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200211 American Renaissance

200211 American Renaissance

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American Renaissance, November 2002. Twelve Years of American Renaissance; Convincing the Conservatives; Wichita Massacre Trial Begins; O Tempora, O Mores!; Letters from Readers
American Renaissance, November 2002. Twelve Years of American Renaissance; Convincing the Conservatives; Wichita Massacre Trial Begins; O Tempora, O Mores!; Letters from Readers

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Published by: American Renaissance on Dec 30, 2010
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02/12/2013

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American Renaissance - 1 - November 2002
Continued on page 3
There is not a truth existing which I fear or would wish unknown to the whole world.— 
Thomas Jefferson
Vol. 13 No. 11November 2002
Twelve Years of American Renaissance
American Renaissance
An editor’s reflections.
by Jared Taylor
W
ith this issue,
 American Re-naissance
marks 12 full yearsof publication. Our read-ership has never been larger nor our reach greater, but the crisesthe inaugural issue waslaunched to combat re-main as acute as ever.We can look back with some satis-faction on whatAR and other activists haveachieved dur-ing the past 12years, but anysuccesses areonly the smallest beginnings of a strug-gle that will continue for decades.What does AR stand for?What must whites do if they arenot to lose their peoplehood andtheir civilization? And from the per-spective of more than a decade of advo-cacy, are we any closer to achieving our goals? Perhaps it is time to reflect onsome of these questions.
Racial Consciousness
AR’s purpose has always been to re-call to whites their legitimate and evennoble interests
as a race
, to reinstill inthem a consciousness of race withoutwhich they cannot survive as a race. Itis to remind whites that they are not iso-lated individuals but a people with com-mon goals. It is to resurrect the prideand sense of destiny that were once ours,and that gave rise to our greatestachievements.But what does it even mean to sur-vive or to prosper 
as a race
? Mostwhites have only confused and contra-dictory ideas about this, while virtuallyevery non-white instinctively under-stands the importance of racial solidar-ity. Non-whites feel a powerful tie of race loyalty that requires neither instruc-tion nor reflection, andthey support ex- plicitly racial goals that can be achievedonly at the expense of others. Whiteshave an uneasy awareness that non-whites stick up for each other, but mosthave no idea what this means for whites,and have learned to think it is wrong for whites to do the same.Blacks and Hispanics, for example,consistently call for more power, repre-sentation, and privileges for their owngroups. They clamor for “affirmativeaction,” political appointments, safeelectoral districts, and official recogni-tion of their distinctive celebrations andcharacteristics. They have establishedlarge, well-funded organizations tomake demands that are emphaticallyracial. They do not call for 
better 
 judges or legislators, but for 
black 
 judges or 
 Latino
legislators. A black or Latino is automati-cally
 
 better because hewill fight for their nar-row racial interests.Only the mostunusual non-whites even pretend towork for the coun-try as awhole or toconsider the in-terests of other ra-cial groups. Whennon-whites do call for “fairness” or “justice” it isalmost always an attempt tomake a narrow, racial demandlook like a principled appeal. For non-whites, America is like a footballgame, but with skin color instead of uni-forms. They know which side they areon, and take the support of their team-mates for granted. That is why non-whites are so angry when one of their own reaches a position of authority butrefuses to carry the ball. Most blackshate Supreme Court Justice ClarenceThomas more than they hate any whiteman, because to them he is a traitor. Hewears the uniform but does not play for the team.Judges and legislators are, of course, just the beginning. Non-whites wantmore firemen, teachers, policemen, edi-tors, bureaucrats, fat cats, politicians,movie stars, holidays, and festivals
.
They want America to reflect
them
,
 
to
AR’s purpose hasalways been to recall towhites their legitimateand even noble interests
as a race
.
 
