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Table Of Contents

Part One State Capitalist Intervention in the Market
A Critical Survey of Orthodox Views on Economy of Scale
A. Cross-Ideological Affinity for Large-Scale Organization
B. Chandler, Galbraith, and Push Distribution
C. Williamson on Asset-Specificity
Appendix A Economy of Scale in Development Economics
A Literature Survey on Economies of Scale
A. Economies of Firm Size
B. Economies of Plant Size
D. Increased Distribution Costs
E. The Link Between Size and Innovation
F. Economy of Scale in Agriculture
A. The Nineteenth Century Corporate Legal Revolution
B. Subsidies to Transportation and Communication Infrastructure
C. Patents and Copyrights
D. Tariffs
II. Twentieth Century State Capitalism
A. Cartelizing Regulations
B. Tax Policy
C. The Corporate Liberal Pact With Labor
D. The Socialization of Corporate Cost
E. State Action to Absorb Surplus Output
F. Neoliberal Foreign Policy
Part Two Systemic Effects of Centralization and Excessive Organizational Size
A. Radical Monopoly and Its Effects on the Individual
B. Systemic Effects on Institutional Culture
C. The Large Organization and Conscript Clienteles
D. The New Middle Class and the Professional-Managerial Revolution
Postscript: Crisis Tendencies
Appendix Journalism as Stenography
1. Scott Cutlip
2. Justin Lewis
3. Sam Smith
4. Harry Jaffe
5. The Daily Show
6. Brent Cunningham
7. Avedon Carol
Knowledge and Information Problems in the Large Organization
A. The Volume of Data
B. The Distortion of Information Flow by Power
Conclusion and Segue to Chapter Six
Appendix The NHS’s IT Program as an Example of Systematic Stupidity1
Agency and Incentive Problems within the Large Organization
Introduction
A. Mainstream Agency Theory
A. The Divorce of Entrepreneurial from Technical Knowledge
B. Hayek vs. Mises on Distributed Knowledge
C. Rothbard’s Application of the Calculation Argument to the Private Sector
Appendix “The End of the Quarter Shuffle”
Managerialism, Irrationality and Authoritarianism in the Large Organization
A. The Corporate Form and Managerialism
B. Self-Serving Policies for “Cost-Cutting,” “Quality” and “Efficiency”
C. The Authoritarian Workplace: Increased Hierarchy and Surveillance
D. Authoritarianism: Contract Feudalism
E. Authoritarianism: The Hegemony of “Professionalism”
F. Motivational Propaganda as a Substitute for Real Incentives
Appendix A Blaming Workers for the Results of Mismanagement
1. Senators Were Warned of Lexington Air Controller Understaffing1
2. Dian Hardison. “I F-ing Warned Them!”2
3. MSHA Makes The “Wrong Decision” To Blame Workers For Accidents3
4. Labor Relations in the Health Care Industry for Nurses1
A. The Special Agency Problems of Labor
B. Labor Struggle as Asymmetric Warfare
D. Austrian Criticism of the Usefulness of Unions
Appendix A Sabotage in a London Nightclub: A Case Study
Appendix C DeCSS as an Example of Media Swarming
Appendix F STUPID WHITE MEN as a Case Study in Media Swarming
Attempts at Reform from Within: Management Fads
A. New Wine in Old Bottles
B. Lip Service and Business as Usual
C. Management by Stress
D. Dumbing Down
Conclusion and Segue to Part Four
Appendix The Military Origins of Quality Control
Part Four Conjectures on Decentralist Free Market Alternatives
The Abolition of Privilege
A. Reciprocity
B. Privilege and Inequality
1. The Credit Monopoly
2. Artificial Property Rights in Land
Appendix Reciprocity and Thick Libertarianism
Structural Changes: The Cost Principle
A. Peak Oil and the “Long Emergency”
B. The Scale of Possible Savings on Energy Inputs
C. Path Dependency and Other Barriers to Increased Efficiency
D. The Cost Principle and the Work-Week
E. The Cost Principle and Local Autonomy
Dissolution of the State in Society
A. Revolution vs. Evolution
B. Dialectical Libertarianism and the Order of Attack
C. The “Free Market” as Hegemonic Ideology
D. Gradualism and the “Magic Button”
E. “Dissolving the State in the Economy”
F. Counter-Institutions
G. Counter-Institutions and Counter-Economics
H. The Two Economies and the Shifting Correlation of Forces
I. Privatizing State Property
Decentralized Production Technology
A. Multiple-Purpose Production Technology
B. The Transition to Decentralized Manufacturing
C. Desktop Manufacturing Technology
D. Polytechnic
E. Eotechnic, Paleotechnic, and Neotechnic
F. Decentralized Agriculture
G. A Soft Development Path
Social Organization of Production: Cooperatives and Peer Production
A. Self-Employment: Increased Productive Efficiency
B. Cooperatives: Increased Productive Efficiency
C. Innovation Under Worker Self-Management
D. Social Benefits of Worker Empowerment
E. Peer Production
F. The Social Economy and the Crisis of Capitalism
The Social Organization of Distribution, Exchange and Services
A. Demand-Pull Distribution
B. Local Exchange Systems: Household and Informal Economies
C. Certification, Licensing and Trust
D. Social Services
E. Mutual Aid and the Voluntary Welfare State
F. Education
G. Healthcare
Bibliography
Index
About the Author
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Organization Theory a Libertarian Perspective

