, 2012).

In the United States, there has been decades of research about

different learning styles. There is a philosophy that students learn in their
own unique ways, and have diverse needs that can affect how well they
learn in school. Because of this, many educators in the United States
emphasize providing students with individualized instruction (Nolen, 2003).
Japan, on the other hand, stresses conformity. An ample part of Japanese
culture is the idea that group harmony is more important than ones
individual needs (Schmid, 2012). This concept creates some advantages,
such as a strong sense of community among students and teachers (Sato,
1990). However, taking a closer look at education in Japan reveals that the
idea of conformity creates problems within the system, such as ignoring the
individual differences of students (Schmid, 2012). In addition, psychological
problems are not usually acknowledged in Japan (Borovoy, 2008). It is the
belief of this researcher that a students needs- whether educational, social,
or psychological- cannot be addressed unless their individual differences are
acknowledged. Therefore, the hypothesis of this study is that the Japanese
education system may not be adequately providing the support that every
individual student needs.
 Many issues related to these problems in Japanese education have
been studied extensively by researchers. Study teams have researched
Japanese educational practices, conformity, bullying, the test and cram
school culture, psychological problems, mental healthcare in Japan, and so
on. However, there is not a sufficient amount of research that takes all of
these cultural aspects and analyzes how they affect students learning in
terms of their academic or psychological needs in school. Researching this
concept is the purpose of this proposed study. To help confirm this studys
hypothesis, the researcher posed these research questions:

How does traditional Japanese culture affect the current education

system?
Is the current education system in Japan meeting the diverse academic
and psychological needs of its students?

To answer these questions, scholarly literature was reviewed. The findings

can be read in Chapter 2, which is broken down into the following sections:

Cultural and Historical Influences

Moral Education: Responsibility and Community
Moral Education: Conformity
New Special Education System
The Prevalence of Bullying
Psychological Problems and Mental Illness
An Intense Academic Schedule and School Life
In The Classroom

Related terms in the literature review are:

Ijime- psychological harassment, a common form of bullying in Japan

Hikikomori- a unique problem in Japan where people withdraw themselves

from society for long periods of time

School refusal syndrome- when students do not attend school regularly or do

not attend at all
 Chapter 2: Literature Review

Cultural and Historical Influences

Many modern Japanese customs and beliefs date back to thousands of
years ago. The most influential aspects that have shaped modern Japanese
philosophy are the different religions that have been practiced throughout
Japans history. A significant religion in Japan is Confucianism. Confucius
believed that people should be united in one spirit, and encouraged his
followers to partake in piety, loyalty, docility, and self-sacrifice, all of which
can still be seen in Japan today. The most prominent belief from
Confucianism is conformity over individuality (Sakurai, 2011). This belief is
similar to those held in Japans own indigenous religion: Shintoism. This
religion emphasizes being clean and pure. There is a belief in Shintoism that
those who are impure can contaminate those around them. This resulted in
the Shinto practice of isolating someone who was impure from the rest of
society (Treml, 2001).

Another important influence on modern Japanese culture is Buddhism.

This religion originates from China, but was adapted into Japanese society
about a thousand years ago. According to Ienaga (1965), Buddhism was
considered progressive at first, but over time, it became politicized. Many of
the high standing monks and priests created ties with the feudal lords and
nobility during the Feudal Era (1185- 1868 CE). To stay privileged, the priests
pushed the agenda of the nobility, teaching everyday citizens that they
should not question authority. This concept is still apparent in modern day
Japan, where many people do not question the different hierarchies that exist
within Japanese society (Ienaga, 1965).
 During the Meiji Restoration (1868- 1912 CE), the feudal system was
dismantled and the government began to reform its education system. The
emperor signed the Imperial Rescript of Education, which set guidelines for
education, and the government subsequently created the Fundamental Code
of Education. Peter Cave (2016) explains that the purpose of this code was to
create a society that would seem impressive to foreign countries, and make
Japan appear to be a formidable empire. In order to do this, the government
made moral education part of the national curriculum, the purpose of which
was to teach children nationalistic values. Children would grow up to
consider Japan the most powerful and respected nation in the world, and
would not question their government. This idea of nationalism was expressed
almost everywhere in education- textbooks, fictional stories, songs, and so
on (Cave, 2016). However, the textbooks only showed positive aspects of
Japanese history, and do not include the more questionable parts of the
countrys past (Sakurai, 2011). Buddhist organizations (who were afraid of
Christianitys rapidly growing influence at the time) agreed with the Meiji
government and supported its efforts. The priests continued to push
nationalistic beliefs and the idea that authority needs to be followed (Ienada,
1965).

