Communist - Theoretical Journal of the Revolutionary Communist Group rele) working-cl connectionRevolutionary Communist is the theoretical journal of th Revolutionary Communist Group, Ij is published quarterly by RCG Publications L vid Yale 1 Board Yaffe, Frank Richards, Marston Reviews Editor Sheila Marston Business Mani cian Mitchel Editorial and Business Address Parkhill Road andan NWS 2YT UK UK Lib Overseas Library Air Mail Europ. £4.00 Single Issue; UK (plus post Overseas £0.60 (plus postag Money Orders only, or cheque in £ st Foreign eurreney add S0p fot balk Make all cheques, ete. payable Co RCG Publications Ltd, and send to Ground Plo § Parkhill Road nidon NW3 2YT. Subscriptions are for 4 sues ind include postage: Please state isswe munther you wish Ioscrition to begin a cos ean be obtained for lus postagey UK, us postage) Overseas by Finsbury Park Typeseviers Cid CTL 1 2 Stree N#3HQ iby Tine Selwyi-Maguite Printing Company Led (TU) 1 Kelston Road rscas sbbscriptions use International (Postal) G Publications Lad, Warld Copyright May Number Two May 1975 Contents 1 Editoriat Positions of the Revolutionary Communist Group 3 Britain and the I 20 The Que: sh: Revol n of the International Discussion Article 41 The Labour Party, the EEC Ashley Heath and James We d Ireland Reviews 46 History of the Bol: (GE. Zinaviev} vik Party 48 Housework un (Wally Secomt 1 Capitalism 50 Disaster in ChileEditorial In the early morning hours of March 19! 1975 troops were Sent in to clear the “backlog of rubbish’ let by the nine Week ofd dusteart drivers strike in Glasgow. This straight forward ease of using troops in a strike breaking capacicy is immediately recognisable as a sericus threat to the Besish working-class. The Scottish TUC delegation, involved in {alls with the Glasgow Corporation, announced that ie was ‘absolutely opposed to the se of the military under any circumstances’, Unfortunately, the use of troops. in the north of Ireland has not Brought about a similar and equally quick response. And yet, if the entire British Army was mobilise, if the whole of the Rhine Army was brought back from Germany and troops were recalled from else where and appeared on the streets of the (owns and cities of Britain, the concentration of tops, in terms of soldiers per cluilian, would be a third of what itis now in the north, ff Ireland. Whether the troops are being used as strike breakers under the guise of protecting the population from health hazards’ in Glasgow, of as the armed force of British imperialism maintaining ‘social order’ in the north of Ireland, their role is objectively the same. They are protecting the interests af the British ruling class. ‘Britain and the Lrish Revolution’ locates the present crisis in Ireland within the changing face of continued British domination. It shows how the British ruling class can advance no policy on the Irish question which will offer it 2 way out of the present situation, providing a guaranteed tong term future for the Irish as a whole, yet tying it as, fone unit to British interests, The need of the British ruling ciuss for a stable Ireland in the face of the growing social crisis at home cannot be realised, There is no permanent sclution in Ireland which does not pose the desiruction of imperialism, of the ruling class in Ireland and Britain. In Ihis sense there ig a direct connection between the presence ‘of the troaps in Glasgow and their role in the naeth of ineand. Many on the 1ett are only to eager 40 write about these obvious poins on the role of the troops. However, theie contributions often remain on the jourzalistic level, The Vietnam Solidarity Campaign brought a hundred thousand, fn ta the streets of London. The successes of the Troons Out Movement (TOM) have $9 far been limited to mobili sations of less than 5,000. Why is this so? Much os dite 10 the chauvinisas deeply rooted sn che Rritish working-class However, a great deal is also the responsibly of the British revolutionary leit. Dominated hy un econo: rmistie conception of politics, the British left refuses to take the struggle against chauvinism into the working-class. The TOM ‘¢ sul! Being mainly built by the smallest revolution ary groupings and a small number of independents’. The Jarger groups have appcared i force only on demonstra tions, and insisted on full speaking rights for themselves While vsueping these of smaller groups doing the hard groundwork 19 build TOM at branch level. At a recen delegate conference of TOM, the RCG had more of its members, who were clected as delegates (rom branches and present. than the IS and IMG together, yet the RG, has so far been refused spciking rights for the Apeil Gh demonstration. The IS and IMG both have speakers. I this kind of political manipulation by the eft graurs and the leaclership of TOM whch will prevent the building of fa mase antiimperialist mosement. in this country. No rroverent which denivs its members the right to Geteimine its onentation will begin t@ root sell Hemsly ithe work: class. The larger left groups will not be forced 19 do the basic ground work to build TOM if their demands to have the main speakers at demonstrations ure quickly conecdedt at the expense of smaller groups of revolutionaries actuatly building TOM. They must be fureed to do this work or be polivically expased, No group can claim 10 be revolutionary Without participating practically in building & macs anti imperialist movement om the question of British domination fof Trelaasl. The TOM must demand these grours pate and earn their right (0 speak. In *Brisin and the Irish Revolution’ we are centrally eon cerned {0 advance a certumm orientation for Fevalutinnarics in Brutain. We argue that it is necessary, in solidarity with the struggle of the Jnsh agsinst British domination of Ireland, 10 build a Troops Out Maverient ia Britain around he two central demands “Self-determunation for the Wish and "Troops Out of Ireland Now". However. while pointing ‘Out the political weaknesses of those leading the struggle against British imperialsm i Ireland, we do not attemnt to offer a conereie strategy for the revolutionary lete in Ireland. There is little point in repeating the platicades we read in the papers of the British revolutionary left. A. concrete strategy for revoiuivonaties and, while 1 must be based on our overall analysn, Would require a much more detailed knowledge of the Jay-torday:strugele Ireland and an intimate acquaintance with the Republi can and Labour movements there. This we do not yer have Indeed, ean only be developed in the Context of an inter national programme for the working-class worldwide that serves as the unifying force at « revalusiomary In In ‘Our Tasks and Method No 1) we argued that "ibe strategy. which a nationat party proposes for the working clas in ls country eat only be lilly nes it at Bowes 30 inlernationsl programme for sald revation, Sush gramme must be coasteucied by resoluionaty interna Nala Giesplines! organiatinn which centealned on 8 wwerld seale send, atl apniy thle peo ramme on ‘atte (Revidinionary: Commie,The Revolutionary Communist Group is not a member of the Fourth Internationa) and as part of the Revolutionary Opposition wis expelled from she International Socialists, a group with Tite tradivion of internationalism, The only basis for an Internationa) is a principled unity around an Intereational programme. One of the first tasks of our group is, therefore, 10 assess the existing organisaticns Which claim to carry forward the traditions of the Fourth International to sec if there is a basis for unity. “The Question of the International” begins the process of a struggle for a principled ‘ideological unity’ 11 books at the history of the Trotskyist movement with all the advantages, fof today’s starting point. Ty examines that history with the understanding that an avareness of the end of the post-war ‘boom brings 10 the movement. It critically assesses the historical development of the Trotskyist movement in con: ditions much more favourable to revolutionaries than thal experienced by the movement during the years of the post: war boom. While we do not overlook the heroic qualities, of many of those who fought all their lives, in dificult conditions. (0 preserve the traditions of revolutionary marrism, naverineless it is our duty to ruthlessly expose they inadequacies. The lessons and faulings of the past have to serve as part of the experience and education of those taking up the struggle today. It will be the test of the Fourih International to see if i is able to carry through Ihis process and assess its previous pasitions “The Question of the laternational’ makes an important contribution to this necessary tusk. The Revolutionary Communist will open its. pages for a reply 1 i critical assessment of the Fouth International. Indeed, it considers it the duty of the Fourth International to reply, “The Labour Party. the EEC and Ireland’ seeks 0 discuss 1 number of important problems immediately facing the British working-class movement, It takes up the question fof the talked-of possibilty of a leftward quen in the Labour Party leading 10 a left-wing (centrisi) break off of 4 section from that party. tnstead of asserting that this is an inevitable outcome of growing class conflict (as do the Militant and other groupings 9 the Labout Party) nor merely rejecting it as utopian, a examines the possibilities, im relation to to major issues confronting the labour movement: the EEC and Ireland. The wth is concrete land not some interminable logie