Organization Theory a Libertarian Perspective

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Published by Sean
This book had it origins in a passage (the “Fiscal and Input Crises” section of Chapter
Eight) of my last book, Studies in Mutualist Political Economy. If you read that passage
(it’s available online at Mutualist.Org), you’ll get an idea of the perspective that led me to
write this book. The radical thoughts on organizational pathologies in that passage, both
my own and those of the writers I quoted, dovetailed with my experiences of bureaucratic
irrationality and Pointy-Haired Bossism in a lifetime as a worker and consumer.
To get the rest of the questions on my perspective out of the way, I should mention
that the wording of the subtitle (“A Libertarian Perspective”) reflects a long process of indecision
and changes, and is something I still find unsatisfactory. I vacillated between the
adjectives “mutualist,” “anarchist,” “individualist anarchist,” and “left-libertarian,” not
really satisfied with any of them because of their likely tendency to pigeonhole my work
or scare away my target audience. I finally ended up (with some misgivings) with plain old
“Libertarian.” It’s a term of considerable contention between the classical liberal and libertarian
socialist camps. I don’t mean the choice of term in a sense that would exclude either
side. In fact, as an individualist in the tradition of Tucker and the rest of the Boston anarchists,
I embrace both the free market libertarian and libertarian socialist camps. I chose
“libertarian” precisely it was large and contained multitudes: it alone seemed sufficiently
broad to encompass the readership I had in mind.
I write from the perspective of individualist anarchism, as set forth by William B.
Greene and Benjamin Tucker among others, and as I attempted to update it for the twentyfirst
century in my last book. Here’s how I described it in the Preface to that book:
In the mid-nineteenth century, a vibrant native American school of anarchism, known as
individualist anarchism, existed alongside the other varieties. Like most other contemporary
socialist thought, it was based on a radical interpretation of Ricardian economics. The
classical individualist anarchism of Josiah Warren, Benjamin Tucker and Lysander Spooner
was both a socialist movement and a subcurrent of classical liberalism. It agreed with the
rest of the socialist movement that labor was the source of exchange-value, and . . . entitled
to its full product. Unlike the rest of the socialist movement, the individualist anarchists
believed that the natural wage of labor in a free market was its product, and that
economic exploitation could only take place when capitalists and landlords harnessed the
power of the state in their interests. Thus, individualist anarchism was an alternative both
to the increasing statism of the mainstream socialist movement, and to a classical liberal
movement that was moving toward a mere apologetic for the power of big business.1
I belong to the general current of the Left so beautifully described by the editors of
Radical Technology (“the ‘recessive Left’ of anarchists, utopians and visionaries, which tends
only to manifest itself when dominant genes like Lenin or Harold Wilson are off doing
something else”). As such, I tend to agree with the Greens and other left-wing decentralists
on the evils to which they object in current society and on their general view of a good
1. Kevin A. Carson, Studies in Mutualist Political Economy. Self-published via Blitzprint (Fayetteville,
Ark., 2004), p. 9.
This book had it origins in a passage (the “Fiscal and Input Crises” section of Chapter
Eight) of my last book, Studies in Mutualist Political Economy. If you read that passage
(it’s available online at Mutualist.Org), you’ll get an idea of the perspective that led me to
write this book. The radical thoughts on organizational pathologies in that passage, both
my own and those of the writers I quoted, dovetailed with my experiences of bureaucratic
irrationality and Pointy-Haired Bossism in a lifetime as a worker and consumer.
To get the rest of the questions on my perspective out of the way, I should mention
that the wording of the subtitle (“A Libertarian Perspective”) reflects a long process of indecision
and changes, and is something I still find unsatisfactory. I vacillated between the
adjectives “mutualist,” “anarchist,” “individualist anarchist,” and “left-libertarian,” not
really satisfied with any of them because of their likely tendency to pigeonhole my work
or scare away my target audience. I finally ended up (with some misgivings) with plain old
“Libertarian.” It’s a term of considerable contention between the classical liberal and libertarian
socialist camps. I don’t mean the choice of term in a sense that would exclude either
side. In fact, as an individualist in the tradition of Tucker and the rest of the Boston anarchists,
I embrace both the free market libertarian and libertarian socialist camps. I chose
“libertarian” precisely it was large and contained multitudes: it alone seemed sufficiently
broad to encompass the readership I had in mind.
I write from the perspective of individualist anarchism, as set forth by William B.
Greene and Benjamin Tucker among others, and as I attempted to update it for the twentyfirst
century in my last book. Here’s how I described it in the Preface to that book:
In the mid-nineteenth century, a vibrant native American school of anarchism, known as
individualist anarchism, existed alongside the other varieties. Like most other contemporary
socialist thought, it was based on a radical interpretation of Ricardian economics. The
classical individualist anarchism of Josiah Warren, Benjamin Tucker and Lysander Spooner
was both a socialist movement and a subcurrent of classical liberalism. It agreed with the
rest of the socialist movement that labor was the source of exchange-value, and . . . entitled
to its full product. Unlike the rest of the socialist movement, the individualist anarchists
believed that the natural wage of labor in a free market was its product, and that
economic exploitation could only take place when capitalists and landlords harnessed the
power of the state in their interests. Thus, individualist anarchism was an alternative both
to the increasing statism of the mainstream socialist movement, and to a classical liberal
movement that was moving toward a mere apologetic for the power of big business.1
I belong to the general current of the Left so beautifully described by the editors of
Radical Technology (“the ‘recessive Left’ of anarchists, utopians and visionaries, which tends
only to manifest itself when dominant genes like Lenin or Harold Wilson are off doing
something else”). As such, I tend to agree with the Greens and other left-wing decentralists
on the evils to which they object in current society and on their general view of a good
1. Kevin A. Carson, Studies in Mutualist Political Economy. Self-published via Blitzprint (Fayetteville,
Ark., 2004), p. 9.

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Published by: Sean on Oct 11, 2010
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