This system stayed in place until after World War II, when the
emperors rule came to an end. The war devastated Japan, making it
unstable financially and structurally. In an effort to rebuild and advance their
society, the new government and education system decided to stress the
importance of group effort and the idea of society over the individual. This
resulted in Japan growing and becoming industrialized very quickly. It also
had an enormous effect on Japan culturally (Rios-Ellis, Bellamy and Shoji,
2000). In fact, these sentiments and educational policies have barely
changed since the 20th century, and are still a major part of the Japanese
school curriculum (Sakurai, 2011).
Moral Education: Responsibility and Community
These influences can be seen everywhere in Japanese society and
education, all the way from preschool up until secondary education. Moral
education is mandatory starting in early elementary school (Schmid, 2012)
and has been part of the foundation of education since the Meiji Era (Sakurai,
2011). Japans current Prime Minister, Shinzo Abe, and his administration say
the purpose of moral education is to help instill Japanese traditions among
children, and help prepare them for a globalized world (Bolton, 2015). Abe
claims that current practices in moral education are meant to help prevent
social issues in Japan, such as bullying and juvenile delinquency (Bolton,
2015). However, many of the things being taught in moral education may
actually contribute to these issues, as will be discussed later in this review.
Moral education is also meant to teach students good virtue,
patriotism, love of school, respect for society, and established order (Schmid,
2012). As of right now, moral education is incorporated throughout all
subjects and activities, and schools hold one-hour lessons once a week to
teach moral lessons. This amounts to about 35 hours of moral education,
which is only a small portion of time compared to other non-curriculum
subjects, such as art (Bolton, 2015). However, some researchers believe that
the importance of moral education outweighs the other subjects (Sakurai,
2011).
Nancy Sato (1990), who participated in a year-long study observing a
Japanese classroom, noticed that moral educations emphasis on respect and
self-discipline makes students more responsible, independent, and well-
behaved. Firstly, the idea of hierarchy is instilled in the students, and the
teacher acts as a moral exemplar who directs the students and provides
guidance. Within the classroom, the students are usually given different
roles, such as a class president or class representative. Other students rotate
doing minor roles, such as taking attendance. Gerald K. LeTendre (1999),
who has done several research studies on Japanese education, explains that
these roles, and the classrooms rules and regulations help to maintain order
in the classroom. Marcia Baris-Sanders (1997) noticed similar trends during
her teaching tenure in Japan. She believes that Japans emphasis on
conformity and hierarchy creates a positive peer pressure that forces
students to be well-behaved.
Moral education also teaches Japanese students to take on many of
their own responsibilities. During her study, Sato (1990) observed times
when students assumed mandatory responsibilities, like cleaning the
classroom. She also witnessed how students plan their own activities for
events, such as Sports Day or the Cultural Festival, with barely any teacher
supervision. LeTendre (1999) also witnessed students assuming responsibility
on their own. He observed students participating in afterschool club activities
without a teacher present. Instead, the seniors in the club ran the activities
and directed their underclassmen. Both Sato (1990) and LeTendre (1999)
agree that Japanese teachers can assume the role of invisible authority
because the students are so self-sufficient. From her time in Japan, Baris-
Sanders (1997) believes that allowing students the freedom to make their
own decisions empowers them to be creative, responsible, and social all at
the same time.
The moral curriculum also teaches the concept of group harmony and
how individual needs are not important. Conformity is highly valued (Schmid,
2012). Sato (1990) believes that this allows the students and teachers to
form a sense of community. In fact, the Japanese education system
accentuates community. LeTendre (1999) explains that teachers and
students work together on all kinds of activities together, such as beautifying
the school grounds. When doing such activities, the teachers participate as
well to help build a sense of oneness. For example, during his research
studies, LeTendre (1999) saw teachers and sometimes even principals or
other administrators helping to clean the school. Even though these people
are higher in the hierarchy, they still did the most menial tasks while
cleaning, emphasizing how everyone was working together toward the same
goal. Sato (1990) says that the sense of community is so strong that some
students will continue to stay in contact with their teachers many years after
they have graduated. The feeling of togetherness is taken even further
through home visits, and teacher-parent collaboration on events and
community activities.

