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Christpher Chase-Dunn Waves of Integration

Christpher Chase-Dunn Waves of Integration

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Trade Globalization since 1795: Waves of Integration in the World-System
Christopher Chase-Dunn; Yukio Kawano; Benjamin D. Brewer
 American Sociological Review
, Vol. 65, No. 1, Looking Forward, Looking Back: Continuity andChange at the Turn of the Millenium. (Feb., 2000), pp. 77-95.
 American Sociological Review
is currently published by American Sociological Association.Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available athttp://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtainedprior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content inthe JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained athttp://www.jstor.org/journals/asa.html.Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printedpage of such transmission.The JSTOR Archive is a trusted digital repository providing for long-term preservation and access to leading academic journals and scholarly literature from around the world. The Archive is supported by libraries, scholarly societies, publishers,and foundations. It is an initiative of JSTOR, a not-for-profit organization with a mission to help the scholarly community takeadvantage of advances in technology. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.http://www.jstor.orgWed Jan 23 10:12:03 2008
 
TRADE GLOBALIZATION SINCE
1795: 
WAVES OF INTEGRATION IN THE WORLD-SYSTEM* 
Christopher Chase-Dunn
Johns Hopkins University
Yukio KawanoBenjamin D. Brewer
Johns Hopkins UniversityJohns Hopkins University
The term "globalization" as used by social scientists and in popular dis-course has many meanings. We contend that it is important to distinguishbetween globalization as a contemporary political ideology and what we call
structural globalization-the
increasing worldwide density of large-scale in-teraction networks relative to the density of smaller networks. We study oneope of economic globalization over the past two ceizturies: the trajectory ofinternational trade as a proportion of global production. Is trade globaliza-tion a recent phenomenon, a long-term upward trend, or a cyclical process?Using an improved measure of trade globalization, we find that there havebeen three waves since
1795.
We discuss the possible causes of these pulsa-tioizs of global integration and their implications for the early decades ofthe twenty-first century.
S
ocial scientific approaches to globaliza- and the transition from national to worldtion disagree about how the structure of markets as the main arena for economicthe world economy has changed over time. competition. The information age and theSome social scientists, and much of the pub- stage of global capitalism are asserted tolic, believe that in the recent past national constitute a new and qualitatively differenteconomies were largely independent entities. historical epoch (Castells 1993,1996; SklairIt is believed that since the 1960s a new1995). The term is also used to refer to whattransnational economy has emerged in which has been called the "Washington Consen-national societies have become integrated sus," or the "globalization project"into a global network of trade and an inter-(McMichael 1996), a now-hegemonicdependent division of labor. A second per- neoliberal political ideology that celebratesspective imagines a centuries-long trend to- the victory of capitalism over socialism andward increasing global integration as trans- proclaims marketization and privatization asportation and communications costs have de-solutions to the world's problems.clined. And yet a third approach envisions acyclical process of phasei-of increased inter-
STRUCTURAL GLOBALIZATION
national integration followed by phases inwhich national economies return toward au- Although we focus on economic networks,tarchy.our theoretical approach does not stem fromThe term "globalization" often refers toeconomics or even economic sociology.changes in technologies of communication Rather we seek to understand continuitiesand transportation, increasingly internation-and changes in institutional structures of thealized financial flows and commodity trade, modern world-system over the past 200years. Institutional structures are fundamen-tally cultural inventions. Market exchange,
*
Direct all correspondence to Christopher
firms, states, global governance organiza-
Chase-Dunn (chriscd@jhu.edu). Thanks to PeterGrimes,
Salvatore Babones,
David
Wilkinson,
tions, and the civilizational ideologies that
~~~~~~d ~lk~~, ~li,
naturalize them are all grist for the analysis
~h~ ~~~~~~~lWallerstein, and three anonymous
ASR
reviewers
of institutional structures that forms our
for helpful criticisms and suggestions.
framework for the study of globalization.
American Sociological Review,
2000,
Vol. 65 (February:77-95)
77
 
The comparative world-systems perspectiveasserts, and research confirms, that interac-tion networks have been importantly inter-societal since the first people settled in rela-tively permanent villages that traded andmade war with their still-nomadic neighbors(Chase-Dunn and Hall 1997; Chase-Dunnand Mann 1998).With the evolution of social complexityand hierarchy, the institutional nature of in:teraction networks has undergone majortransformations. One im~ortant ariablecharacteristic of interaction networks hasbeen their spatial scale and the relative in-tensity of smaller and larger networks withina system. Comparative research reveals thatboth small and large world-systems exhibitthe phenomenon of "pulsation" in which in-teraction networks alternately expand andcontract (Chase-Dunn and Hall 1997, chap.10).We focus on what we call structural glo-balization-changes in the density of inter-national and global interactions relative tolocal or national networks. Tilly (1995) pro-poses a similar definition of globalization:
". . .
an increase in the geographic range oflocally consequential social interactions, es-pecially when that increase stretches a sig-nificant proportion of all interactions acrossinternational or intercontinental limits" (pp.1-2).
If
national networks and global net-works increase in density at the same rate.there would be no increase in the globaliza-tion of interaction.We conceptualize structural economic andpolitical globalization as the differential den-sity and power of large versus small interac-tion networks and organizations. Althoughwe disagree with the idea that politics andeconomics are separate realms that should beindependent objects of scientific inquiry, itis nonetheless useful to distinguish betweenpolitical and economic forms of globaliza-tion.Economic globalization means greater in-tegration in the organization of production,distribution, and consumption of commodi-ties in the world economy. It seems that ourbreakfasts increasingly come from distantlands. But sugar has been an intercontinentalcommodity since the eighteenth century inthe sense that global market forces and thepolicies of competing states have massively
AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW
affected its conditions of production andconsumption. Fresh grapes, on the otherhand, have become a global commodity onlysince jets started transporting them season-ally between the southern and northern hemi-spheres. But if we count all the commoditiesand adjust for the overall growth of produc-tion, is the average breakfast more "global-ized" now than it was in nineteenth century?This is the question we ask.Political globalization is conceptualized asthe institutional form of global and interre-gional politicallmilitary organizations (in-cluding "economic" ones such as the WorldBank and the International Monetary Fund),and their strengths relative to the strengthsof national states and other smaller politicalactors in the world-system. This is analogousto our conceptualization of economic global-ization as the relative density and importanceof large versus small interaction networks.We present here the product of a researchproject in which we study trajectories of dif-ferent dimensions of political and economicglobalization.
We
report results for one kindofeconomic globalization-the globalizationof trade over the past two centuries. Tradeglobalization means the extent to which thelong-distance and global exchange of com-modities has increased (or decreased) relativeto the exchange of commodities within na-tional societies. Understanding economicglobalization must necessarily also take intoaccount the globalization of investment, butthat part of our project is, as yet, incomplete.
UNIT OF ANALYSIS:THE WHOLE SYSTEM
Our research is about continuities andchanges in the organization of the world-sys-tem as a whole. Thus, we operationalizetrade globalization as a variable characteris-tic of the whole world-system. We concep-tualize the world-system as a complex net-work of nested and overlapping subnet-works. This includes individuals, house-holds, neighborhoods, communities, vil-lages, towns, cities, local polities, nationalstates, firms, political parties, classes, zones(core, periphery, and semiperiphery),' trans-The core-periphery hierarchy is understood
as
a
socially constructed stratification of countries.

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