18-19 PaVLEFav aha ATHENS INTERNATIONAL INTERNATIONALIST TWO-DAY MEETING OF YOUTHOpyaveon EnavactatKie Neolaas @) MSSM ie meresREVOLUTIONARY YOUTH ORGANIZATION, EEK (GREECE) 1. In Greece of bankruptcy and memoranda, youth is in front of total social im- passe. Crushed between unemployment and the domination of flexible employ- ment relations and the collapse of every structure of “social state” of the past. Almost the 70% of youth (over 500.000) is unemployed, when those who have a job have a monthly income under than 500 euros. Their access to public security and health system is restricted. 300.000 youngsters are also trapped in the collapsing universities of the country, when every 100.000 youngsters ate graduating High School (Lyceum) without any job prospects. Very low is the migration of youngsters to the “developped” european North. The community programs against unemploy- ment are less than few, the state is constantly decreasing its expenses either for in- vestments or for the support of the poor, when the talked about direct foreign in- vestments are stil] far and when they arrive they will impose working conditions of the type of eastern Europe. 2. However, the youth has leaned its head. It has been on the frontline of every social battle, all the struggles of the working class against the savage measures of social cannibalis of the IMF-EU-ECB Troika, and others before them. Even before the enforcement of the Memorandum (2010), the youth led the popular revolt of the December of 2008. In the explosive general strike of the February of 2012, the youth was clashing for hours in the centre of Athens against the voting of the second Memorandum (PSI). The same year, a mass movement of occupations and rallies fought against the closure of the 1/4 of universities and techical founda- tions of the country. The antifascist struggle is also a field where the youth appears clearly dominant. The assasination of $5year-old rapper antifascist worker Pavlos Fissas last September reminds that the youth is at the aim of the fascists and Golden Dawn, but also on the vanguard of the struggle for the smashing of the Hit- ler's nostalgics. The police evacuations of occupied and self-managed spaces aims the extermination of the youth movement, Youngsters flooded the headquar ters of ERT (public radiophone and television) in Agia Paraskevi after the coup clo- sure of ERT by the Samaras goverment reminding to many the retum of the 1973 Polytechnics Revolt. Young working people, unemployed and students massively joined all the generations of the exploited and oppresed people in the more than 30 General Strikes called by the syndicates from the March of 2010 until today. * 3, The youth has not and will not find any way out in the framework of a bankrupt system, It leans to the left-wing, even if this happens with a lot of confusion. The promises of the government for the solution of the urgent social problems of the youth with first the one of unemployment, are not only not going to be fullfiled but also they will be turnt to their opposite. The youth is burdened with enormous public and private debts in its name without having any mean to ensure their pay- ment. The life of the youth is not compatible with this system. We should not look forthe invention of particularly youth movement, as we should fight for the connec- tion the youth movement with the movement of all the generations of the working class, in the frontline of the struggle. The perspective is not the repetition of all we have already experienced, but an uncontrollable social hurricane -the explosion of the social revolution, and it is for this which we should prepare. 4. The ideological and political struggle of OEN and all the revolutionary forces of the youth around the world should turn into program of transitional demands and a plan of action. Such a program and plan of action will be either the result of an international discussion and action or it will not exist. It is now that a new generation globally is on the head of the upcoming new wave of the world revolu- tion. From Argentina to Tunisia and from Rome and Athens to Istanbul we should and we can discuss for the common internationalsit action of the youth. The revolutionary mobilization should be directed to the necessity of the enforce- ment of a total of necessary urgent measures for the redistribution of the necerssary social working time to the total of the population and extinction of un- employment, the abolition of debt and the memoranda which are crushing the youth and all the people, the nationalization without compnsation and workers contro] and administration of the banks and all the central sections of the economy for their regroupment on new social bases. The conquest of the power by the working class in the lead of all the oppressed and exploited masses sug- gests the only way out of the capitalist bankruptcy and at the same time of the social impasse of the youth. The building of a revolutionary International, the 4th International is our fundamental instrument for this goal: the world communism. *OEN's Contribution |, YOUTH'S ABSOLUTE DEAD END ® Undoubtedly, the biggest problem that