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200101 American Renaissance

200101 American Renaissance

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American Renaissance, January 2001. It’s Race, Stupid; Let’s Hate America; O Tempora, O Mores!; Letters from Readers
American Renaissance, January 2001. It’s Race, Stupid; Let’s Hate America; O Tempora, O Mores!; Letters from Readers

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Published by: American Renaissance on Dec 28, 2010
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American Renaissance - 1 - January 2001
Continued on page 3
There is not a truth existing which I fear or would wish unknown to the whole world.
Thomas Jefferson
Vol. 12, No. 1January 2001
It’s Race, Stupid
American Renaissance
The election was largely aracial headcount–exceptfor whites.
by Samuel Francis
f there is one pattern thatemerges from the confusednational election of 2000, itis that race and ethnicity are thedriving forces in American poli-tics today. An analysis of exitpolls confirms that, so far fromevolving toward a “color-blind”society in which most citizensare indifferent to racial identity,Americans are voting alongclearly defined racial and ethniclines. These voting patternsstrongly suggest, if they do notconfirm, that racial conscious-ness is a major determinant of voting behavior and that politi-cal appeals to racial interests and con-sciousness will continue to play a ma- jor role in the politics of the future.The correlation of racial identity andvoting behavior is most clear amongblacks, who voted overwhelmingly forDemocratic presidential candidate VicePresident Al Gore. Black voters, makingup some 10 percent of the electorate, sup-ported Mr. Gore by 90 percent. While 85percent of black men supported Mr. Gore,his support among black women waseven larger–a huge 94 percent. Nation-ally, about 19 percent–nearly one in five–of Gore’s votes came from blacks.Correspondingly, the level of black support for the Republican presidentialcandidate, Texas Gov. George W. Bush,was strikingly low–only eight percent.Black men went for Bush by 12 percent,but only six percent of black women sup-ported him. While black voters have his-torically been overwhelmingly Demo-cratic since the 1960s, Mr. Bush’s black support, analyst DeWayne Wickham re-ported in
USA Today
, was “the lowesttotal garnered by any Republican presi-dential candidate since Barry Goldwatermanaged to win just 6 percent of the Af-rican-American vote in 1964,” and waslower even than the nine percent RonaldReagan won in 1984.One of the main reasons for strongblack support for Mr. Gore is that bothhis campaign as well as its black support-ers in the NAACP and similar racial ac-tivist lobbies worked hard to increaseblack turnout and to incite racial fears.Thus, in a speech at Wesley Center AMEZion Church in Pittsburgh, Pa., on Nov.4, Mr. Gore told the black church audi-ence, “When my opponent, Gov. Bush,says that he will appoint strict construc-tionists to the Supreme Court, I oftenthink of the strictly constructionist mean-ing that was applied when the Constitu-tion was written and how some peoplewere considered three-fifths of a humanbeing.” The vice president was referringto the section of the Constitution (ArticleI, §2) that provided that slaves would becounted as three-fifths of a person forpurposes of congressional apportion-ment. This section, inserted into the Con-stitution
the wishes and interestsof Southern slave owners to diminishtheir power in Congress, was never a re-sult of “construction” of any kindand referred only to slaves, not tofree blacks. Mr. Gore’s misrepre-sentation insinuated that Mr.Bush’s support for “strict con-structionism” would lead to therestoration of segregation, if notslavery.Mr. Gore also told the same au-dience, “I am taught that goodovercomes evil if we choose thatoutcome,” a passage the Bushcampaign perhaps understand-ably interpreted to mean that Mr.Gore was implying Gov. Bushhimself was “evil.” If that was hismeaning, it was entirely consis-tent with a television ad sponsored by theNAACP that used the voice of the daugh-ter of black murder victim James Byrd,Jr., slain in Texas in 1998 for apparentlyracial reasons, and which, as MatthewRees of the
Weekly Standard 
wrote, “allbut blamed Bush for her father’s death atthe hands of white racists.” This and simi-lar NAACP-sponsored ads on televisionand radio accused Bush of indifferenceto “hate crimes,” opposing new hatecrimes legislation for Texas in the wakeof the Byrd killing, and opposing federallegislation against “racial profiling.”Most of these ads strongly insinuated thatBush’s positions were driven by racialbigotry. In the congressional elections of 1998, Democrats used similar ads thatsought to link Republicans with the ar-son of black churches. In 2000, theNAACP spent some $12 million throughits National Voters Fund in a campaignto register black voters and get them tothe polls.
Political appeals to racialinterests will continue toplay a major role in poli-tics in the future.
