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Carl Schmitt, Islam and the Bush-Cheney Era - Bryan S. Turner, et al.

Carl Schmitt, Islam and the Bush-Cheney Era - Bryan S. Turner, et al.

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Published by MuslimThunder
Carl Schmitt’s true contemporary heir may be neither critical legal theory nor radical democrats like Chantal Mouffe nor the armed missionaries (and occasional inquisitors) of the Bush/Cheney “war on terror.”

It may be Samuel P. Huntington, who long before 9/11/2001 argued that the future promised a global kulturkampf between “Islam” and the civilizations it borders, and that the decadent fruits of liberalism, sounding something like they did in the days of Oswald Spengler – “problems of moral decline, cultural suicide, and political disunity in the West” (Huntington, 1996: 304) – could prevent the U.S. and its European Allies from prevailing ...

-- Schulman, Alex. "Carl Schmitt and the Clash of Civilizations: The Forgotten Context"

http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p317314_index.html

Carl Schmitt (July 11, 1888 – April 7, 1985) was a German jurist, Catholic philosopher, political theorist, and professor of law.

Schmitt published several essays, influential in the 20th century and beyond, on the mentalities that surround the effective wielding of political power. His ideas have attracted the attention of numerous philosophers and political theorists, including Walter Benjamin, Leo Strauss, Jacques Derrida, Étienne Balibar, Hannah Arendt, Giorgio Agamben, Antonio Negri, Gianfranco Miglio, Paolo Virno, Slavoj Žižek, Alain Badiou, Jacob Taubes, Chantal Mouffe, Eric Voegelin and Paul Gottfried. Much of his work remains both influential and controversial today.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Carl_Schmitt#Neoconservatism
Carl Schmitt’s true contemporary heir may be neither critical legal theory nor radical democrats like Chantal Mouffe nor the armed missionaries (and occasional inquisitors) of the Bush/Cheney “war on terror.”

It may be Samuel P. Huntington, who long before 9/11/2001 argued that the future promised a global kulturkampf between “Islam” and the civilizations it borders, and that the decadent fruits of liberalism, sounding something like they did in the days of Oswald Spengler – “problems of moral decline, cultural suicide, and political disunity in the West” (Huntington, 1996: 304) – could prevent the U.S. and its European Allies from prevailing ...

-- Schulman, Alex. "Carl Schmitt and the Clash of Civilizations: The Forgotten Context"

http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p317314_index.html

Carl Schmitt (July 11, 1888 – April 7, 1985) was a German jurist, Catholic philosopher, political theorist, and professor of law.

Schmitt published several essays, influential in the 20th century and beyond, on the mentalities that surround the effective wielding of political power. His ideas have attracted the attention of numerous philosophers and political theorists, including Walter Benjamin, Leo Strauss, Jacques Derrida, Étienne Balibar, Hannah Arendt, Giorgio Agamben, Antonio Negri, Gianfranco Miglio, Paolo Virno, Slavoj Žižek, Alain Badiou, Jacob Taubes, Chantal Mouffe, Eric Voegelin and Paul Gottfried. Much of his work remains both influential and controversial today.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Carl_Schmitt#Neoconservatism

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Published by: MuslimThunder on Feb 22, 2011
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Sovereignty and Emergency
Political Theology, Islam and American Conservatism
Bryan S. Turner 
Theory, Culture & Society, Vol. 19, No. 4, (Agu. 2002), pp. 103–119.
Abstract:
The Huntington thesis of the clash of cultures and American foreign policy analysis areboth aspects of the legacy of Carl Schmitt's distinction between friend and foe. Thisarticle explores Schmitt's political theology as the theoretical basis of modern politics interms of the concepts of state sovereignty and the idea of a permanent emergency.Within this Schmittian framework, the analysis of Islam as presented by writers such asHuntington, Fukuyama and Barber is critically analysed. Their analysis of fundamentalism and political Islam fails to grasp the complexity and diversity of modernIslam. The article concludes by examining a number of social and economic processesthat make the political division between friend and foe untenable.
Introduction:
THE ATTACK on New York on 11 September, the subsequent ‘war against terrorism’ inAfghanistan and the construction of the ‘evil axis’ have produced a flurry of commentaryon the problems of American civilization and America’s global role. One consequence of 9/11 is that Islam now features very prominently in American foreign relations, and
 