rising above the historical process. In rejecting the possibility of splits on these issues the article does not rule out some future developments in this direction, eg oa issues such as unemployment and incomes policies. [1 andicates, though, what conditions ‘would be necessary for this 1a cxcur In the process of doing: this, the article shows how the debate on the BEC in the labour movement has not left the terrain Iaid out and determined by the ruling class. It seeks 10 indicate how revolutionaries should take up Ois twsve and advance 2 revolutionary abstentionist position as the only principled ane. Finally it shows how the logic of the chauvinism on the Labour left is such that it can demand a feactionary-vlopian sovereignty for the British people while rejecting the right of the [rish to self determination, “The Labour Party, the EEC and Ireland’ is a Discussion article, While expressing a pasition generally im agreement With the polities of the RCG, it contams the views of the writers. Those members of the RCG who were in the Revo Jutionary Opposition in 1S had an abstenrionist position on the question of the EEC and British membership. However this issue has yer to be fully discussed in the organisation. ‘The RCG will make its position known after this discussion has taken place. ‘The perspectives document “Britain and the Trish Revolu- tion’ results from 2 process of research, discussion and clarification of these issues over a period of nearly one year. The document sas written by the work-group on Ireland. ft was amended and rewritten ater discussion by the whole organ'saion and the Political Committee of the RG. It has now been accepted by the Political Commit: tee as 9 positions document of the group. 1 has not been possible, for reasons of space, to publish Paul Bullock's article '‘Producuve and Unproductive Labour’ in this issue, This will appear in Revoluionary Communi No 3 One of the problems we have had with the first issue of the journal was reaching readers in places where we do not have members. Those readers who support the attempt of Reveluiionary Conimunist (0 raise the general ideological level of the movernent can contribute BY taking a number fof copies of the journal and selling them or taking them to bookshops in areas where we do not have branches. Please write to as 1f you are prepared to do this. Inflation ean be understood, but unfortunately not avoided by the revolunonary movement. We have had to raise UK, subscription raies to cover the new postal charges. New subscriptions will cost £1.60. Single issues in the UK wil) Still sell at 40p although we shail have to increase sales above the present print order 10 maintain this over the next few issues. Donations (rom readers will also help us to do this. Comrades who support the elforts of the RCG to build a revolutionary movement on a solid foundation, oF who wish to have more information about the RCG, are asked to write to the ceniral address given elsewhere in the yournal, David Yatle 20th March 1975. Correction A reader has pointed out that we refereed to the Journal of the International Socialists as the Inietnational Socialist Journal in our fist issue. This Was a mistake aed it should be International Socialism. We apologise for this. (Ed)Positions of the Revolutionary Communist Group Britain and the Irish Revolution Introduction ‘The struggle of the Irish for self-determination has a direct impact on the political situation in Britain. This document outlines the tasks of British revolutionaries in relatian to the Irish question, This issue ean only be vn: erstood through an analysis of the Irish revolution and its relation to Britain, and the effect that the continued British domination of Ireland will have on the working class movement in this country. We begin by establishing the fundamental problem of the Irish revolution: the unfiniched national revolution, and demonstrate that the leading agent ia resotving this prob: lem can only be the Irish working class. The successive attempis of the Trish to free themselves from British op- pression have so far failed because the classes which Jed thexe movements were either too weak of 190 compromised to achieve self-determination. British domination at ance caused and reinforced the vn: even development of Trish class forces. Britain attempted to solve the agrarian problem from above (eg the buying out of the Trish peasant at the end of the nineteenth cen- tury) while postponing a resolution of the national ques tion. In consequence the peasantry and sections of the bourgeoisie were to play & minimal role in the coming rational struggles, The uneven development of Irish capi talism meant that the crystallisation of a strong Irish proletariat had not occurred in the early part of this Century. The failure of the 1916 rising was @ reflection of the weakness (In terms of social weight) of the proletariat, and of the faet that the now conservative peasantry did rot actively support the nationalist movement. The insbility ff the Irish proletariat to lead the national struggle was {o have major consequences, At the Landon Congtess of 1907, Trotsky made the same point as that whick he was to express most clearly in 1928. "Under the conditions of the imperialist epoch, the national democratic revolution can he carried through (0 4 victorious fend only when the social and politcal retations of the country fre mature for putting ihe proleatiat in power as the leader ‘of the masses of the people. And if this 1s not yet the case? Then the struggle Jor national liberation will produce only very portal rerlts, rsulis directed entirely agen the working ‘The struggle of the nationalist movement dominated by the Irish Bourgeoisie did indeed lead to very partial re sulls—and immediately after independence, the young. ruling class turned on those forces which refused 10 ac: cept the partition of Ireland. In order to maintain its rule in the south, the Irish bourgeoisie has been forced to make compromises with inperilism time and time again, Despite the cconomic nationalism of the “30s, the weak Irish capitalist class was forced to open its doors to foreign capital in the 'S0s ia order to overcome the stagnation of its economy. This dependence on foreign investment ‘and loans has produced & whole series of problems which are now afflicting the working class in the south: inflation and unemployment are at unprecedented levels, To divorce these issves from the national question is essential for the southern bourgeoisie: any explicit assault on British im: perialism fom the south will Bring the role of the southern ruling class inco question, ‘The ability of the southern ruling class to maintain sts domination has, to a considerable extent. been due to the failure of any existing leadership 0 link the struggle of the Trish working class with the struggle for independence from imperiatism. There existe a political division of labour on the central questions facing Irelanda. split betweer labourism and republicanism, a split which ex ists both north and south. The leadership of the Irish abour movement avoids taking up the national question ‘nd models itself on the social democracy of the developed capilalist world. The republican movement, while champ: joning the national question, and in certain cases being. Jn the forefront of he fight against British imperialism sets aside the crucial role of the Irish working-class fn the struggle for Trish freedom. This division between Jabourism and republicanism is the central problem facing fevolutionaties in (reland, The partition of (reland is the most striking manifestation of the problem of the unfinished national revolution. The Jeft in Britain has often failed to come to terms with the problems posed by the existence of the avifcial Orange statelet. In particular, the retctionary role of the foyalist working class has often been depicted as Simply. the result ef misguided ideas. 1¢ is essential that revolutionaries understand the materia) basis of the ides. logy of the mass of the protestant working class~ the economic and political privileges guaranteed by the Orange state, The conilict between Protestants and Catholics can only be resolved in the context of an all-—rish solution to this problem. For British revolutionaries, the central task is to aid the struggle of the Irish for seifdetermination. ‘The struggle in the north is of immediate relevance for British polities. For the British bourgeoisie, the mational goestion has presented a major political problem, For the British working class, the continued domination of Ireland by British imperialism presents 1remendous dangers in the form of anti-frish chauvinism, Today. the argument about the ‘national interest” is sirengthened by the accept ance of the argument about “national security’ against the |. Permanent Revolution (Pathfinder Press, New York, 1970) 256, our emphasisIrish. British revolutionaries cannot afford to let these arguments about Ireland go unchallenged. The building ‘of a Troops Out Movement is the only concrete way in Which the British bourgeoisie can be challenged on this issue. I is also the only practical expression of solidarity with the struggle of the Irish for self-determination. ‘The British bourgeoisie has proved incapable of resolving the [rsh question. The unfinished national revolution, the present division between protesianis and catholies eannot be solved by the gimmicks of the various British govern ments. At the time of writing, the British ‘solution’ in freland has run