American Renaissance - 2 - January 2001
 Letters from Readers
Sir - I appreciated the excellent analy-sis of Western decline in AR’s Decem-ber issue [review of 
From Dawn to Decadence
]. However, I think you mayexaggerate the degree to which whiteshave lost their “racial consciousness.”For example, anybody who has grownup in the multiracial public school sys-tem knows that the races essentially seg-regate themselves and that young whitesare not the multiracial cheerleaders someof them come across as being.I would suggest this loss of racialconsciousness is rather illusory, aswhites can afford to hide it when theymove to all-white schools and neighbor-hoods. In addition, I would say that this“loss” mainly afflicts members of theolder generation who have become in-sulated from reality.Recently, I delivered a speech to amostly non-white audience of “gifted”students on the subject of IQ and race. Igave them evidence, such as Prof.Jensen’s RT/MT [reaction time, move-ment time] data, which disproves testbias and points to a lower average intel-ligence for Blacks and Hispanics. Whattruly surprised me is that non-whitesthanked me afterwards and most every-body seemed to be very interested, andin agreement with the conclusions. Mosteveryone in my audience, regardless of race, knew what I was saying was true.I would go so far as to say that whiteshave become more racially conscious inrecent decades. The problem is, we lack the organization and influence of otherraces. Also, we lack the righteousnessof non-whites who feel they have beendenied the “American Dream.” Finally,we lack responsible, legitimate nation-alist leaders. Exposing white people toour message first-hand, via political ac-tivity or outspoken advocacy, is the onlyway to improve our prospects–and isalmost guaranteed to work in the longrun.Brian Copp, Dallas, Tex.Sir – I noted with interest JacquesBarzun’s observation that modern (deca-dent) man always looks forward, con-vinced that everything in the past wasinferior. Prof. Barzun doesn’t seem torealize that much of what drives thiscontempt for the past is the set of dis-eases that go by the general name of political correctness. If one were to pointout that in the 1950s we had few di-vorces, little violent crime, low illegiti-macy rates, a coherent culture, and apatriotic citizenry, a typical product of our times would reply: “But think of allthe oppression suffered by blacks andwomen and homosexuals.” After a pausehe might add, “And think of how sexu-ally uptight people were. They were vir-gins when they got married.” I wonderif it is not unique in human history for apeople to consider itself superior in ev-ery way to the past–especially in mat-ters of morality–rather than indebted toit and even awed by it.A more typical, if somewhat extreme,feeling about history is in Book III, 6 of Horace’ Odes:Time corrupts all. What has it notmade worse?Our grandfathers sired feeble chil-dren; theirsWere weaker still – ourselves; andnow our curseMust be to breed even more degen-erate heirs.Any generation that despises the pastwill most certainly poison the future.Sam Harrell, Royal Oak, Mich.Sir – In light of James Lubinskas’ No-vember article, “Hate Crimes 101,” it isimportant that your readers understandthe danger posed by hate crime laws.In Virginia, as in other states, a simpleassault (i.e. any unlawful touching) is aClass 1 misdemeanor punishable by upto 12 months in jail and a fine of up to$2,500. A first-time defendant convictedof simple assault might expect to be sen-tenced to a modest fine or some hoursof community service. In a serious case,he might get a suspended sentence.However, under the hate crime statute,if the defendant is found to have selectedhis victim because of race, religion,color, or national origin, the law imposesa
minimum term of sixmonths. Take a moment to let that sink in–six months in jail for the unlawfultouching of a non-white. Believe me,this is your worst nightmare becomereality.In northern Virginia non-white gangsrun an assault scam to try to incite whitesto commit assault against them. An ar-gument starts and most witnesses runaway because no one wants to get in-volved. But one “neutral” witness staysbehind to testify that you committed theassault, and that you uttered a racial slur.In short, hate crime laws put a weaponin the hands of minority criminals, giv-ing them the means to destroy the livesof innocent whites and their families.Your readers should avoid argumentsand physical contact with non-whites atall costs.A Virginia AttorneySir – The November article about“white power” music was illuminating,but I fear you have downplayed the Naziangle. A quick Internet tour reveals thatsome of these bands decorate their al-bums with swastikas and SS symbols.The lyrics you chose to quote were un-exceptionable, but the article left mecurious to know what the
 Death in June
song “We Drive East” is all about. Who,for example, are “we?” Somehow, Idon’t think “we” are Gen. Patton andthe Americans.Fred Hooper, Mussel Shoals, Ala.