Moral Education: Conformity

Despite this, there are negative educational implications that result
from Japans emphasis on conformity. Because of the historical and cultural
influences mentioned thus far, being different, even slightly, is considered
dangerous in Japanese society. Schmid (2012), a college professor, explains
that this concept is so ingrained in Japanese society that instructors
purposely avoid discussing the individual differences between students
appearances, personalities, and behaviors. Sometimes teachers will not
acknowledge the individual accomplishments of one student, and instead
credit it to the whole class (LeTendre, 1999). In his thesis on moral education,
Bolton (2015) explains that the Japanese government stresses conformity as
well. In 2001, the Major of Kyoto, Yorikane Matsumoto, claimed that there
was too much individuality in students and that it was affecting Japanese
traditions. In fact, the Abe administration is considering making moral
education an official subject where teachers would be forced to teach certain
concepts. Since Abe took office, there have been new reforms and additions
to moral education, which shows how the government looks down on
individuality and stresses conformity. Moral education and its recent reforms
have received many criticisms from the West and all over the world. Critics
claim that moral education is overly nationalistic, is brainwashing children,
and hinders them from having individual thoughts (Bolton, 2015).
In the United States and other countries, there is a philosophy that
every student learns differently and has diverse needs. This allows educators
to modify instruction and try to help students learn to the best of their ability
(Nolen, 2003). However, in Japan, miniscule differences arent even
acknowledged (Schmid, 2012). Many schools go as far as making the
students wear identical uniforms, and prohibit any alteration to their
uniforms or belongings (Sato, 1990). In terms of academics, this means that
many students in Japan may not be receiving the kind of instructional
practices that cater to their personal strengths and will allow them to learn
more efficiently. In fact, Sato (1990) witnessed teachers who feared that
giving special treatment to certain students might disrupt the classs sense
of unity; therefore, teachers tended to avoid this, even when they knew
some students needed individual attention. Despite the emphasis on
conformity, Sato (1990) explains that students personal individualities do
become apparent during class time. Through her observations, she noticed
teachers encouraged students to express their opinions during discussions,
and that the students personalities and differences became much more
noticeable.

New Special Education System

In recent years, Japan finally established special education for children
with cognitive, developmental, and learning disabilities. Through this new
system, children can receive separate and individualized support for their
needs. Students that would not have been considered for extra help in the
past are now receiving special education support, which is a step in the right
direction. Misa Kayama (2010), who reviewed research and literature on
special education in the Japan, explains how social stigma and the idea of
conformity prevented Japan from enacting special education. Many educators
and administrators were afraid that putting students in special education
would alienate them. It wasnt until the 2007- 2008 school year that Japan
implemented special education for children with learning disabilities,
cognitive disabilities, and other disabilities. Prior to this, only students with
severe physical handicaps like blindness, deafness, or serious mental
retardation received special education in separate educational settings
(Izutsu & Powell, 1961). Even if a child had an obvious condition that could
impair their education, such as Autism, they were still expected to attend
classes with other regular students (Kayama, 2010).
The new special education system is seen as a victory for many
educators, but it still needs to work out its kinks. In her literature review,
Kayama (2010) describes interviews she had with parents who had children
enrolled in the new special education program. The parents revealed that the
social stigma of disability is still prevalent in Japanese society. For example,
one mother explained that others assume she is unhappy or disappointed
because she had a disabled child. In addition to this, many of the parents
expressed that the special education services were unorganized. They also
said that it was sometimes difficult to receive systematic support because
there werent set standards or procedures. However, Kayama (2010) explains
that the system is slowing improving.
One success story was a study conducted by Misa Kayama and Wendy
Haight (2012), where three students with different disabilities were observed
participating in an elementary schools new special education program. In
this study, the children slowly transitioned from their regular classrooms to
separate classrooms where they could receive individual support. All three
children benefited academically and psychologically from their special
education programs, but were also able to retain their friendships and sense
of community with their former classmates (Kayama & Haight, 2012).