into the latest form of its essential contra diction, The ceasefire hax been accompanicd hy an_im creased campaign of loyalis! sectattan assassinations. The Convention, now only weeks away. will take place ina context thal remains unchanged in ils essentials. There fan be no reconciliation berween the British desire for a stable ‘power sharing’ solution and the instability inherent in the British created historical divisions. The root problem is Brith imperialism itself, and it i only through the estruetion of Rritish capital's imperialist” relation with Ireland that the “Irish question’ ean begin to be resolved. ‘The unfinished national revolution The problem in Ireland is the unfinished national revol tion, insofar as its political and economic aspecis are con: cerned. But because it is stl uncompleted in the present period - the era of imperialism and monopoly capitalism =it is beyond the capacity of the matinnal hourgenisc, and has become pait of the tasks of the socialist revolu: tion. The development of Irish capitalism and an indepen. dent Trish bourgeoisie was strangled by the dominant British capitalism as a result of the uneven development of capitalism in the wc countries, The develapment of the economy 2nd. social classes way entiraly dependent on, Britain, and this meant a stunting of their development, which {s at the roots of the division in Ireland, The main political expression of the inability of the Irish bourgeoisie to achieve independency is its inability t2 unite the nation When the Lrish bourgeois revolution, under the leadership of the Presbyterian micdle class in the north, was defeated sn 1798, the way was paved not only for the erosion of any basis economically of an independent capitalist class, but also for the triumph of religious sectarianism in the north. Up to the end of the eighteenth century the nation: alist stronghold was the north, because the embryonic capitalism there was more developed and consequently ‘more ambitious than if the south. This itself was a product, fof the English conquest; in the north, the British had pursued during the seventeenth century a policy of setting Planters, mosily trom Scotland, who were granted con: essions in order to hold the lind agains! the native frish ‘The Ulster Custom provided for security of tenure and compensation for improvements, which lad the basis for domestic industry, manufacture and capilal accumulation in the norte. In the south, the development of a merchant class based” on independent small-holding tenants wi barred by the English landlords, under whom tenants were fiable to instant eviction without compensation {oF im: Droverrets to the land, The development of capitalism in the north-east was tied Ao the British imperial markets and imported raw materials 4 from the Empire. The Act of Union left industry in the rest of Ireland expased to a much more productive mach: Ine-based industry. The more advanced development of capitalism in Britain laid the basis for the more comp! domination of Ireland through stunting jis economic de- velopment, thereby weakening the clases which might at his stage have pul up a stronger opposition +o Britain. ‘The Union both expressed and aggravated the relative weakness of the Trish economy. A hackward agriculture and the draining of rents to absentee landlords aided this process. The bourgeoisie was never again io unite the Whole nation behind it in the struggle for independence, The uneven development of capitalism within Ireland was further exaggerated during the next century. Machine {technology was introduced only in the north-east, arcund the linen industry. This encouraged the development of ‘he engineering and shipbuilding industries. Along With the distoned economic development grew up an aristoe racy of labour divided from the rest of the working clase not only on a craft basis but by religio» ied to the ruling class not through social-democracy but by the most reactionary of pro-imperialist ideologies. During the sinetoenth century the Catholic middle class, tunable to develop independently, was forced into compro: ‘mise with imperialisin, gaining concessions within the imperialist framework by using the mass movement, Al thouuh Catholic Emancipation was a relative advance, it did. not change the relationship with Britain which caused the Fatmine to have disastrous consequences —orly a few ‘years after ‘emancipation’ had been won, the entire Irish Population starved while rent lowed across the sea (0 English landlords, and tons of food to English stomachs ‘The land question throughout the nineteenth cestury was potentially explosive, and could have been the impelus of, a national-revolutionary. movement. But it was ‘solved’ Dy imperialises in such a Way as to pre-empe the agrarian revolution by reforms from above. Engels described the policy as follows "The Tories have already reached the state where they want lo save whatever can still be saved: betare the farmers take the land, they would redeem the rents with the aid of the state, according to the Prussian model, so that the landlords ‘may at least get something." From 1881 to 1903 the British implemented a policy of slate purchase of the land {rom the aristocracy — who were generously compensated - the Jand then being re-acquired by the peasants by means of future annuities. This was the basis of the formation of a conservative peasant class the capitalist reorganisation of agticulture never took place, and this solution of the land problem meant the Stagnation of econemic development and a reinforced de pendence of the middle class on Britain "The result of these reforms was to turn the Farmers into conservative tmall properly-sWners, whose gaze the green baa het of national independence wat no longer able to tear for their parcels of land * ‘The incompleteness of class forces in Ireland at the end of the nineteenth cestury the lack of a significant in. 2 Engels to Bernstein, 3/5/3882, Marx and Engels on Ireland {MEON (Moscow. 1971), p33 4. Troteky, "The Eauter Rising’, Nathe Slovo, July 4th, 1916dependent working class, the weakness and dependence ‘of the bourzcoisie- pre-empted a revolutionary overthrow fof imperialism, It was no longer possible in freland in the nineteemth century, because of the domination of Britain, for the bourgesisie to unite al) elasses under the banner of national liberation. The bourgoisie could not become independent and at the same time maintain 8s power over the lower clastes in Treland. To uneash the agrarian movement against Britain would have meant Class suicide for the nascent Trish bourgeoisie; but there ‘existed no sizeable urban proletariat capable of taking over the leadership. of the peasant movement. Parnell was forced by the logic of his class position both to take over the agrarian movement and to lead it into the arms of the Gladstonian Liberals. ‘The ‘solution’ of the land problem in no way implied a choking off of nationalist discontent, but_may in fact nave aggravated it. The embryonic Catholic bourgeoisie saw the pexsant homesteads, artisan dwellings and work: laces, supplied with commodities produced, under Superior technological conditions, by British industry Only tariff barriers could protect emerging southern eapital from the merciless onslaught of British competition. But to capitalise in the north, dependent as it was on export connections and raw material imports, protectionism would hhave spelt ruin For the British bourgeoisie there was an ideological prob- lem. Many sav, like Connolly, that Britain could still rule a dominion’ Ireland ‘through her financiers, through the whole army of commercial and individualist institu tions she has planted in this country’ ¢ ‘The Times editorial of April 30th 1914 stated TPhove are some defeate more Ronovrable than victory and se place the preservation of the internal peace of these Fealms andthe salvation of the Empire from disas er above the entte ‘t single Parliament for the United Kingdom.” But reactionary elements, mainly in the Tory Party, clung to the Waditional links of blood and religion. Bonar Law. Teader of the Tory Party, said in 1914: there are things stronger than paclismentary majorities... can imagine n0 length of rotstence to which Usler can 50 in which T should not be prepared to support them." * Although the Tories shifted ground rapidly, the more ad vanced sections of the British bourgeoisie proved unable to defeat the ideological backwardness that prevailed, par- ticularly under pressure trom the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and an Army that refused (o march against ther. “The Tan war was thus inevitable, and it ended only when opinion in Britain had sufficiently shifted ag 2 result of the war to one of support for dominion status for Ireland, oo, as it transpited, part of Jreland ‘Throughout the war, British propaganda wavered between portraying the Irish struggle as pro-Gernan or pro-Bolbhe Wik. But as Lloyd George himself remarked sn 1920) should make a great mistake... if we came to the conclusion that Sinn Féin is purely a Bolshevik conspiracy Sgsinst ‘Great Britain, We ie deeper then that, Te 8 an old friend which breaks out aos and again in Feeland°® Within Ireland, there was never any doubt that the struggle was not in fact "Bolshevik'. The struggle between native capital and workers was never posed in a real sense precisely because the ills of capitalism were identified with those of foreign capitals. With the writings of Sinn Féin leaders such as Pearse or Collins stressing theit opposition