American Renaissance - 3 - January 2001
American Renaissance is published monthly by theNew Century Foundation. NCF is governed by section501 (c) (3) of the Internal Revenue Code; contributionsto it are tax deductible.Subscriptions to American Renaissance are $24.00 per year. First-class postage isan additional $6.00. Subscriptions to Canada (first class) and overseas (surface mail)are $30.00. Overseas airmail subscriptions are $40.00. Back issues are $3.00 each.Foreign subscribers should send U.S. dollars or equivalent in convertible bank notes.Please make checks payable to: American Renaissance, P.O. Box 527, Oakton, VA22124. ISSN No. 1086-9905, Telephone: (703) 716-0900, Facsimile: (703) 716-0932,Web Page Address: www.amren.com Electronic Mail: AR@amren.com
Continued from page 1
American Renaissance
Jared Taylor, EditorJames P. Lubinskas, Contributing EditorGlayde Whitney, Contributing EditorGeorge McDaniel, Web Page Editor
The result of this kind of direct appealto racial fears and animosities was notonly the 90 percent black support forGore but also a record black voter turn-out in critical swing states. While thenational black turnout remained about thesame in 2000 as in 1996 (about 10 per-cent of all voters), “black turnout in-creased more dramatically in statestargeted by the NAACP, laborunions, and the Democratic Party,”the
Washington Post 
explained. The
Wall Street Journal
reported that inFlorida “[black] turnout surged by 50percent from four years ago, givingblacks clout beyond their share of thevoting-age population,” and De-Wayne Wickham in
USA Today
at-tributed the forced vote recount inFlorida to the massive black supportfor Gore (93 percent) in that state.Some 29 percent of Gore’s votes inFlorida came from black voters. Po-litical scientist David Bositis told the
that “Black-voter turnout ap-pears to be a significant factor thisyear. In Michigan, Delaware, Flo-rida, and Pennsylvania, black-voterturnout was absolutely critical” toGore’s final vote counts.Much the same racial-ethnic pat-tern is apparent in the strong His-panic support for Mr. Gore, despiteconcerted efforts by Mr. Bush andthe GOP to court the Hispanic vote. Mr.Bush did make some gains among His-panic voters, winning 31 percent of theirsupport nationally as compared to BobDole’s poor showing of only 21 percentin 1996. But Hispanics, who make upsome 7 percent of the electorate nation-ally, went for Mr. Gore in 2000 by a huge67 percent–if not as large as his black support, nevertheless a return of landslideproportions. In California, Hispanic turn-out increased by about 20 percent over1996, while nationally Hispanic turnoutrose by about 2 million voters in 1996 toabout 7 million. It should be noted thatGreen Party candidate Ralph Nader re-ceived one percent of the black vote, twopercent of the Hispanic vote, and four per-cent of the Asian vote; Mr. Gore’s sup-port among all these groups would un-doubtedly have been somewhat largerhad Mr. Nader not been on the ballot.Moreover, analysis of the Hispanic voteby region suggests that all of Mr. Bush’srather frenetic courtship of it availed himlittle.In an analysis written the day after theelection, United Press International cor-respondent Steve Sailer examined His-panic voting trends in the four major re-gions of the United States where Hispan-ics are concentrated: California, Texas,New York, and Florida. In California,which has the nation’s largest number of Hispanic voters (3 million) and whereHispanics make up 13.4 percent of theelectorate, Bush lost the Hispanic voteto Gore by an even larger margin than helost it nationally–28 percent to Gore’s 67percent (the
Orange County Register 
aweek after the election reported Bushwon only 21 percent of the state’s His-panics). Yet, in New York, with the thirdlargest concentration of Hispanic voters(8.2 percent of the state electorate), Mr.Bush lost (largely Puerto Rican) Hispanicsupport even more dramatically, carry-ing only 18 percent to Mr. Gore’s 80 per-cent. (Hillary Clinton in her successfulrace for the U.S. Senate seat from NewYork won 85 percent of Hispanicvotes.)In his native state of Texas, whichhas the nation’s second largest His-panic electorate (19.6 percent), Mr.Bush also did poorly, losing the His-panic vote to Mr. Gore, 42 percentto 54 percent. This was an improve-ment over Mr. Bush’s 39 percentHispanic vote in his re-election forgovernor in 1998, but it was consid-erably less than what he and his pro-immigration conservative supportershad expected. In Florida, Mr. Bushactually did win the Hispanic vote,though narrowly. There, where thenation’s fourth largest Hispanic com-munity constitutes 11.9 percent of the electorate, Mr. Sailer reportedMr. Bush winning the Hispanic vote50 percent to 48 percent.The Florida Hispanic vote, how-ever, is largely Cuban, and Cubanshave historically voted Republican.Democratic presidential candidateshave traditionally received only 13percent to 15 percent of the FloridaCuban vote, though in 1996 Bill Clintonactually won 27 percent of the Cubans.In 2000, unofficial returns showed Mr.Gore won the heavily Cuban Miami areaby 39,000 votes, though this was aconsidereably smaller margin of victorythan that of Mr. Clinton in1996. But intwo heavily Cuban precincts, the 510thand the 555th, Mr. Bush won 79 percent
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