the youths face today in Greece is none other than unemployment. Unemployment in Greece, in the third quarter of 2013 stands at 27% and within youths of 15 to 24 years, at §7.2%. Formally, partial and temporary employment teaches 8%, but precarious employment reaches 25%. Thus, 3 out of 4 young people in Greece are unemployed or “informal” workers. Greece is the “champion” of unemployment within the EU. © Memoranda Greece is not an exception in terms of high unemployment, but the most extreme case of an ever worsening situation in Europe and the Middle East. Apart from Spain, only... Serbia, Macedonia (known as FYROM) and Bosnia and Herzegovina (25% of unemployment), ie the Western Balkan countries outside the EU, “antagonize” Greece... Unemployment in the EU hits new records, reaching 12%, At the same time flexible work in the EU reaches an average of 20%, The trend moves upwards in the Middle East too. For example, in Egypt, unemployment soared from 9% in 2010 to 13% in 2013, Even in the US, where "recovery" has come, unemployment basically re- mains at the levels reached after the painful crash of 2008-9, In Greece, it wasn't just the Memorandum that brought unemployment, but above all, the agents that soared unemployment, were the capitalist bankruptcy and a failed deal by Memoranda, According to the International Labor Organization, pre-crisis levels of youth unem- ployment in Greece will return in... 2081, ie in about 20 years from now. From being the worst consequence of the capitalist bankruptcy during a time of “peace”, unemployment is simultaneously converted to the initiator of larger crisis ‘on government finances, insurance funds, education and banking. Because of the... quadrupling of the rate of unemployment and secondarily the re- ducing of the wages, outstanding indebtedness of the people to the IRS regularly exceed tax revenues. The bourgeois state is in a more advanced stage of bank- tuptcy that it was when it became part of the support mechanism in 2010. The pri- mary surplus is immediately... blown away, when one considers that in 2008 the the overdue debts to the public was minimal and that all repayments of sovereign debt are paid” by the troika... The black hole of the insurance funds created by precarious work and employers’ debts reach 50% of their annual income. Not only youth loses its future pension, but also, its current public insurance, Private insurance mainly through foreign cor- porate giants (eg Allianz) is impossible to advance on a “burnt” economic territory like the Greek one, while private security is, furthermore, insolvent after the world- wide crash of 2008-9. In an equally poor condition are schools and colleges. A fourth of the country's col- leges closed two years ago. The rest languish due to lack of public or private re- sources, “producing” 100,000 graduates a year of which only 20,000-30,000 find work, 35% of bank loans ate dangerous and the deposits have eroded, making it impos- sible to provide liquidity to the economy. Under these conditions, unemployment and semi-employment have created an overdue private debt “bomb”, that approaches... rapidly, 100% of the GDP. In other words, a hidden non-sustainable debt, the private one, has been “stuck” next the well-known public non-sustainable debt (170% of the GDP). Both the old (public), as well as the new (private) non-sustainable debt must be paid with... the blood of the new generation, Now, international hedge funds already besiege Greece to grab what the the bankrupt Greeks bankers cannot grab, like eg real estate, wages, pensions, but also entire lives, and turning this corner of the earth into a “special economic ZONE ... The threatening double “crash” of Greece's debt will illuminate corresponding tragic developments in other neighboring countries as well. This will be triggered by the beginning of the end of the credit expansion policy ini- tiated by all central banks of the world, putting the end credits and the current co- alition government in Greece. Il. THE EXTENSION OF THE IMPASSE Why are we so absolute against the view that employment is incompatible with the paid slavery at the present stage of the decline of global capitalism? Let's look more specifically what are the prospects of employment from now in Greece; we *must first ask ourselves “what could bring about development”, especially as this year the second Memorandum “ends”. From expenses of the bourgeois state, the investment of Greek capitalists or invest- ment of foreign capitalists? Let's try and answer: Starting from the first “investor” candidate, the state, we wonder: Who does not know that we're talking about a bankrupt Greek bourgeois state which will be so for the next 5-10 years? That the application of the wild austerity policy will, at least until 2016, reduce both the state capital expenditure and the social state budget, which could at least ensure the survival of the young generation in order to become the “fuel” for the recovery. Similar austerity policy will be imposed under the EU's “economic governance”, while countries such as Turkey, primarily, are already facing the consequences of the end of their “economic