ta the effects of imperial ism, and hinting. at reformist solutions ie terms of co: operatives and enlightened education, it would have re ‘uired 2 revolutionary socialist etrrent of some standin {o ensure that Sinn Féia were challenged with a working class programme providing an independent policy. tn the absence of this itis not at all surprising that Irish Labour, as.a party, abdicated fram the ecniral national strugse AL the 1916 PTUC and LP Conference, delegates sloud fe 4 minuie’s ‘silence or those wha had died in the Riteg and those killed in action in France. In the 918 General Election the Labour Paity decided to stand down to allew ople to express their support for self-determin instead ‘of challenging. the ‘bourgeois nationalists wih Vigorous working class alternative. The National Executive ot the LP stated “the Irish Labour Party is the only party which K prepared to sacrifice pany interests in the ieee of the naon tn INS ingortant cri ‘The rapid numerical growth of the organised labour move ment went hand in hand with a process of Dureaucratice tion as the tade unions became more and more divorced from the national straggle. However, the Working class did. play a role am the. national strug influenced at Feast in part by the October Revolution. Sirikes orsanised ‘against the threat of conscription and agaitat the imparla tion and transport of British arms involved tens of thous ands in action. But the working clats was not strone enough 0 displace ihe bourgeois leadership. patly 3s. fesult of the absence of large scale peasani revolts, As “Trotsky remarks ‘IE i astumed that the social antagonism Getwsen the proletariat andthe peasant masses wil prevent The proletariat from placing itsoit'st-the oad of the latter, ane that 9e proletariat ‘by self i not slfong cnowgh fo" sain Sictory — thon one mot necesary draw the conclusion iat there bo wctory a al instore for out revolution" ‘On some issues, the developing consciousness of the Workers came into direct conflict with the bourgeois dorminated Dail, a6 for instance on the sovictstyle cect: pations of workplaces, or on land redistribution where the Sina Féin land courts arbitrated im favour of the land lords in most cases, sometimes even using the IRA 1 smash the occupations Tis clear, then, that the fusion of the national strugale and the socialist struggle did not take place. On the one hand, so-called socialists such as Waiamm Walker, leader of the Belfast section of the Independent Labour Party Wanted the labour movement inteprated with the Beiish movement and the national question buried. Ina polemic with Walker, Connelly weote 4. ‘Socialism and Nationalism’ vin, 1973), p 124 5. Quoted in F SL Lyons, Ireland Since the Famine (Fon: tana, Condon, 1974), 9 303 6. The Times, 11/7/1920, Parliamentary Report Quoted im P Berresford Elis, & Wisiory of che [ish Work: ‘ug Class (Gollancz, London, (972), p 240. 8 Speech @ the 1907 Coneress, av luton, p 217 Selected Writings (SW) (Per ted in Permanent Revo“The Socialist Party of Irland considers itself the only Torer- national Perty in Ireland, vince ts conception of internation: fam it that of 4 free federation of free peoples, whereas that Of the Belfast branches of the ILP sccm seareely distinguish> SBble fcom Imperialism, the merging of subjueated peoples ia the political «yslem af their conquerors. On the other hand, bourgeois nationalism viewed Labour fas natural fodder Tor the national sesisiance (@ Britain, the reward being a change of explowters {rom foreign to native. Grillith, theoretical mentor of Sinn Féin, took 2 hard anti-union linc, and de Valera revealed his position am this statement “ln a froe Ircland . . . Labour has a better chance than it woul have in a eapitalct England.” = The working class was handed over politically to ike bourgeoisie, and for that reason the national cevafution could not be completed. The dominant role of bourgeois leaders necessarily implied that the revolution would be turned sside as soon 3s it came up against the question of property and class re: lations, But long before that barrier was reached, the right wing of the bourgeoisie had capicutared 10 Biuish pressure and agreed to diluted independence for southern Ircland, an atrangement that abandoned half. a. million ntionalists 10 their fate at the hands of the UVF. now lutned into an arm of state repression in the form of the B-Specials. During this period hundreds of Catholics were slaughtered. bombed out of their homes and driven from their workplices, Betwceg Iune 1920 and June 1922, 23.000 Catholies were made homeless, Nearly 5,000 Cath dlics were foreed out of the Belfast shipyards, which to this day remain a Protestant stronghold, These events proved an aceurate incication of the Future character of Protestant Ulster. Tes against this background that the eivil war must be seen, Ii was not a straizht left/right conic, hut never theless those propared (6 compromise were those who had most 10 gain from the lmited political settlement and the continuation of economic ties with Britain ~ pre dominantly the large, land-owning bourgeoisie ‘The combined forces of this element, the Church, the Brush and the Loyalists ensured the defeat of the se publican forces within months. Liam Meilowes, writing trom prison before State firing syuad, summed up the position of the working class in, these words “The official Labour Movement has deveried the people for the Meshpots of the empire The Free Stare Government's tue fowards striking postal workers makes cleat what is avtinude towards workers generally wil be,” Reaction had set in in both parts of divided Ireland, Trot sky's wards echo across the history pages: the struggle for national liberation will produee only very parti results, results directed entirely against the work ‘The largest section of the defeated republicans Cored the peut bourecois Fianna Fail party in 1926, The res of the republican movement —now the IRA and Sinn Tein = became the focus for left-wing developments, che slums ‘of 1929 preducing 2 whole series of radical oF shools and fronts Fianna Fall with its distributionist programme attracted pass supraitt to the detriment of the small Labour Party. 6 As the president of the (TUC complained peevishly at the 1922 Labour Party conference the National issve still commanded a dominating place inthe minds of great sections of the people; and 10 no smi! extent ako were the workers king sides in the academic political controversy.’ = Fianna Fait’ policy of ‘self-sulficiency’ was initially rela- tively successful a8: against vhe economic unionist policy fof the Treatyites. Prosection succeeded ia setting vp 2 umber of small industries which increased, industrial em: ployment. But fhe limitations and contradictions inherent io Fianna Fall's class position had to exich tp with it Furs the actual gains made by the policy of the “thirties were relative. Average income per head ccopned. from 6149 of the British figure in 1931 to 49% 1n 1949. TR \wax no possibility of eapitaism even purtially solving the problem of a backward economy except by greatly in creasing the exploitation of the working class. The pro tection period also had a disastrous effect on trade 5 eX ports fell by 404% in this period. When the warld economy, ‘as now dominated by a handful of capitals of vastly superior productivity, the problem of overcoming the under-development of Ireland's economic inicastructure land encouraging both Irish and foreign capitalists (0 ins vest in Ireland was bound to prove insuperable. The low level of profitability and the competition of more de veloped capitals economies made the growth of a large odependent Irish bourgeoisie impossible, The new policy in the "fifties of encourasing British and other foreign in: vestment was the inevitable result of the volnerability of the Irish economy. What it expressed was the impossibility fof @ national capitalist economy developing from scratch In an age when monopoly capital already dominates che ‘world economy and the vast imperial powers have already seized control of the world markets. Selt-suifcieney in any country is impossible in 2 period ‘when capital has already imposed a division of labour on world production. The question which is posed for an economically backward nation attempting 10 free itsel€ from the domination of imperialism is not whether, but how 0 relate to the world economy. Trotsky, dealing with the same problem in relation to the young Soviet Russia, expressed it this way ‘To the extent that productivity of labour and the productivity of a social system as a whole ae measured on the market by the correlation of prices, it mot so much multary intervention 5 the Jatervention af cheaper capitalisn commostities that con- siwutes perhaps the greatest immediate menace 10 Soviet ‘economy. The only way to stave olf these pressures is to inieoduee 4 monopoly of Tareian trade, This minimises the effects ff internationally diviering levels of productivity by regu 9. °A Plea for Socialist Unity in Ireland’. Pe Connolly Wetker Controversy (Cork Workers Club, 1974) p 2 0, Quoted in Berresford EBs, p 246, 11, Quote! in iid, p 262 12 Permanent Revolution, 9 256 13, Wich Labour Party, Second Amel Report (Dublin, 1932) Ps, 14, Lyons. p 621 1S. The Third tmernauonel After Lenin (Pathfinder Pees, New York, 1970), p 47lating all commodity mpor's and exports by the state Unregulated trade, whether or not tariffs intervene, can only benef the capitalist. Genuine protection from im- perialism could only have been pur