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1928 My Order (New World Order) Adolf Hitler

1928 My Order (New World Order) Adolf Hitler

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Published by: j0nw on Oct 06, 2010
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10/09/2011

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Zweites Buch (Secret book)
Adolf Hitler's Sequel to Mein Kampf "Politics is history in the making."Such were the words of Adolf Hitler in his untitled,unpublished, andlong suppressed second work written only a few years after thepublication of Mein Kampf.Only two copies of the 200 page manuscript were originally made, and only one of thesehas ever been made public. Kept strictly secret under Hitler's orders, the document wasplaced in an air raid shelter in 1935 where it remained until it's discovery by an Americanofficer in 1945.Written in 1928, the authenticity of the book has been verified by Josef Berg (formeremployee of the Nazi publishing house Eher Verlag), and Telford Taylor (formerBrigadier General U.S.A.R., and Chief Counsel at the Nuremburg war-crimes trials) who,after an analysis made in 1961,comments:"If Hitler's book of 1928 is read against thebackground of the intervening years , it shouldinterest not scholars only, but the general reader.
*as quoted by http://www.pharo.com/lost&found.htm
 
 
 
FOREWORD
In August, 1925, on the occasion of the writing of the second volume, I formulated the fundamental ideas of aNational Socialist foreign policy, in the brief time afforded by the circumstances. Within the framework of thatbook I dealt especially with the question of the Southern Tyrol, which gave rise to attacks against theMovement as violent as they were groundless. In 1926, I found myself forced to have this part of the secondvolume published as a special edition. I did not believe that by so doing I would convert those opponents who,in the hue and cry over the Southern Tyrol, saw primarily a welcome means for the struggle against the hatedNational Socialist Movement. Such people cannot be taught better because the question of truth or error, rightor wrong, plays absolutely no part for them. As soon as an issue seems suitable for exploitation, partly forpolitical party purposes, partly even for their highly personal interests, the truthfulness or rightness of the matterat hand is altogether irrelevant. This is all the more the case if they can thereby inflict damage on the cause of the general awakening of our Folk. For the men responsible for the destruction of Germany, dating from thetime of the collapse, are her present rulers, and their attitude of that time has not changed in any respect up tonow. Just as at that time they cold heartedly sacrificed Germany for the sake of doctrinaire party views or fortheir own selfish advantage, today they likewise vent their hatred against anyone who contradicts their interests,even though he may have, a thousandfold, all the grounds for a German resurgence on his side. Even more. Assoon as they believe the revival of our Folk, represented by a certain name, can be seen, they usually take aposition against everything that could emanate from such a name. The most useful proposals, indeed the mostpatently correct suggestions, are boycotted simply because their spokesman, as a name, seems to be linked togeneral ideas which they presume they must combat on the basis of their political party and personal views. Towant to convert such people is hopeless.Hence in 1926, when my brochure on the Southern Tyrol was printed, I naturally gave not a second's thought tothe idea that I could make an impression on those who, in consequence of their general philosophical andpolitical attitude, already regarded me as their most vehement opponent. At that time I did entertain the hopethat at least some of them, who were not at the outset malicious opponents of our National Socialist foreignpolicy, would first examine our view in this field and judge it afterward. Without a doubt this has also happenedin many cases. Today I can point out with satisfaction that a great number of men, even among those in publicpolitical life, have revised their former attitude with respect to German foreign policy. Even when they believedthey could not side with our standpoint in particulars, they nevertheless recognised the honourable intentionsthat guide us here. During the last two years, of course, it has become clearer to me that my writing of that timewas in fact structured on general National Socialist insights as a premise. It also became clearer that many donot follow us, less out of ill will than because of a certain inability. At that time, within the narrowly drawnlimits, it was not possible to give a real fundamental proof of the soundness of our National Socialist conceptionof foreign policy. Today I feel compelled to make up for this. For not only have the attacks of the enemy beenintensified in the last few years, but through them the great camp of the indifferent has also been mobilised to acertain degree. The agitation that has been systematically conducted against Italy for the past five yearsthreatens slowly to bear fruit: resulting in the possible death and destruction of the last hopes of a Germanresurgence.Thus, as has often happened in other matters, the National Socialist Movement in its foreign policy positionstands completely alone and isolated within the community of the German Folk and its political life. The attacksof the general enemies of our Folk and Fatherland are joined inside the country by the proverbial stupidity and
 
ineptitude of the bourgeois national parties, the indolence of the broad masses, and by cowardice, as aparticularly powerful ally: the cowardice that we can observe today among those who by their very nature areincapable of putting up any resistance to the Marxist plague, and who, for this reason, consider themselvesdownright lucky to bring their voices to the attention of public opinion in a matter which is less dangerous thanthe struggle against Marxism, and which nevertheless looks and sounds like something similar to it. For whenthey raise their clamour over the Southern Tyrol today, they seem to serve the interests of the national struggle, just as, conversely, they come as close as they can to standing aside from a real struggle against the worstinternal enemies of the German nation. These patriotic, national, and also in part Folkish champions, however,find it considerably easier to launch their war cry against Italy in Vienna or München under benevolent supportand in union with Marxist betrayers of their Folk and Fatherland, rather than fight an earnest war against thesevery elements. Just as so much nowadays has become appearance, the whole national pretence by these peoplehas for a long time been only an outward show which, to be sure, gratifies them, and which a great part of ourFolk does not see through.Against this powerful coalition, which from the most varied points of view is seeking to make the question of the Southern Tyrol the pivot of German foreign policy, the National Socialist Movement fights by unswervinglyadvocating an alliance with Italy against the ruling Francophile tendency. Thereby the Movement, incontradistinction to the whole of public opinion in Germany, emphatically points out that the Southern Tyrolneither can nor should be an obstacle to this policy. This view is the cause of our present isolation in the sphereof foreign policy and of the attacks against us. Later, to be sure, it will ultimately be the cause of the resurgenceof the German nation.I write this book in order to substantiate this firmly held conception in detail and to make it understandable. Theless importance I attach to being understood by the enemies of the German Folk, the more I feel the duty of exerting myself to present and to point out the fundamental National Socialist idea of a real German foreignpolicy to the national minded elements of our Folk as such, who are only badly informed or badly led. I knowthat, after a sincere examination of the conception presented here, many of them will give up their previouspositions and find their way into the ranks of the National Socialist Freedom Movement of the German Nation.They will thus strengthen that force which one day will bring about the final settlement with those who cannotbe taught because their thought and action are determined not by the happiness of their Folk, but by the interestsof their party or of their own person.www.adolfhitler.ws

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