The Prevalence of Bullying

Despite the implementation of special education, the concept of
conformity still creates many other problems in Japanese education. The idea
that those who are different are bad has made bullying a frequent issue in
Japan. Hilton, Anngela-Cole, and Wakita (2010) created a cross-cultural
comparison of bullying in the United States and Japan, and found that
violent, aggressive bullying tends to occur less in Japan than compared to
the United States. However, ijime (psychological harassment including verbal
abuse, isolation, etc.) is a major problem among Japanese students.
According to an extensive study and examination of bullying in Japan by
Rios-Ellis, Bellamy and Shoji (2000), bullying is very prevalent, but also
extremely underestimated. Both groups (Rios-Ellis, Bellamy & Shoji, 2000;
Hilton, Anngela-Cole, & Wakita, 2010) noticed that boys tended participate in
bullying more than girls, and were more likely to use violence. Hilton,
Anngela-Cole, and Wakita (2010) noted that Japanese girls are more likely to
use teasing or isolation as a form of bullying, and are more likely to engage
in bullying than female students in other countries.
Both research groups (Hilton, Anngela-Cole, & Wakita, 2010; Rios-Ellis,
Bellamy & Shoji, 2000) found that bullying seems to occur the most between
the transition from elementary school to junior high school. This could be due
to the fact that children around this age experience physical, cognitive, and
psychological changes. There is also the possibility that the students want to
establish a new social hierarchy in their new school setting (Hilton, Anngela-
Cole, Wakita, 2010). Ijiime continues to occur throughout the rest of
students school careers, but lessens toward the end of high school. Hilton,
Anngela-Cole, and Wakita (2010) believe that one likelihood for this is that
high school students are preparing for college entrance exams, and are
simply too distracted.
In her literature review about Japanese bullying, Jacqueline Treml
(2001) explains how Japans intense educational system could also be
contributing to the problem of bullying. For example, the school year is
longer and breaks are shorter compared to other countries, such as the
United States. Many students also participate in extracurricular activities,
which gives them less time to relax. This results in many Japanese students
frequently feeling tried, stressed, and anxious. Because students always feel
on edge and frustrated, they are likely to take their pain out on someone
else. One student in Tremls (2001) study admitted that they pick on others
when they are stressed because it feels good.
In their analysis of different types of bullying, Rios-Ellis, Bellamy and
Shoji (2000) explain that individuals who are different tend to be the victims
of bullying because of the cultural aspects discussed thus far. In their study,
they found that the most common form of bullying is social isolation, where a
large amount of students will ignore or shun a particular student, hinting
back at Shinto roots. The analysis found that teasing, name calling, and
stealing or vandalizing the victims belongings were also common forms of
bullying for both males and females (Rios-Ellis, Bellamy & Shoji, 2000).
Through their comparison, Hilton, Anngela-Cole, and Wakita (2010)
noticed that many victims of bullying will not seek help because they are
scared of being isolated further. They explain that, in Japan, bullies may
actually be the victims friends. The victim may believe that the aggressors
really are their close friends, and that they somehow deserve the unfair
treatment. Treml (2001) explains in her literature review that this is a
common belief in Japan. Instead of being seen as a victim, the person being
bullied is seen as doing something wrong. This belief is even held among
parents whose children have been bullied. For example, a common proverb
to tell children is The nail that sticks up gets hammered down (Treml,
2001).
Therefore, victims tend to stay with their group of friends, instead of
reporting the bullying behavior. Hilton, Anngela-Cole, and Wakita (2010) also
explain that Japanese students tend not to stand up for classmates that are
being bullied. There are even times when peers of a classmate, who are
usually on good terms, will begin bullying them as well. However, there is
also the possibility that some students may not realize that their bullying
behavior is wrong. Hilton, Anngela-Cole, and Wakita (2010) explain that
children learn from those around them. If they are part of a group of friends
that believes being different is bad, they are likely to follow that belief. In
Japanese culture, every group has its own rules, and those rules are
considered absolute among its members (Hilton, Anngela-Cole, Wakita,
2010).
Children also learn from their teachers and educators. Children are
taught contradictory things by educators and moral education. As discussed,
they are supposed to be taught how to get along with one another through
community and group bounding (Sato 1990; Baris-Sanders, 1999; LeTendre,
1995) and yet their emphasis on conformity is a big contributor to bullying
(Treml, 2001). In their study, Rios-Ellis, Bellamy and Shoji (2000) interviewed
one teacher who admitted that the Japanese education system does not
teach students the skills they need to take care of themselves or each other.
On top of this, Rios-Ellis, Bellamy and Shoji (2000) also note that school
officials and staff tend to not go out of their way to help the victims either.
Many adults deny the existence of bullying and try to maintain the situation
as normal as possible. Teachers are held accountable for their students
behavior, and admitting that there is a bullying problem in their class could
reflect badly on them (Rios-Ellis, Bellamy and Shoji, 2000). Treml (2001) also
notes that school administrators can be reluctant to admit that bullying is a
problem because it could hurt the reputation of the school. Other times, a
teacher may not do anything because it benefits the class as a whole. In
an interview with Mihashi (1987), one teacher admitted that classes run
more smoothly when a student is being bullied.
Sometimes even teachers will participate in bullying. This can be
consciously or unconsciously (Treml, 2001). For example, Mihashi (1987)
describes an indecent that happened in 1986, when an 8th grade class held a
pretend funeral for a student who had left a suicide note on his desk. Some
teachers actually joined in and participated in the mock funeral. To them,
they just saw it as fun or as a joke, but it had terrible implications because it
is showing students that this kind of behavior is acceptable (Treml, 2001).
Other times, teachers may not be purposely bullying a student, but their
actions can still psychologically harm a child. For example, Treml (2001)
describes how some teachers may use extreme measures to punish a
student. This can be having them do an exercise over and over again until it
is perfect, or using physical means, such as sticking them with a thumbtack.
Even if this is meant to teach a student about consequences, it is teaching
other students that such behavior is appropriate.
Psychological Problems and Mental Illness
It is common knowledge that bullying and social isolation can cause