miracle’, bringing political crisis in the neighboring country, filling slowly the puzzle of destabilization in the Arab world, ie the “new Balkans” for Greece, as the Panhellenic Exporters’ Asso- ciation said last year... It's for that reason that the state al] the more shows its miserable suppressive face, remaining in a state of emergency, snapping popular freedoms. The very rise of the fascist “Golden Dawn” in Greece cannot be seen outside the (non-)framework created by the collapse of the welfare state or even the "hard core” of the state (the army and the police). And it's for this reason that the “perse- cution” of GD from the memorandum government of social destruction cannot affect politically the fascists... ® Should we turn our hopes in Community programs of the new NSRF as the only hope for Greece between 2014 and 2020? The new NSRF will include 20% less money from the 2007-13 period and the new el- ement is that criteria for business financing through NSBF are even stricter as they relate only... to innovative SMEs, The same will apply to other countries of southern Europe, while in the... centrefield of the memorandum policy will be found this year France and Italy. This will apply to a Greece as well. where expenditure on “Re- search and Development" covering just 0.6% of the GDP instead of 2%, the EU av- erage! And in a Greece that has put a padlock in five companies, while most of the remaining four is technically bankrupt. Using also the EU funds, the countries of western and central Europe (eg Germany are Jaunching the “importation” of unemployed young people from the South for their medium industry, which lacks young cheap labor hands to continue producing x" products for the sake of its internal market. © Should the new generation wait something of the economic forces of Greece? Greek banks, according to the IMF aren't going to give a penny for business loans for the next 2-3 years. he upcoming stress tests of the European banks will furthermore "corner" not only the Greek and European banks (which bank will decide to be exposed to Greece through the control of the European Central Bank?). This fact discourages any foreign investment in Greece, even in the worst possible conditions for the workers of this country. Atthe same time, Greek exports’ rates -which supposedly would attract foreign in- vestors to put their money in Greek industries- fall, among others, due to low demand in neighboring countries, while the expansion of export activity in the Far East etc. collapsed very soon. At the same time, there are other Balkan countries which exhibit best industry-export performance, such as Bulgaria, although it has begun to fall. Under these conditions of mass unemployment, flexible labor relations there aren't a “way out” for the youth, as the capitalists say, but an extension of the im- passe of the continuing dissolution of any productive capacity into a bankrupt system. In turn this flexibility does not increase labor productivity by itself, as evidenced already by urban studies even in super-capitalist countries like Germany. Ill. THE WAY OUT Unemployment is an international phenomenon with international source, on a in- ternational scale and with international consequences. Greek copitalists themselves, as well as their political staff, state clearly that a so- lution, not only to this problem, but to al] social problems (eg deficits in education, insurance, etc.)can come only... from the outside (through “extroversion’), They aren't" traitors” of their nation, just realistic and at the same time 100% respon- sible for this situation. Those contending Memoranda, the Troika and capitalism cannot and must not step back, discussing types of “national” solutions, or a solution that bypasses the question of political power in this strategic problem for the very survival of the new and the older generations. Unemployment in a “developed” country-member of the Eurozone like Greece comnot, however, be treated either with international capitalist media that bothGreek and foreign capitalists suggest. The latter's aim is to grab what they need to shut down their production “gaps” cus- tomising domestic production and snapping it when it no longer serves them. Especially Greece receives a "double competitiveness presssure”, Both from the expensive, but more quolitative of western producers and the cheap, but no Jess qualitative producers of the East. The only way for the Greek economy not to turn into an... emerging economy, in full service of imperialism, stepping over the dead bodies of the youth (as already done in the Balkans, Turkey, North Africa) is to overturn the capitalist basis through revo- lutionary action of the entire working class in Greece, as well as in the SE Mediter- tanean etc. the peoples of which capitalism exploits (eg immigrants in Greece, the businesses in this area) and competes hard. This competition could in future be in- creased extremely, fanning nationalist hatreds in the Balkans. In other words, the youth movement of resistance will either be internationalist- revolutionary or wil] not win. For this to happen, the pioneering forces of the movement must seek to gain direct