into practice by a Hate run by the Working class, The monopoly of foreign ttade—along with a process of expropriation of. industry by the workers’ state~ would have meant that since pro- ducers could only trade with other countries through the state, they weuld be forced to accept its prices, which ‘would be fixed so as to diver: a surplus away {rom private accumulation, (o the state. Such a policy could not have been implemented by any capitalist. regime, and itselt could not of course have survived indefinitely without an extension of the socialist revolution to other countries. But protection was no alternative; it was simply a holding operation, and it resulted in the decline in the 19505, ‘which necessitated an about-turn in economic policy. The problem in Ireland remains the unfinished national revolution. Only the working class can destroy partition ard kad 2 united Ireland to genuine independence. The main task is to express politically the unity of dhe strusele for socialism and the struggle for national liberation, Untit the Dwentieth century, the national revolution was impos sible because a powerful working class free from Orange ideology and capable of hegemonising the forces struggling against imperialism, did not exist, and the bourgeoisie ‘was too weak and dependent on Britain to carry it through Since partition, the economic and social struggles of the working class have taken place entirely separated (rom the national struggle. Bui at the roots of the working class tradition in Ireland ix the fusion of these struggles. “The Irish labour movement was born in its own right at the same time as the nationalist tradition of this een lury was established, the petiod of Larkin and Connolly. ‘The organisation of the unstilled workers at the end of the nineteenth and the begianing of the twentieth cen luries took place in Ireland with the formation of the Itish Transport and General Workers’ Union in 1909, when Larkin broke with the British executive of the Natisnal Union of Dock Labowers. Until then the Irish ‘uade unions had existed merely ag adjuncts of the British, labour movement. The first great struggle of the ITGWU. te Dublin lock-out in 1913, produced the Trish Citizen ‘Atmy-Lenin called it the first Red Army in Europe ~and a movement of the republican left towards the Working class. The nationalist revival and the newly-born labour movement coincided in 1916. As the historian Clarkson pat it: ‘righ labour was to receive blood its baptism as an integral part of the National movemeri."" Trotsky agreed: the “national cevolution”, even sn Lreland, in practice hhas become an uprising of the warkers."” 1916 is the apotheosis of that just of te republican trad: ition which is inherited by the working class. As Clarkson said later, the Rising ‘was the firs tine in Irish history that the Workers had not been mere pawns in the game fof revolutionists, that through Connolly and the Irish Citizen Army. it had ‘shared in the formation of the re: publican creed.’ *© Because no movement had been built committed to the politics represented by James Connolly, 1916 leit behind no movement which embodied them. Connolly's closest associate — William O'Brien—was to Jead the ITGWU, firmly to the right, and Labour away from the national Struggle, But 1916 was one of the essential roote of the working class movement in Irland, and stands as the key to its future ‘The changing face of Imperialism The world has changed since the interwar period. The need for a solution to the question of the Irish nation has teen forced to the surface again in quite different con itions. The economie experience of the post-war perlod hhas transformed Ireland both north and sauth at the bor- der. The expansion of the world economy and the growth jn the role of the state have had far reaching consequen- ces. In the south, these factors were responsible for an expansion of the working class, while sawing the seeds ‘of inflation and unemployment. In the north, they Inve helped to strengthen the grip of the Loyalist ideology over the protestant section of the working class, while enor ously increasing the tensions within the Unionist bloc: Britain has witnessed a decline in the economic importance of the Unionist bourgeoisie, while its continuing political presence prevents Britain from achieving a rationalisation of its relationship with the whole of Ireland. ‘The genera? expansion of the world economy in the post war period enabled Europe 10 enjoy a growih in produc tion and in general standards of living. Aftet the War the south of Treland initially enjoyed some of the advantages ‘of Marshall Aid, and agriculture benefited 1o some extent tn the early post-war years duc (9 world agricultural short ages. However, by the mid:ffties it became clear that the economy had not fundamentally altered in the protection era. Although wages were low by European standards, profits were low as well. Lack of domestic invesiment ruled out any inerease in relative surplus value, while ‘ease of emigration effectively limited any inerease in abso- lute surplus value—eg through wage cuts. Ip this way imperialism manifested itself in the drawing off of labour and of capital, mainly to Britain. The only way to counter his within @ apitalist framework was (or the slate to subsidise capital out of Joans and hope that relative sur pilus value could be increased sufficiently 10 allow for a period of rapid accumulation Balance of payments deficits, ve minimal rate of growth and above all stagnation in agriculture with consequent threats to employment forced the [rish bourgeoisie 10 ‘change course, This was spelt out in the fiest Programme for Economie’ Expansion, published in 1958, Agriculture was to become more export orientated, the eraphasis being soitched from tillage 10 grassland, In industry, protection was to be abandoned, foreign capital to be wooed, while certain state aid would be granted (0 Irish industries. ‘This domestic policy was followed by a series of inter national initiatives: the decision to join GATT in, 1960, the application ta join the EEC in 1961, and the Anglo 16. J.D Charkson, Labour ond Nationalism in Trelond (Cohum= bis University, 1925), p 288, 17, ‘The Easter Rising op cit. 18. Op citIrish Free Trade Area agreement signed in 1965. ‘This strategy had an carly and rapid suceess, This was ‘due not so much to the strategy itself, as to the conditions ‘existing in the world economy when the change of course was made. Under the conditions of accelerated capital ae ‘cumulation prevailing in the late fifties and early sixties, there was a growing internationalisation of capital, Capital ‘continued its expansion and entered many underdeveloped areas of the world, What was new about this form of foreign investment was that it was not limited to 13% materials extraction, but also took the form of industrial Production in the shape of final stage processing and assembly plants, Taiwan and Mexico are «wa well-known examples: Ireland shared in the benefits of this develop: ‘ment in this period, ‘The importance of this is that the new investment has not given Ireland any independent industrial base of its ‘own, or fostered the growth of Irish capital. AS a recent OECD report comments ‘the system of incentives evolved by the IDA has brought into Ireland the latter phases of prodvetion contralles by Foreign enterprises whose main. manufacturing bases are abroad. This hhas meant that indusiial output has had a particularly igh ‘import content, and taking import content together with the fate of profits’ expatriation, 2 situation has almost certainly arisen where the guint in balance of payments have been much less than appear from export Agus as 34 because a large number of grantaided firms are subsii- aces carrying out final stage production an the manufactured intermediates of foreign patent enterprises, the linkage effect of investment by grantaided firms he been weak. It has not funerated much secondary investment 2 ‘The growth of foreign investment in Ireland has continued until cecently because of the growing overaccumulation fof capital within the major imperialist nations, but as the recession gathers force even this source of capital will begin to dry up, and Ireland will be lett to weather the crisis on its own rather feeble resources, Ic is trve, however, that the immediate benefits of this sirategy were impressive by comparison with the previods Period. The economy boomed: industrial employment grew from 257,000 m 1961 to 328000 in 1971, Gross DIAGRAM | rational product (GNP) grew by 4.1% per annum between 1958 and’ 1968, compared with a rate of 0.7% per anoum between 1951 and 195R. Tovestment increased: gross fixed asset formation climbed from 13% of GNP in 1960 22% in 1969. Tn the north, the war helped to stave off the crisis of Unionist capiial. Markets for its commodities were guaran: teed by war-time demand for ships, machinery and cloth: ing. Agriculture was hastily reorganised to provide be leagured British capital with extra food. However, the decline of Empire and the emergence of revitalised com: petition on the world market led toa drastic decline in employment in the traditional industries of linen and ship: building. A series of industrial development Acts expanded state aid and capital grants la industry. Grants of 30%, to 40% towards buildings, machinery and equipment were offered without the employment conditions attached 10 heir ess generous counterparts in Britain, accompanied ‘by minimal rents for government factories. Between 