major psychological problems and that this can affect a students ability to
learn and function in school. If a Japanese student is struggling
psychologically, there is a system in place that does offer support for
students, although it too has flaws. Amy Borov (2008) did an extensive study
on Japanese people suffering from hikikomori (being completely withdrawn
from school or society), and discusses how the idea of psychological
problems, such as depression or other forms of mental illness, are not really
acknowledged in Japan. She says that because of the social values of
conformity, the Japanese education system avoids stigmatizing or
marginalizing its students in any way that may make them seem different.
During her time in Japan, Borov (2008) noticed that even among therapists,
there is an antipsychiatry bias. She explains that instead of diagnosing
someone with a condition that could remove them from the mainstream,
many psychologists blame mental illness on someones attitude. They think
fixing ones mental state is simply a matter of discipline and resilience. This
has caused cases of depression and other conditions to be underdiagnosed
in Japan (Borovoy, 2008). Morita, Suzuki, Suzuki, and Kamoshita (1993) held
a study to determine the prevalence of psychiatric disorders in Japanese
students. They diagnosed 16% of 12-13-year-olds and 14% of14-15-year-old
students with some kind psychiatric disorder. However, out of all of the
students who were diagnosed, only one had received professional help.
Gerald K. LeTendre (1995), who performed a study on Japanese
schools guidance counseling system, explains that this denial of mental
illness has shaped the way that the Japanese education system provides
guidance to students. He explains that the counselors in a Japanese school
are not a group of separate professionals. Instead, regular teachers act as
counselors, but have no professional psychology training. These teachers
may be able to help students in some regards, but if a child has a serious
mental illness or psychological problem, they will not be able to provide the
proper support. For very serious cases, a counselor can send a student to
outside psychological services, but the process is long and complicated, and,
again, counselors may try to avoid labeling students (LeTendre,1995). During
her observation of a hikikomori support group, Borovoy (2008) witnessed
how a counselor refused to send a girl with depressive and reclusive
symptoms to a psychiatrist. Other times, she saw parents who refused to get
their child help, even when a counselor did recommend it. Despite the social
climate, LeTendre (1995) does mention in his findings that some schools
have begun adapting formal counseling positions, but most schools still rely
on the teacher-as-counselor role.
Of course, a student having difficulties with their mental state can seek
help outside of school. However, they may not want to get help because of
the social factors mentioned. A survey by Kanehara, Umeda, and Kawakami
(2015) researched reasons why young Japanese people avoid getting mental
health services, and found that some participants named social stigma and
cultural beliefs as their reasons. Altogether, though, other factors made up a
large percentage why they were dissuaded from getting psychological help.
Other factors included participants being unsure of where to go, not having
enough time, or having problems with things like transportation, scheduling,
or health insurance. Only 8% of the survey respondents said that they were
worried about what others thought. This shows that perhaps the
stigmatization of mental illness isnt as bad as perceived. Yet, the reason
with the highest percentage was The problem went away by itself, and I did
not really need help. This sentiment may again be related to the Japanese
belief of self-resilience (Kanehara, Umeda, & Kawakami 2015).
Borovoy (2008) says that Japans emphasis on self-resilience and
socialization has created the idea of safe zones in Japanese society. In her
noteworthy article, Plea for Acceptance: Social Refusal Syndrome in Japan,
Margaret Lock (1993) explains that instead of getting psychological or
psychiatric help, there is a notion in Japan that it is better to take a period of
rest to help one recollect themselves, and regulate their routine. Then,
when the person eventually feels prepared, they are supposed to rejoin
society and continue living a mainstream life (Lock, 1993). Borovoy (2008)
says that this idea has created facilities that people can retreat to when they
are having mental health problems. However, patients are expected to stay
at these places for an extended period of time, instead of receiving
outpatient services like in other countries, such as the US.
This has manifested another common practice in Japanese schools
called step classrooms. These are areas where students can go during the
day to escape; a common one is the nurses office. This allows students to
attend school, but offers them a place to calm down and relax if they are
feeling stressed or overwhelmed (Borovoy, 2008). Morita, Suzuki, Suzuki, and
Kamoshita (1993) note that more and more students with emotional
problems are using the nurses office as a place to escape. In her study on
hikikomori youth, Borovoy (2008) witnessed how such a place can be
beneficial to students who temporarily need a place and time to recollect
themselves. She saw students form friendships with other students that
visited these areas and were struggling with similar problems. Borovoy
(2008) also notes that students may also form a supportive relationship with
the teachers in these areas and that the instructors can give students
needed advice. The problem, however, is that some students stay in these
safe zones every day. In these cases, the students are missing out on their
education, and may not receive the specific psychological support they may
need if they are having mental health problems (Borovoy, 2008).
Many of the students that regularly visit step classrooms have what
is called school-refusal syndrome. In her analysis, Shoko Yoneyama (2000)
explains that school refusal syndrome is when a student chooses to skip
school regularly or does not attend at all. She says that it has been an issue
with Japanese students for decades and the problem is especially high since
secondary education is not mandatory in Japan. The abundance of students
that refuse to go to school could be related to the lack of psychological
support in the school system. Borovoy (2008) explains that many of the
students who have school-refusal syndrome cannot handle the pressures of
Japanese society or its education system. Yoneyama (2000) found this trend
in her research as well.
There is also a large amount of truancy and juvenile delinquency in
Japan, which may be linked to lack of support as well. Matsuura, Hashimoto,
and Toichi (2010) formed a study that interviewed and assessed Japanese
adolescents that were considered serious delinquent offenders. Their
research found that many of the subjects displayed symptoms of AD/HD,
antisocial behavior, and other cognitive issues that can lead to aggression,
violence, and other negative behaviors. If these students had been given
proper help for these conditions, there is a possibility that they may not have
progressed to the same level of aggression and delinquency.