contact with respective forces from around the world and discuss together the situa- tion in each country, their common characteristics, the common dynamics of the crisis. From that point and beyond, the challenge is to develop a joint program of de- mands and action plan for the youth in order to win the world socialist revolution. Revolutionary Workers’ Party, DIP (Turkey) contribution 1, If we are to share revolutionary experiences of youth in Turkey with our com- tades then first we need to draw a brief but a general scheme of the situation the youth is in with the most vital problems they face. The first and the most vital one is the unemployment as expected. The official rates reach to 9% for the general population but the real estimates are around 15% which climbs to 27% among the youth. Turkey is not an economical paradise and will not stay forever excluded from the effects of the depression capitalism is pass- ing through. Moreover the political and state crisis of today stemming from the in- ternal fractionation of the capitalist class can trigger an economic crisis which Gives its first signs by increases in foreign currency, stopping of new investments and halting of foreign capital flow to the country. This situation is enough to con- vince anyone even if there won't be a recession, the unemployment rates -espe- cially that of the youth- will have a strong tendency to increase, also increasing the importance of the problem that we already have in hand, Another crucial issue is the privatization of education, There are many private high schools and universities but they will become much more widespread in the up- coming years. There is also a possibility of direct privatization of universities but the privatization of the services instead should be much more expected. So this issue is and will be a major point of struggle for the next years. There are also daily problems of students from accommodation to nutrition and from transportation to costliness of education materials. Such problems may be seen as minor when compared with let's say mass unemployment but they do a lot when we consider their contribution to gradual accumulation of anger among the youth and also their contribution to ongoing local struggles. In many universities it is hard to rally students against privatization plans but it is possible to rally hun- dreds and even organize boycotts of cafeterias etc. These minor struggles ate of great value if we consider the role they play in the process of uniting many in a common and expanding struggle and increasing the general consciousness of the youth, 2. In Turkey we cannot speak of a coordinated youth movement that follows its own road, but there are local struggles on local issues. The level of organized sec- tors is very low without a single unifying organization let's say a student's union. baBut interestingly, despite this situation, the first few signs of the road to the popular revolt of summer came from the university students. In December 2012 Erdogan “visited” Middle East Technical University, which is known for being a leftwing base. Along with him come 2000 policemen and 100 police vehicles, which seemed more like an occupation. A few hundred students organized a protest with the banner that read "Tayyip, who sells the science and a supporter of war, leave our university”. The police attacked ferociously almost killing a student with a gas capsule but instead sending him to coma. But this time they couldn't disperse the crowd rather it started to swell to more than a thousand by clashes taking place for ten hours til] midnight. The next two days seen the most effective boycott of students and a strike of academicians. Next week marched about ten thousand people inside the campus. The thing that was more important is the contagion that took place by demonstrations spreading to all the main universities and many universities in even the smallest cities taking the form of mass occupations after more than 35 years, boycoits and even taking captive of university presidents who denounced demonstrations. It was a sign of much greater things, thete was a smell in the air of something that just started to burn. Everyone joined to that struggles for sure was feeling that the mood was quite dif- ferent from what was happening before. Then through the transition from December to June, an important event was bomb- ings in the town of Reyhanh: close to the Syrian border, where 200 people died. The bombings were later associated with El-Kaide related groups fighting in Syria by the support of the government. The mass rally of students from al] over the univer- sities in Istanbul that drew a few thousand students aimed at reaching the office of prime minister was attacked by police again and there were widespread clashes all day long. A smaller march in Ankara trying to reach Ministry of Foreign Affcirs was also attacked like every single protest during the May after the May Day demonstrations. 