American Renaissance - 2 - November 2002
 Letters from Readers
Sir — We appreciate the honorablemention of the Council of ConservativeCitizens (CofCC) by George Halsteadin “Nationalist Politics (Part II),” whenhe suggests that “A group like the Coun-cil of Conservative Citizens, which deals bluntly with race, could alert membersto upcoming meetings of local parties.CCC members and allies could run for  party positions and begin the ‘longmarch through the institutions,’ the waythe anti-whites took over the DemocraticParty.”The CofCC has, in fact, been success-fully doing that—and more—for quitesome time. We urge our members to become actively involved in the politi-cal process. As a result, we have manymembers and “fellow travelers” servingin party posts (GOP, third parties, andeven Democrats) and elected offices atmany levels, especially in the South.That is precisely why the Southern Pov-erty Law Center has made us their maintarget. It considers the CofCC the “mostdangerous” right-wing group in the na-tion.Professional politicians are pragma-tists (some would say prostitutes). If they see that we can help or hurt themmore than the other side, they will pan-der to us. That’s how the American po-litical system works.Gordon Lee Baum, CEOCouncil of Conservative CitizensSt. Louis, Mo.Sir — I greatly enjoyed GeorgeHalstead’s provocative series on racial politics. He is clearly a professional,who has thought things through. He may be a little optimistic about some things, but unless we start thinking in the termshe recommends, we will make little progress. We need to stop complainingand get ready for hard work!Paul Harper, Roanoke, Va.Sir — I have received the last twoissues of AR and am extremely gratefulthat there are still voices of sanity in our country. After reading “Nationalist Poli-tics (Part II),” I changed my political party affiliation from Reform to Con-stitution.Richard Testerman, Beaumont, Calif.Sir — I must respectfully disagreewith George Halstead’s assertion in“Nationalist Politics in America” thatracialists should look to virtually anyand all allies, regardless of how ideologically or evenmorally repellant, simply because they happen toagree on the one issue of race. Granted race is thedefining issue of our day— regardless of popular politi-cal opinion—and its impor-tance cannot be overstated. Nevertheless, I am not con-vinced that making dealswith the “devil” is necessarily the bestway to realize our goals.Although Mr. Halstead makes a com- pelling argument for why reaching outto radical environmentalists or homo-sexuals
might 
prove to reveal previouslyunknown support for an honest dialogueon race, there is little evidence that thissupport would actually materialize. Be-lieving environmentalists would allythemselves with open racialists becausethe “rank and file” allegedly “oppose im-migration” from a green standpointseems unrealistic. Additionally, the factthat environmental activists are almostexclusively white is evidently lost onthem, as they certainly never seem toworry that non-whites do not share their fervor for saving Mother Earth. Nor doenvironmentalists appear to exhibit evena hint of racial self-awareness or soli-darity, despite their obviously homoge-neous ranks. And of course, there is alsoa pervasive anti-Western/pro-ThirdWorld (read anti-white) mindset that permeates the entire movement.As a socio-political demographic,homosexuals are notoriously leftist intheir beliefs, often at the extreme end of the spectrum. Despite the glaringly dis- proportionate rate of rape by black menof white women, or the fact that “ho-mophobia” is rampant among blacks,white lesbian and homosexual activistscontinue to agitate for minority civilrights. I for one have no desire to coun-tenance sexual perversion for the sakeof potential political gain.Mr. Halstead’s suggestion that anopenly pro-white lobbying group couldfind success like that of ethnocentricJewish organizations tells me he may nothave a complete understanding of the politics of race in America. AmericanJews are considered a protected minor-ity, no different from blacks or Hispan-ics, and are thus entitled to displays of self-interest in the name of some real or imagined oppression. Besides, there al-ready are organized, openly pro-whitegroups such as the Council of Conservative Citizens, whoare dismissed as “racist,” de-spite their attempts to presenta more socially acceptable,traditional-conservative im-age, and no matter how muchgrass-roots support they re-ceive.At present it seems improb-able—if not impossible—thatracialists can achieve any realsuccess within the confines of our po-litical system in
any
party. Although Icertainly agree with Mr. Halstead thatfantasies of a spontaneous racial revo-lution are completely unrealistic andfutile, they are perhaps only slightlymore so than believing that white, die-hard Democrat union members, femi-nists, homosexuals, and tree huggers aregoing to jump onboard with a “racial-realist” political candidate.Richard McGahan, Goshen, N.Y.
 