An Intense Academic Schedule and School Life

Other than lack of psychological support and social pressure, such as
bullying, there are other aspects of Japanese education that make students
very stressed. As mentioned earlier, Japanese students have fewer breaks
than other countries. Treml (2001) explains that they also deal with intense
social and academic pressure on a daily basis. Japan has what is known as
examination hell where students need to regularly take high-stakes tests.
In Japan, doing well on state exams is seen as the equivalent of having a
successful future (WuDunn, 1996). Even if a student is planning to have a
blue-collar career, Japanese society has ingrained its students with the idea
that success in school equals a happy future and family life (Yoneyama,
2000). Through her research, Tremls (2001) found one student that
admitted, With entrance exams leading to jobs into good companies,
everyone is really jittery which illustrates the immense pressure students
are under.
 On top of this, cram school and other extra circular activities add more
burden to the students lives. Sheryl WuDunn (1996) explains in her article
that to score high grades on these tests, many students attend cram school
outside of their regular education hours. She says that as time has gone on,
the competition in Japanese education has increased and has resulted in
younger and younger students attending cram school. It has gotten to the
point where toddlers are attending cram school. This may seem extreme to
Western counterparts, but the best jobs are usually only available to students
who have graduated from top-notch universities, which requires high test
scores. Therefore, parents try to have their children excel at a young age
(WuDunn, 1996). WuDunn (1996) also explains that another issue with cram
school is elitism. Wealthy families are more likely get their children into
exclusive cram schools and private academies. Lower class students who
may not be able to afford this extra tutoring, which can create an unequal
gap between student achievement. Also, experts say that cram school is not
beneficial to children in the long run because it hampers students individual
thinking and teaches them that their only worth is their test scores. To make
things worse, the constant competition between students at cram schools
can turn peers into rivals that try to exploit one another, which is another
reason for students to partake in bullying (WuDunn, 1996).