3. The widest contribution to the people's revolt started with Gezi Park protests was from the youth. If to give an example, when the city center in Ankara was cap- tured and the crowd headed to the parliament and the prime minister's office close to the square, one might just look around and see that almost three quarters of the people fitting the square was in their twenties.The martyrs of the revolt were all very young people, oldest being 26 years old. The forums were mostly initiated and carried out by youth. There were also workers during all the movement but the working class wasn't there with its own demands, organizations and methods of 3. struggle like strikes or workplace occupations. The main direction of DIP was to draw the working class into the movement as an organized force but what we had in hand at that doy was an energetic youth. So our call to the youth was to canalize its dynamism into trying to gain working class to the movement in order to have their will of overthrowing the government fulfilled and, why not, even much more. We hold a more generalized view that the youth must see and organize itself as a part of a wider class struggle. That is true for both the demands of the struggle of the youth and for the concrete organization of the movement. If we are to talk about revolutionary experiences of the youth, at this point, we also have to talk about the experiences of the vanguards and most conscious sectors of it. During the Jast years young militants of DIP was mobilized to get involved in the ongoing class struggles from gigantic strikes to simplest worker protests. Only in the last year, at least in five universities in different cities, we have sent our best student comrades in and near worker strikes and resistances that took place in the universities. We see it as a very crucial point. We have a very clear historical experience: young militants that have passed from the fire of workers struggles proved to be more persistent, more determined and more able to understand the dy- namics of any kind of social struggles. The best and the most specific ex- ample is Tekel workers strike of the winter 2009-2010. Cihan, our imprisoned comrade, was the harvest of that strike in which, as a student, he fully partici- pated and was decisively recruited to the party in that days. Today's leading young cadres in Antalya, Ankara and lzmir as well as the young comrades that now became part of the Central Committee were fully involved in that strike. As 10000 Tekel workers occupied the city center of Ankara by their tents for almost three months, these young generation of militants left their schools, rushed to this concentrated point of struggle and stayed in those tents day and night, under very harsh circumstances -from minus 20 degrees of weather to lack of a single coin some days- without any complaints, with- out any excuses. They weren't just present there but they were in close con- nection with workers, trying to encourage them through ideas and praxis to solve the problems of the strike, organizing solidarity and they deduced many lessons not only for class struggles to come in the future but also for their individual personal lives, Actually what happened in the end was that they had made their choices, vrThe demands we propose for the youth also has an essence of class struggles. Free education, nationalization of private schools in every level, the distribution of work among the employed and unemployed without a decrease in wages, an investment tide in education and health sectors, free accommodation/ nutrition/ transportation! educational materials, independence of scientific research from the needs of capi- tal, closure of techno parks where the infrastructure and the labor force of the uni- versities are being used for private companies, job security for all the university em ployees etc, These demands are closely related with the fact that the youth and the students are divided internally, divided according to their classes. Our aim is to or- ganize mainly the youth from working class families. 4. We also have to fight for political independence of youth from all the factions of copitalists. We were able to open a channel for the youth to express itself by our banners at the barricades saying “#quesevayantodos” "#theyshouldallgo” without excluding any of the bourgeois politicians and calling for a “workers and toilets government” while majority of the left was only saying "AKP government should resign and premature elections should be held”. The photo of the banner taken at the barricades were shared by thousands and thousands of people, going very famous in social media. This shows the almost instinctive reflex of the youth to adopt an independent policy and their, not current but possible future, rejection for the worst examples of parliamentarist tendency, pointing to elections while people were still at the barricades. 5. Another critical issue is the repression either through fascist gangs or through police. In the last month there were no less than 10 fascist attacks in the universities in some of them students were attacked with blades. The reason behind these as- saults is to silence one of the engines of the popular revolt. On the other hand almost every important protest in the universities are attacked by the police, with very few exceptions. 