1963 and 1972, industrial production in the north grew by 60% compared with 28% in Britsin over the same. peti fd. *? But employment in northern manufacturing industry continued to decline. Only the expansion of employment in services prevented a colossal growth of the Unemployed ‘Te change in the British relationship with Ireland springs, from the changing economic balance within Ireland, rather than from any active imperialist initiative on Britain's part. British capital had long been able to rely on Ireland, as a source of labour power and of cheap agriculwural commodities, Free trade, the welcome (o foreign capilal, and the increase in the productivity of Irish agriculture were all welcome to the declining British capital. The Irish market, while not enormous, provides an inoportant ad ditional outlet for certain British manufactures. ‘The sovthern Jrish initiatives complemented a British tun away from the Empire and towards Europe. The share of British investment in Western Europe including the Irish Republic, as 2 proportion of total overseas in- vestment, rose from 133% in 1962 to 21.7% in 1971 British capital expanded into Ireland in line with the general torn to Europe Growth of British Direct Investment Overseas 1962-71 93 Trisn| Rep, Developed Ww. Europe Developing Countries WorldApart {rom providing greater field for the investment fof British capital, Britain also has s strategic interest in ‘ensuring free trade with Ireland. In 1974, out of total British imports of food and live animale of £2,372r, some 278m came from southern Ireland whose contribution was exceeded only by Denmark and the Netherlands. Substantial subsidies were made to the northern statelet to subsigise welfare benefits, social services and grants ‘0 industry. {n addition to actual subventions certain items ff revenve collected in Great Britain are waived for the north, The ‘imperial contribution’ ~a share of British state expenditure ~is set at 2 nominal £1m. When the real cost ff this is taken into account, the 1967-8 subvention would bbe £138m, rising to some £460m in 1973-4, Some £424m ff the liabilities of the £627m public debt incurred by the northern staiclet were covered by advances from the British treasury. In addition to these subventions, the shipbuilding and aireraft industries have received grants whose payment ie shared with Britain. These forms of state expenditure form a real burden on British capital ‘and it would like to see them transferred onto the shoulders fof the EEC. “These developments have brought their own prablems inside Ireland, In the south a major source of employment ‘was new foreign capital operating in Ireland, TABLE 1 Origins of New Investment in Southern Ireland 1960 to 1972 Country Number af Employment Total Fixed of Origin Projects Projected Investment Treland*® = 212, 18,467 £529m Britain 132 1,490 #8L0m USA m3 133342 £58.0m Germany 85 8200 140m Other 7% 10,161 £450m Total 668 = $7,660 £221.9m * Includes joint projects We have seen that this strategy of relying on foreign in westment led to a much higher growth rate and higher indusisial employment. Yet with this development, the contradictions of capital began to emerge explicitly. Dur. ing the sixties, the number of employees as a percentage of the total at work grew from 66% to 70%. Coineiding with this, the number of workers involved in sirugsle grew enor: ‘mously and Ireland tice topped the world strike league for the number of days lost pzr employee. Unemployment also grew steadily and today stands at over 9% while Ireland jockeys with Japan for the sevond highest inflation rate in the OBCD group. ‘The Key to understanding these developments ties in the role played by the state in the economy. Although wage levels are low by European standards, this in itself was insufficient to attract new investment. It was necessary for the state to aid the establishment of capital units of sufficient size to compete on the world market, and it DIAGRAM 2 Consumer Prices: Per Cent Change at Annual Rates s+ § increase 20 Irish Rep 6 did so by a variety of fiscal measures and subsidies, State involvement, both in terms of direct grants to foreign capital and of providing an infrastructure of communica: tion, taining and advisory services, increased dramatically in the sxtics, The ratio of total state expenditure to ONP rose from 27% in 58/59 to 42% in 72/73. To finance 19, See eg Lyons, np 624-634; T K Whitaker, “From Protection to Free Trade ~The Insh Experience’, Social and Econormie Adminsirauon, 8. 2, 1974, 9p 98115. Programme For Economic Expansion, Pe 4796 (Dubin. 1958), 20, OECD, Reviews of Nerionel Sevence Policy: Ireland (Paris, 1974), pp 23,25: see also C Cogger and N Whelant Sevence, Technology end Industry in Urslend 1972, pp 10-9, 21, OECD. Surveys; National Income and Expenditure (Dube 22, See Lyons, pp 746-748; Ministry of Commerce, Northern Ireland, Industri Deselopment in Northern Treland (Be fasr, 1999), pS 23, Trade and Industry, 15/11/93. pp 368-9, The figures exchude banking and insurance investment, and are book salves of inet assets. See ibid, p 371 24, Overseas Trade Stetstice of the United Kingdom, Decem ber (94 25. For the components of the “Tmpetisl Contribution’, see Report of the Joint Working Party on the Economy of Northern trelend, Crmnd 1838 (Belfort 1962), p72, The figures for British subventions to the morth sre taken from Northeca’ teeland” Ofice, Fmonce and. the Economy (HMSO, London, 1974), p 31, Estimates for ihe ‘Imperial Contribution” are ealeuisted from Garret Fiiageralé, To vwards 9 New treland (Tore. Dublin, 1973) pp $457, Finance -'.'p 19: sce also Lyons. » 7809, On other subs sidies, see Lyons, p 246m, Fisance P15. 26, IDA. Reports (Dublin) 27. OECR, Economic Survey of Ireland, March 1974, p 1S; OECD! Mann Economie Indicators, lanuaty 1975. 28. OECD, Surveys, 1970-14: Centtal Bank Report ie 19723. 9this and to service the rising national debt required massive taxation increases and further borrowing. Ta expand slate expenditure by this kind of financing creates. problems for capital. Taxation cuts into workers’ wages. or imo profits, while borrowing adds to inflationary pressures. It ts the. particular extent to which this has ocexsred in Ireland which is responsible for the acute problems which are now emerging, By ahe late sixes. Ireland had the highest ratio of interest, paymemis on public debt to GNP in all the FEC countries. UC the ratio of snvecest payments plus government sub Sle (which ace mannly to industty) is taken, Treland bas the highest rato. The grewth of taxation and borrowing, since 1965 ts shown below DIAGRAM 3 Financing of State Expenditure iret 1965-73 20 Tx 827% Tadizect Borrowing +220% on Indirect taxation as a percentage of GNP is higher in Ireland than ip any other OFCD country and ns rate fof increase ig ma lower than the average. Direct taxation as a share af GAP iy not among the lighest, but this I only because farmers have heen excluded from paying come aX Up to now, Thy Fake of change of personal income tax is the highest of the OECD group, ising oF those workers undir the PAYE scheme fram 819. per Pound 9 58/59 to 2p per Pound in 71/72. During this period also, the numbers of employees paying income tax rose from 254% of the total to over 90%." While taxation was rising, real earnings grew in tine with national income, but average employes takechome pay decreased sharply relative 10 nanamal income, State in: volvement in the economy necessitated extracting forced savings {rom workers, This go! under way in earnest in 1964 wnth the intfoduetion of a 24 turnover tax, later assed 10 So, Ih 1966 2 wholesale tax was introduced, forcing up prices when direct taxation and increased social insurance coninbutions were eating into pay packets Working-class ccastion is iMustrated by diagram 4 No clear alternative policy to that of ‘more miltanc pursuit of wage creases was takin up by the Faced with the argument that excessive wage increases were responsinle (or increasing inflation, inevitable dis arientahion and demoralisarion set in. Although the unions broke the navionsl wage agreement in 1966, they negotiated tovoyear threshold settlements from 1968 onward. The situation was one of rapidly rising productivity where lo DIAGRAM 4 Industrial Milt cy in the Republic »: Number of Disputes Workers involved 10.3 “housands) Days lost thousands) THB 1954-61 Annual Average TE 1064-7 onus Average high gross increases could be won, but where net wages had to grow much slower than domestic income to allow for the increased state involvement. The new attempt 10 develop Lrcland along a capitalist’ path demanded en- croachments on workers’ living standatds, through infla tion and taxation policed by the state by means of in comes nolicy. In addition to these pressures on the working class, much fof thie new employment is particularly vulnerable to the Auctuations of the world economy. Grant-aided industry produces 23.4% of the (otal exports of the transportable goods industries, and exports 75% of its own gross output. Specific industries are particularly sensitive 10 changes in world trade, For example: the grantaided sector of the chemical industry exports 96% of us gross output ** With the fall off in world trade, there will be @ rapid downturn in all these export orientated industries such a5 chemicals, metals and electrical machinery. Although this facror has not yet asserted itself as the dominant cause fof redundancies, we have seen a foretaste of what may come in the virtual collapse of the car assembly industry National unemployment is at its highest level since 1942. ‘The evident econatnic growth that accompanied the new strategy encouraged a belief that degendence on foreign capital offered viable future for the southern working class, This 1s reeponible jor the specific character of formism in the south which, counting upon the unlimited expansion of capitalism, naturaly looked co the expansion fof foreign capual, rather than to its feeble indigenous version. £6 develop Ireland. 