In her cram school article, WuDunn (1996) discusses one student

named Shotaro who had an intense schedule; he regularly attended school
and cram school, along with also attending karate, art, and gymnastic
classes, and a special program to develop his thinking. And this student was
kindergarten age (WuDunn, 1996). Many middle school and high school
students also join clubs as part of an extracurricular activity. Students attend
these clubs after school, and most clubs hold meetings 4 to 6 days a week
(many clubs meet on Saturday), for around 2.5 to 3.5 hours a day. In some
schools, joining a club is mandatory, which adds more stress to students
already intense schedules (Blackwood & Friedman, 2015).
 Such a schedule would be tiring and stressful for students of any age.
This is concerning because prolonged stress and fatigue can create anxiety
and other psychological problems. In fact, in her literature review, Treml
(2001) notes that many Japanese students report feeling fatigued and
stressed. Yoneyama (2000) reports in her analysis that many students that
suffer from school refusal syndrome have experienced school burnout or
are not getting enough rest to keep themselves healthy physically or
mentally. Another study by Morioka et all (2014) investigated the reasons for
Japanese students unhappiness. Many of the unhappy students did not get
adequate amounts of sleep, which could be due to their hectic schedules.
The most prominent reason for unhappiness, however, was poor mental
health. Additionally, according to the 2008 World Youth Survey, Japan ranked
second to last in terms of young peoples happiness (Sakurai, 2011). The
results of both of these studies could mostly likely a direct outcome of the
intense routines students go through on a daily basis. The lack of
psychological support mentioned earlier is probably another contributing
factor.

Despite this, one study claimed that Japanese students are happier
than students in other countries. David Crystal and Chuansheng Chen (1994)
assumed that the intense pressure of the Japanese school system would
make Japanese students prone to stress and depression. To confirm this, they
conducted a study that compared the stress levels of Japanese, Chinese, and
American students. To their surprise, they found that Japanese students
reported much less stress, depression, and other psychological issues than
students in the United States and China. Crystal and Chen (1994) discuss
that the Japanese students could have been trying to keep face because of
Japanese cultural beliefs, although they do not believe this was the case
based on interviews with the students. However, Blackwood and Friedman
(2015) discuss how a survey conducted by Hitotsubashi Bungei, Kyoiku
Shinkokai, and Nihon Seishonen Kenkyukai (2011) found that Japanese
students reported having much lower self-esteem levels than students in
China, Korea, and America. More research needs to be done in this area to
clear up this discrepancy.

Although extracurricular activities can overwhelm students, they can

also have positive aspects. As mentioned, many middle school and high
school students attend clubs after school. Blackwood and Friedman (2015)
conducted a study to see how joining a club affected Japanese students
sense of self-worth. They found that many students enjoyed their clubs
immensely and that their club activities made school fun and worthwhile.
The survey revealed that 13.8% of the students said that club activities were
their favorite part of school. One former student they interviewed even said
that high school was the best time of his life because he was able to devote
all of his time to the baseball club (Blackwood & Friedman, 2015). The study
by Morioka et all (2014) also found a similar trend. In their survey about
student happiness, the majority of students that reported being happy at
school were part of a club or extracurricular activity.

In The Classroom

Club activities are one positive outcome of Japans school schedule;

however, the education systems intense academic schedule does more than
affect the students wellbeing. It is also ingrained into the fabric of the
students everyday curriculum. As mentioned, exams are a crucial part of the
education system and students need to do well on them to advance to a high
caliber high school or college (Treml, 2001). Because of this, Japanese
teachers need to incorporate material that will be tested through the exam
system. A study by Brown and Kikuchi (2009) about English language
instruction in Japan revealed pitfalls with the exam system. Every Japanese
middle school and high school student is required to take six years of English
language instruction. Although the Ministry of Education claims that this is to
teach them how to communicate in English, Brown and Kikuichi (2009) found
another trend. Based on their research, they discovered that the main focus
of this class was to prepare students for their college entrance exams
because the exam requires English language translation. Therefore, the
majority of English language classes teach students the skills needed to pass
the exam- traditional grammar and translation activities on paper. One
Canadian teacher who worked in Japan claims that the students barely even
speak during English class, and instead just listen and take notes (Gondor,
2005).

When Brown and Kikuichi (2009) interviewed students who took these
English language classes, many of them expressed disappointment. They
said that they never really learned how to communicate or express
themselves in English. Instead, they did mostly translation activities, which
they usually forgot after some time. If there wasnt so much pressure to pass
the college entrance exams, teachers could have done more creative and
effective exercises to help teach students how to speak and understand the
language. During her study in Japan, Sato (1990) found that Japanese
teachers often complain the testing system inhibits them from teaching their
students what they truly need to learn. However, Brown and Kikuichi (2009)
explain that teachers are pressured to have their students pass the entrance
exams because it reflects well on them and their school.