6. The main slogan of youth of DIP in the last years was “money, blades and batons out of the university”. Comrade Cihan, let's put aside his role in the struggles took place in Summer and after, was among our most militant forces spending great effort to mobilize the youth with this slogan against capital, fascism and police repression. He was not our first comrade to be imprisoned and will not be the last. To win the World we need a common direction of struggle, a common action and through all these a very, very big solidarity. We call every individual comrade here to get even more organized and to get even more mobilized in order to give life to our common aim, tr PARTITO COMUNISTA DEI LAVORATORI, PCL (ITALY) ITALIAN YOUTH AMONG SCHOOL, UNIVERSITY, UNEMPLOYE- MENT AND FLEXIBLE LABOR Crisis bites people in every country of Europe, especially in the south of our conti- nent, the Mediterranean area. Unemployment, flexible labor and increasing costs of formation coerce people in a situation of disadvantage. In this scenario, youth has a specific role encountering great difficulty in ending its educational path and finding both a first occupation and an employment able to give economic indepen- dence. Disadvantage is clear in every youth condition: © Scholars often haven't the possibility to continue their studies. Books and trans- port price increase makes too expensive and arduous attending lessons. @ University students fight with increase of college's taxes, growth of books cost and bus/train tickets price. This situation causes the premature left of the formative path, @ Youth, committed or not in a formative path, meet great difficulty to find an oc- cupation, also considering a temporary or part-time job, In fact, in Italy at the end of 2013 about the 40% of young people (19-29 years old) was unemployed. Employees are often in a flexible condition of Jabor, with long period spent in an unemployment state from one job to another. Moreover, many young people are obliged to work in illegal job situation, with no labor rights. Against this terrifying reality we have no answer. The process of devastation and privatization of the educational system started at the beginning of XX1 century. After the start of the crisis this process accelerated. In 2008, the Italian government cut 8 billion of state school funds and made possible to convert universities in foun- dations, This is the first step of a progressive privatization of italian university and state school in general. In the autumn of that year there was a mass movement called “Onda” (that in English is “the wave"). All over Italy there were schools and universities occupied and in the biggest cities there were weekly demonstrations. But this movement had a great limit: it did not have an anti-capitalist direction. The main argument of the protest was that state schoo] economic cuttings and univer- sity privatization were against the national charter. There was no perception about the existing link between the state schoo] attack and the capitalism. That deter- mined the short life of this movement, lasted only three months. In the process of flow of this movement, a specific role had the Disobbedienti. This area of the move- ment succeed in directing struggles by their hegemony on the Sapienza university vrin Rome. Proposing an exit of the crisis by an “auto-reform from the low”, and claim- ing a struggle lacking "political colors”, they determined the little-bourgeoisie orien- tation of the movement. The “Onda” was the last student mass movement by the be- ginning of the crisis. In 2010 and 2011 the process of dismantling of the state school continued and some demonstration took place in the biggest cities of the country, with some violent moments. But there weren't mass movements. The autumn of 2012 and 2013 passed with no students answer to the increase of college's taxes and the process of privatization of the state school. After the begin- ning of the crisis, youth, committed or not in a formative path, met great difficulty to find an occupation, also considering a temporary or part-time job. Nowadays there isn’t a general movement of unemployed people, and there's no movement against the flexible way of working. This impasse in the Italian struggles is not limited to the youth situation, it concerns also the working class. During the last six years there were a lot of little disputes both in little and in big companies, but always without connection each other and without anti-capitalist claims. Moreover the workers organizations, firstly trade unions, block every possibility to realize a general strike, block every possibility to have a workers mass struggle. So the moving back of working class awareness has weakened all the mass movements, first student and youth ones. Communists have to intercept young people needs with the final aim to build a youth mass movement, demanding for public school and university, employment, living wage, abrogation of all the laws in favor of flexible and temporary job contracts. The problem could be that while students can be easily intercepted in schools and universities, unemployed young people don't have a place they frequent