2, tou. 20. Central Bank Report. 1972/3 2M. From Charles McCarthy. The Devade of Upheaval Insh Trade Canons 1 the. 19808 (Instnate of Public AdMIstrse tion, Dublin, 197, p 20. OECD, Sine Posie Grront Aided Fnhisey Tuinke 4. p20. see hn Survey of Duin, 1967), Tablee 22 and 213In Ureland there 1s a strong reformist basis for the accept. ance of the intusration of the trade unions into the state The size and weakness of the Irish economy and its des pendence on foreign capital imports and foreign markers Produces a pressure to protect the ‘natanal interest’ and, AL the same time to accept the dependence of Ireland and economic imperialism But precisely that weakness land dependence forces workers into confiets which in the context of the changed nature of umperialist relations with Ireland begin ¢o raise the question of imperialist con trol. When foreign investment becomes less and less able to deliver the goods, the possibility of seeing a link between economic struggles and the imperialist relation 1s much sharper than in a period of protection. The anti-imperialist struggle becomes posed as a siruggle also. against the southern bourgeoisie, now entirely economically dependent fon simpvialism. The appaceat indifference of the southern workers to the orth. while it had some basis in the success of Forciga investment until recently, was never absolute, Even in the absence of any movement with a programme linking the growing economic crisis to the national question, dhe re publican tradition had a life of its own. According to MeCann, this was the situation in 1969: “There were tens of thovsands of people on the streeis of Dublin and other cites demanding that Me Lynch's govern ‘ment move to protect the Northern Catholics from what looked ike an impending pogrom... Workers at thany factories struck. It subsequently emerged that at least (wa members of Mr Lynch's cabinet had been in favour of sending the army actos the border. Some officers of the agmy were momentary ‘mote than enthusiastic aboot doing jest thal. Wad a stop fnot been put 10 wha! se happening in Belfast and Derry it igh} well have proved imposible for Mr Lynch to. "hold the fine™ against the gul-Republicaniem susdenly surging again, pot Least his ov party."2 is no accident that the party pushing with the most urgeney (or the ratification of Sunningdale was the south em government, fully asvare of what could occur in the south if the instability of the northern situation was not resolved, What Cosgrave is stiempting to do at present is to deal with the IRA before it becomes necessary to confront the workers. But thal, becuse of the situation in the rierth, right Well prove impossiale. The Irish bourgeoisie itself is Beginning to split aver the issue, Labour's Conor Cruise O’Brien wants 10 forget abour the national question, while in Fianna Fail, the movement of Haughey back onto the front bench represents 3 resurgent nationalist curren. The deepening economic crisis in the south and the re-emerg. fence of the national question promise stormy period stead for the southern ruling class, Whether the link between the national question and the economic crisis in the south is made, and what will issue from the situ ation depends on the existence of a revolutionary leader ship which can advance @ clear strategy in the Irish situation. ‘The crisis in the north In the north, state iniervention had prevented a drastic slump, rathe’ than sponsoring a boom, While the overall {evel of civil employment has remained steady, there have been important changes in iis components Agricultural employment has declined drastically as a result of rationabsation earned through in the post-war period. The workers {rom this sector have been thrown Onto a labour marker which has witnessed the slevline ff the Wo major Industries — linen and shipbuilding. The ‘overall changes ‘llustrared in the diagram underestim the dechine of linen production, because textile manittac: ture includes tman-msde fibre production which has grown, enormously in the recent period Employment in linen Plants fell (ram 69% of all textle employment in 1950 10 57% in 1970. DIAGRAM S Net Changes in Employment in the North Main Sectors and Specific Industries su Employment Services 4755 “housands) + Construction Total +155 +24 Ensincering + 1.8 F44 Shipbuilding 238 Textiles 2396 Totat Mas ufacturing a5 Agricutore ment would have been even greater if it had not been for the u0lyx of foreign ravestment and government as sisted industry. In 1961 goverament sponsored industry was responsible for 22.5% of all manufacturing employ ment; by 1972 this share had grown 19 443%. The only major sector which has grown is services. Some 96% of, the increase in this sector is duc nirodvetion of socral services into the north and the corresponding ex pansion of education, health services, and slate administra tion. Construction has expanded due to public works while the growth of engineering employment 1 due (0 new grant aided industry ‘The shift from the traditional sectors of employment to those that are state sponsored is not simply an merease the importance of the state in maintaining employment, It signals the economye decline of the Unionist bourgeoisie, and of als ability 40 use ats powers of direct discrimination, to maintain the Loyalist bloc of workers and capitalists 413, Exmonn McCann, War and an tr1ch Town (Penguin, 197%), pai 34, Calelayed feom Northern Ireland Diaeet of Sta 35. Calculated From Department of Commerce, Norther tre- land. Report un rie Census of Production. 1950. 197. Indasinet Development, p 8: Non Cuthbert, Northcrn Ireland Evoniny «Belfast, 1930), 9. x6. TheTABLE 2° Government Sponsored Projects in the North: 1948-72 Country Number Per Cent ot of of all Oritin Projects Projects NI os 408 Gh 110 409) Oiher 50 186 Teta 269 100.0 ‘The stagnation Of Unionist eapital is dramatically iustra ted in the table above, Although sndigenoux capita int ated & similar number of projects as British capital, the contribution ft made to growth a emplayivent was only a gusrter that of Britain. The mew British: and Foreign capital was far more productive than its local counter: pari It was therefore less concerned with using sectatian Aiisions 10 Keep wages down and overtime up. than was Unionist capita in is precerious economie state What hye the consequences of these developments been foc the north? ‘There ts no Tack of bourgeois observers of the strugele who attempt to depict it as a dreadlul hang: over froma past era: a religious war. If only, iti argued, these people Would come to their senses and realise that King Billy and the Virgin Mary are dead and Buried, then all would be well Such people find company with the conomisije socialists who argue that the religious division in the north is simply the result of eapitalisy machination For the later t i necessary to “get rid of sectarianism before the “real strugle” ean beain Capitalism has mor and will never tciomph in a “pore form. It always takes root in specife historical situations, and emeries coated in the historical rubbish elt over froma an eater period Consequently, capitalist ideologt never appears ina pure form either” it takes the garb of the Specific uel conditions in whieh it arses. All ideology has social roots, and the “Sectarianis” ip the north #3 10 exception, “The” particular historical conditions of Tesh Social development have given protestants and catholies a diferent role in soeiety. The peculiar importance and fervour which is acgutre by seligion in Ireland ean only be understood oe this Basis it iy the Adcologival form in which the battle Between appease and ohprensed has been expressed tn general Catholiciia has fhe the expression of the mest backward feudal elements ot socite, wile vagilal ism has advanced under the bucnwr of Protestantism, But in the present epoch, when the uckwad forms of pode tion whieh sustain Cathuheisit generally eanpot be sept andy by capual, the sevolt of thy appressed find ils ex pression in whal was traiionally @ reactionary and Op pressive ideology. In Lreland, ac in parts OF Latin America, this contradicrwy tote af the cathale religion fy active, The Trotskyist Rab Armstrong has exprcssed this graphic: ally in elation tothe leigh situation “Chtist and ik mother hung up 61 the windows and outside the dsore of the workers houses in the Fally Road are Irish Mags fauating heir srcconciable fatted Yor inperaln. ‘The Church cannot fe the change, The republican iP Number Per Cent Employment Employed of Total per Employment Project Raa7 128 ai 3777 46.1 289 28275 410 566 58,899 100.0 256 workers gill throw away their icons as soon as the ideas ocialst ihteraationalivm begin 19 take shape among them.” What are the roots of the division between the protestant land the catholic workers? Connolly explained this in terms of the former's status as a Jabour aristocracy: “the Orangs working class are slaves in spirit because they have Deen reared up smong a people whose conditions of servitude were more slavish than their owa. ..