Although teachers are not using the most innovative educational

techniques in English class, the system does incorporate some practices that
can help different kinds of learners. Both Sato (1990) and Baris-Sanders
(1997) noted that many teachers use group activities to teach their students
in their different classes. Students collaborate together to figure out a project
or answer a worksheet. In these scenarios, one student can act as a tutor for
another student who is struggling. In this sense, some of the struggling
students are receiving individual support from a classmate (Sato, 1990).
Baris-Sanders (1997) claims that many Japanese teachers purposely arrange
groups of mixed ability, so the more advanced students can help the
struggling students. She says that every student in each group alternates
playing the role of group leader, so negative attention does not get put on
the students that work slower.

Brown and Kikuichi (2009), Sato (1990), and Baris-Sanders (1997)

prove that Japanese teachers implement different educational practices,
some of which are considered more effective than others. However, these
are only three examples out of the thousands of schools and classrooms that
exist within Japan. More research needs to be done and reviewed to
determine what kind of classroom activities are the most common across
Japan. Only then can a more concise conclusion be drawn about which
classroom procedures are used, and how they support student learning.

Chapter 3: Conclusion

Based on the literature and research that was read, it seems that the
Japanese education system does not go out of its way to ensure that it is
meeting the diverse needs of its students. As stated, there is a philosophy in
the United States that every child learns differently and that their individual
learning styles needs to be taken into account. This includes giving
individualized instruction and implementing educational practices that cater
to different students strengths (Nolen, 2003). However, Japans cultural
emphasis on conformity does the opposite. Teachers avoid acknowledging
the differences between students (Schmid, 2012), and avoid giving individual
support to students (Sato, 1990). If a child needs extra help, they will mostly
likely not receive it from their teacher. This is problematic because students
may not be learning effectively or understanding the material, and could fall
behind. If a student does fall behind, they may still not receive support
because the system does not like to retain students or label them as at risk
(Sato, 1990).

On top of this, based on the reading, it seems that some practices in

the classroom do not cater to different learning styles. For example, if an
English class is literally all grammar and translation on paper, it will not be
effective for certain kinds of learning styles, such as bodily-kinestic learners.
On the other hand, some literature described positive collaborative activities
that are common in Japanese schools. Collaborative work will help students
who learn well in groups and students that could use some support from
their peers. Though, if a student does not get along with the members of
their group, they may be missing out on one of their only chances for
individualized instruction. Of course, it all depends on the student, teacher,
and school. There are so many different factors that can affect how a child
does in school. It is impossible to visit every classroom in Japan and look into
the mind of every student, but based on the literature, it can be concluded
that at least some students are not getting their academic needs fulfilled
because of the avoidance of individual instruction and the lack of knowledge
concerning learning differences.

Outside of academic practices, it seems that the Japanese education

system may not be supporting its students psychologically. The concept of
group harmony makes bullying a very prevalent problem in Japan. The ideas
being taught in moral education are actually giving students a reason to
bully others. On top of this, teachers and administrators do not usually do
anything to stop bullying even when it becomes obvious (Hilton, Anngela-
Cole, & Wakita, 2010). Frequent bullying, whether physical or verbal, can
cause psychological effects and impede a students school performance.
Another issue with Japanese society is the amount of social pressure put on
students. Japanese students are expected to do well on exams that could
literally decide the rest of their future. Many also attend cram school
regularly or participate in other extracurricular activities that take up large
amounts of time (Treml, 2001). Even if students enjoy their extracurriculars,
when combined with the rest of the pressure they may be experiencing, it
makes their schedule very intense. If students are overwhelmed or do not
get adequate amounts of sleep, it can affect their mental health, as well as
their physical health.

Despite these problems schools do not usually have professional

counselors. Instead, regular teachers act as counselors. These teachers can
provide some support to students, but they may not have the training or
knowledge to help a student who is having serious mental health issues
(LeTendre, 1995). In general, Japan as a society does not acknowledge
mental illness or psychological problems, and it can be difficult to get
psychiatric help or outpatient services (Borovoy, 2008). Based on all of this
evidence, many Japanese students may not be receiving the proper support
they need for their mental health.

Overall, it can be concluded that the Japanese school system does not go out
of its way to cater to the diverse needs of students. Despite this, I believe
the results are mixed. There will most likely be some students that are doing
fine in school. However, based on what I have read, the majority of students
will fall somewhere in the middle. I also hypothesize that there will be a small
portion of students who regularly struggle in school and will feel that they
are not being supported academically or psychologically.
 25

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