American Renaissance - 3 - November 2002
American Renaissance is published monthly by the New Century Foundation. NCF is governed by section501 (c) (3) of the Internal Revenue Code; contributionsto it are tax deductible.Subscriptions to American Renaissance are $24.00 per year. First-class postage isan additional $8.00. Subscriptions to Canada (first class) are $36.00. Subscriptionsoutside Canada and the U.S. (air mail) are $40.00. Back issues are $3.00 each. Foreignsubscribers should send U.S. dollars or equivalent in convertible bank notes.Please make checks payable to: American Renaissance, P.O. Box 527, Oakton, VA22124. ISSN No. 1086-9905, Telephone: (703) 716-0900, Facsimile: (703) 716-0932,Web Page Address: www.amren.com Electronic Mail: AmRen@amren.com
Continued from page 1
American Renaissance
Jared Taylor, Editor Stephen Webster, Assistant Editor James P. Lubinskas, Contributing Editor George McDaniel, Web Page Editor 
 be more like
them
, to celebrate and glo-rify
them.
If these gains come at the ex- pense of whites it only makes the tri-umph that much sweeter. Non-whites close ranks around their own, no matter how criminal or degen-erate. Blacks, especially, like to riotwhen some thug gets rough treatmentat the hands of a white policeman. Thisis the classic spark for arson and vio-lence, from the pitched battles of the1960s in Newark and Detroit to the may-hem in Cincinnati in April a year ago.An insult to one—even a hardenedcriminal—is an insult to all, and a ben-efit for one is a benefit for all.As their numbers rise even Asians,who have generally been quiet aboutgroup interests, have begun to assertthem more vigorously. When the immi-grant Taiwanese nuclear physicist WenHo Lee was charged with espionage inDecember 1999, Asians of all nation-alities rallied to his defense, and thereare now publications like
Monolid 
thatcultivate resentment against whites.Wherever Asians gather in sufficientnumbers they will assert racial interests, but will never do so as crudely as blacksand Hispanics because Asians can of-ten succeed on their own merits.Robert Frost once defined a liberalas someone who cannot take his ownside in an argument. When it comes toracial arguments, whites are so liberalthey do not even realize they have a side.They are a perfect example of unilat-eral disarmament. They have abandonedand even condemn every sign of loyaltyto their own group while they encour-age solidarity and group loyalty amongthe members of every other group.Before the age of “tolerance” and“sensitivity,” whites had a clear graspof their group interests. They kept non-whites out of the country through restric-tive immigration laws. They preventedthem from voting. They maintained thequality of their schools and neighbor-hoods by restricting non-white access.Their vision of the United States took for granted its European, Western char-acter, which they never imagined could be transformed by mass immigrationand claims of “multi-culturalism.” Thisconviction of the essential “whiteness”of America was central to Americanthought from colonial times until only50 or 60 years ago. Virtually all whiteshad the instinctive racial consciousnessof the kind non-whites express so ag-gressively today. It is only by rekindlingthis sense of solidarity, loyalty, and pridethat we can hope to see a real Americanrenaissance, and it is from this visionthat AR takes its name.Whites still have a residual racialconsciousness that only requires culti-vation. People of all races start out withhealthy feelings of racial loyalty, whichare evident in every integrated schoolin America. Blacks, Hispanics, andwhites can be assigned mixed seatingin the classroom, but at lunch time andon the playground they separate by race.Self-segregation persists generation af-ter generation in the face of every effortto combat it. There are school districtslike those of Shaker Heights, Ohio, andMontclair, New Jersey, that go to absurdlengths to spread blacks, whites andHispanics evenly through every class,extra-curricular activity, and position instudent government. It makes no differ-ence; left to themselves the children sortthemselves out by race.Left to themselves, adults do thesame. Gary Orfield of Harvard and Wil-liam Frey of the University of Michi-gan are always publishing hand-wring-ing articles about the return of segrega-tion. Prof. Orfield gets press attentionevery year when he warns that today’s blacks and Hispanics go to school withfewer whites than the year before. He blames increasing residential segrega-tion and the end of court-ordered bus-ing. Prof. Frey writes regularly about themost recent kind of white flight, inwhich whites are abandoning those partsof the country that receive the most im-migrants. And although people seldomwrite scholarly papers about it, anyonecan see that church services and privategatherings are almost always segre-gated.This, then, is the great white paradox:Whites claim to adore “diversity,” butthey make every effort to avoid it. Theymake every important decision in their lives—where to live, whom to marry,where to send their children to school,whom to choose as friends, whichchurch to attend—as if it were made for racial reasons, but deny that race hadanything to do with it. As one wag putsit, in their mating and migratory habits,liberals are no different from membersof the Ku Klux Klan.Unlike non-whites, who understandtheir interests and work together con-sciously to promote them, whites ex- press their racial interests only as indi-viduals. Their choices reflect their deepdesire not to be part of a darkening, alien
Wen Ho Lee and supporters.
Children sort them-selves out by race.Left to themselves,adults do the same.

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