- AL one time in the industrial World of Great Betain and Tecland the skilled Jabourer looked down with contempt upon the unskilled and bitterly resented his attempt to eet children taught any (of the skilled trades: the feeling of the Orangemen of Treland towards the Catholics i bat a plated representation ona big stage of the same passions inspired by the same unworthy But what ig the situation today? The linen and shipbulil. ing industries, traditional strongholds of protestant em- ployment, have declined enormously in their significance since partition. We haye also illustrated the importance fof state aided industry in providing employment for the core of the northern working class. IC is often pointed out That the conditions of the protestant working class are as poor as those of the eatholigs: in the Shankhill Road, for instance, ‘Over 90% of the houses have been declared unfit for human habitation : 960% of them have no hot ‘water, no ath oF Wash-hand basin and only an outside toilet? Not much privilege here, it might be thought [But it is precisely: these conditions that make security of employment and better jobs so important: it is the only apparent way out of a miserable existence: ‘The Unionist capitalist class was able to grant privilewes directly — because of its contol aver privaie employment nd, indirectly —theough its control of the state at all levels it Was able to discriminate in publie employment. Hostility 10 the cathatie minority has gone hand in hand With protestant support foe the Unionist ruling class and its sate, ‘The decline of the direct economic power of Lindusiriat Bevsdopmen, Table 55, p12, 3, to 1970, tho share of wages and salaries ge 9 propartion of fic} output Was 90.38 in Linon, and 29.14) in Miscellaneosg Texilles overwhelmingly mai-made bres, Ontpat per head for the latter was 480% of the Lincs level. Cents of Proatuction 1970. 39, Bob Armstrong, ‘Ulster in Transition’ tional News, 5, 8, April 1945, p14 40, "Norv East Ulter, SW, pp 265-6. 81. Anders Boserup, Revolusion and Counter Revolution in Northern Ireland (Spokes man Offprint Na. 18), p 44 Workers InetUnionist capital has not weakened its ability to maintain this traditional privilege. Stormont was ultimately. respon- sible for the location of grant aided industry. This factor, combined with the ‘natural’ advantages of the Belfast area created by Unionist capital, has meant that location has been in the predominantly’ protestant east.‘ Thus state aided industry has reiniorced rather than undermined the traditional relations between protestant and catholic wor: keers. Public and private employment policy in the north has succeeded in preserving discrimination in employment. ‘There is no detailed set of Hgures available which show the Felative numbers of catholics in employment and out of employment compared with protestants. However, it is koown that ‘in Belfast's three largest firms, Catholics are employed in the qvoportions of 3 per cent, 14 per cent and 0 per cent respectively." The census figures give a more general indication of the extent of unemployment amongst the catholic population: TABLE 3" Discrimination in Employment in the North Area Per cent Percent male Catholic ‘unemployment Belfast Falls Road 96 Bs Shankhill Road 8 u3 Derry North Want as 4 South Ward B21 267 ‘The traditional response of the protestant working-class to @ decline in employment has been (0 tum against the caiholic minority, since they are seen ag direct competitors for the available jobs. The famous united riots of 1932 were preceded by 2 fall in employment in shipbuilding of ‘over 80% in (ess than two years." This was the extent 10 which economic conditians had to deteriorate before pro: estant workers spontaneously abandoned their traditional hostiliy to catholic workers. It is the height of naiveté to expect the two sections of the northern working class 10, Unite on “economic” issues, when it is precisely these that clvide them. As the crisis begins to bite, protestant workers will pursue the traditional way out: the expulsion of catholics from employment. Only later, when the Unionist ‘regime is visibly unable to preserve the position of protes tant workers, will the possibility exist of breaking the fotestamt workers (rom Loyalism and drawing them round programme which emphasises the economic issves. AS Connolly tcornfully remarked about the Economists of his day: “The doctrine that because the workers of Belfast live under ‘he same industrial eonditions ax do those of Great Britain, they ae thofefore subject to the same passions and 10. be influenced by the same methods of propaganda, is a doctrine almost sereamingly funny i its absurdity.” ‘The developments in the north and south im the post-war period were important not only for reinforcing the material basis of the protestant ascendancy, but also far promoting divisions within the Unionist camp, The growth of the ‘welfare state’ in the north contrasted with the poverty of social serviees in the south. Although Westminster Unionist MPs had vehemently apposed the legislation establishing, the social services after the war, the contrasting develap. ‘ment provided Loyalism with a further argument in favour of partition. The fortification af the ascendancy through subsidies from Gritaia. sowed! the seeds of subsequent devel- ‘opments within Unionism. To British capital, the changed economic balance within Ireland self seemed to. point towards some reconciliation of north and south. The British sate, rather than the partition of Ireland, was the guaran: tee af narthern economic survival, The south was experi encing unprecedented! expansion. and the sectarian divide im the north appeared totally anachronistic. British policy eas open fo the encouragement of some kind of federal Felatioaship between north and south. The agent for this olicy in, Ireland. was 10 be the supposed modernising ‘elervents nthe south ~ Lynch, Fitzgerald and O'Brien, and 4 Tew “middle class’ in the north, purported to be above ‘waditioral sectarian divisions and composed of both catholies. and protestants. Im the north of Ireland, the situation was quite different from how it appeared in British ruling class circles. The growth of siate sponsored industry had given sustenance to & Unionist middle elass impatient with traditional loyalism ‘This section of the Unionist bloc was willing to concede to catholics 4 measure of reform which breached waditional hut anachronistic divisions. The central problem seemed Not so much a question of programme. but of the pace at which this could be implemented without alienating tradi tional Unionist support. O'Neill, who became PM in 1963, was the representative of this tendency. It would be ludi 42, ‘Relatively high unemployment and a low standard of tiving fxs in Northern Ireland in spite of the government’ actions in attracting or-direeting no les than 217 ne fae tories to the province since 1945. One hundred of these were “sponsored” by the government inasmuch as the State Provided one-third of all capita outlay costs on plan. and machinery. The other 117 factories were built it adsance by the government before tenants were four, Of the 217 hhew factories, only 31, or 4%, have been located more than 30 miles from Belfast. Cautious investment from public as well a private sources has meant that easictn (ois Smaller than some in the west of the provinge have received more factories. Thus Lurgan with 2 popiation of 18,000 and only twenty-one miles from Belfast has atifacted 48 fnew factories, while the City of Londonderry, or Deteyy ‘sith © population of $8,900 bu_more than seventy mile from Belfast has attracted only 7 factories two af hich were vacant in 1958", Alan Robinson, “Landonderry, Northern Ireland A Border Stuy", Seouish Geographical Magazine, 86, 3, December 1970, p 211 43. Morris Fraser, Children in Conflict (Penguin, 1978), p 128. 44. Calculated from General Register Office, Northern [reland, Consus of Population 1971, Couuty Reporte. We ba chosen to take mele unemploymem as eeflecting the tre ferences between catholics asl protestants because ‘women, who may" well. be “ccanmmicaly active” according to the Census categories, are encumbered with other tasks whieh prevent them from entering the laboar market on an equal Basis with men, ar free wage labours, 45. See KS Iles and N Cuthbert Ai Eeunomic Survey of Northera Ireland (HMSO, Belfast, 1987), p 594 "North-East Ubter", SW, p 267 46.crous, of course, to represent this wing of Unionism as some kind of ‘progressive bourgeoisie’. Ir was merely trying to fori the rule of the larger Unionist capital, by remov {ng some of the mare minor diseriminstions, which protected the smaller Unionist capital and preserved the trivial but important privileges of protestant’ workers. Local govern: ment reform, the end of discriminstion im housing, one-man one-vole, and other measures curd aot erode the central ‘bastion of this section of Unionisen—conteol over the s8b- sidisaticn and location of industry. It is significant that the recommendativins of the 1965 Wilson Report (commissioned by O'Neill) which suggested diverting inckstry to Derry Were ignored in the economic policy uf this period, The attempt of the new section of Unionisin to reform the nature of discrimination did not take place against a placid political background. Strong undereurrents were flowing which would surface later. Amongst catholics, exclusion from the full benefits of the ‘welfare stale’ was. stirring, c

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