regularly. They are excluded in economic, political and social terms. So, we have to experi- ment new ways of informal communication (frequenting the new places of youth ag- gregation, for example neighborhood clubs) to catch young people attention and make their conscience grow. In absence of a general struggle of working class, students and unemployed people, single battles, sparks of a potential fire, extinguish themselves. In this situa- tion communist’s task, our organization's task, is to keep every spark alive and work to link one to others... and all together set on fire! ve Youth Union for Socialism, (PO) Argentine uenos Aires, January I7th, Dear comrades , the Youth Union for Socialism (Unién de Juventudes por el Socialismo-U]S), wish to send its’ warmest greetings to the international meeting that is to be held within the next few hours. The need to discuss and adopt a revolutionary policy and strategy aimed at youth, which the capitalist bankruptcy hits particularly hard, is beyond doubt. For this reason, youth uprising against job insecurity, mass unem- ployment and the privatization of education occupies a very important position in the fight against the attempt of the capitalists and their governments to load the consequences of the global crisis on the shoulders of the exploited. In this struggle, our organization has been forged in the field of hard battles and important victories. The working and studying youth that organizes itself in the UJS has risen to the most prevailing political reference in major sectors of unions, schools, universities and throughout the country. This comes as a result of a struggle with precisepolitical content: the denunciation, the definition and system- atic struggle against bourgeois nationalism, expressed politically through kirch- nerism, which has been governing Argentina for a decade now. While a large portion of the Left and their youth sections, have chosen to support the government, the youth section of the Labour Party (Partido Obreto-PO) un- folded, within the labor and students' movement, a powerful political struggle to expose the class content of this government, which exacerbated the youths’ posi- tion as cheap, precarious labor hands, on one hand, and proceeded to the inter- weaving of public education and large enterprises, on the other, In this context, the UJS had won and defended for more than a decade the admin- istration of the Universitarian Federation of Buenos Aires (Federacion Universita- tig de Buenos Aires-FUBA), the main university in the country, in order for it to become an independent student organization that would fight against capitalist governments that attack education through the reforms of the World Bank, and would unfold its strategic fight in unity with the working class. Based on this policy, the UJS led in 2013 to new advances and developments, in the scale of the whole country and in all sectors of youth. The development of UJS-PO contributed to the goal of recovering the unions from the hands of the union bureaucracy. The fight against outsourcing and job precar- ty in Argentina is certainly reflected in the face of our companion, MarianoFerreyra, who was murdered in 2010, by the gangs of the union bureaucracy and with the open complicity of the state and the capitalists. A wide popular mobiliza- tion, independent of the government, was the too] by which we succeeded in put- ting behind bars the perpetrators and instigators of the murder of our comrade, Undoubtedly, this course of the UJS should be incorporated in the struggle and the development achieved by the PO during this period. This process is crystallized in the victory PO and the Left Front (Frente de lzquierda y de los Trabajadores-F'T) in the recent elections, doubling the already significant results of 2011 and elect- ing national parliamentary deputees and legislators in ¢ number of provinces. This political rise of the revolutionary left occurs in a deep crisis of kirchnerism, who has exhausted its’ financial and political resources for the preservation of capitalist interests. But not only that: these policies would not exist without the sys- tematic struggle and clarification within the trade unions and youth organizations, where the PO has struggled all these years. Against opportunism, and ultimatism or sectarian self-proclamation, we gave FIT a method and a program that Jinks the most urgent needs of the working class and youth for an independent political action of the workers and, ultimately, the struggle for a workers’ government, This step that is now required to be taken is for us to develop this method in a greater depth, to move decisively in the great work of the merging of the labor movement and the exploited youth with the flag of revolutionary socialism. Comrades, accept our best wishes and our expectations for the discussion and conclusions arising from this international meeting. For the national direction of the UJS-PO, Gabriel Illescas1 =! NI TERMTION (aes } 7 ST Aiea / i yn “ae | 18-19 JANUARY, ATHENS, NATIONAL TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY OF ATHENS in epee oh ) ow AEVTEPIA = todustaa Cian Yilmea freedom chitin