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1. Introduction
In its most basic meaning, social protection is not a new concept. In essence, it captures howmembers in societies support each other in times of distress, whereas societies are represented bymembers of tribal communities, state taxpayers or group of nations. Over the centuries
–
from theindustrial revolution to the era of globalization
–
social protection has been a central tenet of
countries‟ social contract
as economies become more formalized, market-oriented andinterconnected.More recently, the concept has been conceptualized from a wide range of perspectives, ranging froma macroeconomic stabilizer to needs-based emergency responses; from supporting householdsmanaging risks to rights-based approaches. The overall frameworks that emerge point to multipleobjectives
–
spanning over assistance, insurance and social transformation
–
that intersect broadertraditional debates around public policies, development strategies, and aid effectiveness.At the same time, discussion of social protection increasingly transcends national boundaries. WhileOECD countries are facing significant challenges in welfare reform (The Economist 2010a, 2010b),emerging economies are playing a growing role in shaping the global social protection agenda. Whiletheir systems are still developing
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, countries like Brazil, China and South Africa are proactivelyexperimenting, expanding and challenging policy models, hence bulging as new poles of innovationin social protection (Barnett and Chalk 2010; Devereux 2010; Ribe et al. 2010). Furthermore, infragile states and contexts of protracted crises, social protection is also revitalizing longstandingdebates on reconciling humanitarian and developmental approaches (FAO 2010; Maxwell et al.2010; Barrett et al. 2008).Clearly, this blend of old and new dynamics not only redesigns trajectories in research, learning andexperience-sharing
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, but also elevates the level of complexities for policy-making. As worldeconomies
–
and food systems within them
–
grow more interconnected and coexist with chronicfood insecurity (Naylor and Falcon 2010; Reardon et al.
2009), Tanzi‟s (2000) call for „imagination‟
in repositioning social protection in a globalizing world remains ever-compelling.Taken together, these considerations suggest that the breadth and depth of issues that conflate insocial protection makes it a complex, fluid and sometimes elusive matter. Therefore, this paper aimsto unbundle and examine key factors that underpin current social protection debates. To this effect,
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For example, according to the ILO (2010), the share of working-age population contributing to an old-age pensionschemes in OECD countries averages nearly 70 percent. That indicator, which signals the degree of formality andintegration of a social protection system, tends to be considerably lower in Brazil (45.2), China (22.6) and India (6.4).More generally, the report estimated that
“…
only one-third of countries globally (inhabited by 28 percent of the globalpopulation) have comprehensive social protection systems
(…) [and that] only about 20 percent of the world‟s working
-age population (and their families) have effective access to comprehensive social protec
tion”
(ILO 2010, p.1).
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For example, emerging countries are not only supporting advancements in low-income contexts
–
e.g. see the
Africa- Brazil Cooperation Program on Social Protection
(Andrade 2008)
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but also in OECD countries, as illustrated by aMexico-inspired conditional cash transfer program launched in New York City (Riccio 2010). As a recent symposiumreport put it,
„convergence‟ in global problems is encouraging „divergence‟ in solutions –
that is “… homegrown recipes
to alleviate and/or eradicate poverty prove exporta
ble in sometimes surprising ways” (IDS and
JRF 2010, p.2).