debates about American foreign policy have been dominated by the theme of the clashof civilizations. The popular debate about the Huntington thesis has obscured itsintellectual dependence on an academic tradition of political philosophy that sought todefine sovereignty in terms of civilizational struggles between friend and foe, namely thelegacy of Carl Schmitt and Leo Strauss. It is not possible to understand fully thecontemporary ‘state of emergency’ and ‘clash of civilizations’ without a re-appraisal inparticular of the political theology of Schmitt. While Jürgen Habermas (1989: 135)expressed the hope that the Anglo-Saxon world would escape contagion from theSchmittian revival, his optimism was probably premature. The attack on New York hasmade Schmitt’s ideas about state emergency, the crisis of liberalism, ‘decisionistpolitics’ and the division between friend and foe highly relevant to understandingcontemporary American politics.In this analysis of the current state of emergency, I outline Schmitt’s political theology of the friend/enemy distinction and examine recent commentaries on Islam as the Other.While Schmitt’s political theory provides a productive paradigm for understandingAmerican politics, Schmitt has of course not been without his critics (Strauss, 1996). Iconcentrate in particular on his relationship to Strauss (Meier, 1995), who argued thatSchmitt had not successfully broken out of the liberal paradigm, and his relation to MaxWeber (1988) whose analysis of ‘Der Reichspräsident’ in 1919 provided the context for Schmitt’s analysis of sovereignty, legality and emergency powers. Both Strauss andSchmitt have commanded considerable attention from American political science andforeign policy analysts, but 9/11 has given this revival even greater relevance(McCormick, 1998). My discussion concludes by combining Schmitt and Strauss toprovide an understanding of the prominence of religion in Americanpolitical ideology.
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Bryan S. Turner is one of the world’s leading sociologists of religion; he has alsodevoted significant attention to sociological theory, the study of human rights, and thesociology of the body. In Vulnerability and Human Rights (Pennsylvania State UniversityPress, 2006), he presents an interdisciplinary dialogue with the literature of economics,law, medicine, philosophy, political science, and religion. His current research involvesthe role of religion in contemporary Asia and the changing nature of citizenship in aglobalizing world. Turner has written, coauthored, or edited more than seventy booksand more than two hundred articles and chapters. The Body and Society: Explorationsin Social Theory (Sage, 2008), first published in 1984, is in its third edition. He is also an
 
author or editor of The Cambridge Dictionary of Sociology, The Blackwell Companion toSocial Theory, and The Sage Handbook of Sociology. He is a founding editor of the journals Body & Society, Citizenship Studies, and Journal of Classical Sociology. Turner comes to the GC from Wellesley College, where he was Alona Evans DistinguishedVisiting Professor; he is also professor of social and political thought at the University of Western Sydney, Australia. He holds a Ph.D. from the University of Leeds and has beenawarded the Doctor of Letters from both Flinders University in South Australia and theUniversity of Cambridge.http://www.gc.cuny.edu/faculty/new_faculty/Turner.htm
The Sovereignty of the Political
Carl Schmitt and the Nemesis of Liberalism
S. Parvez Manzoor 
Ironically, at a time when the liberal state and its attendant secularism seem to have totallytriumphed over all their rivals, the political theorist is no longer insistent upon banishing themetaphysical from his discourse. In fact, there is a growing trend to make a distinction between
 politics
and
the political,
between agency and regime, that allows the metaphysical a legitimaterole in the definition of political identity. (The same fascination with philosophy, and protestagainst restrictive empiricism, is noticeable in other intellectual milieus, as evidenced by theoccurrence of parallel terminology in French (
la politique
and
le politique
) and German (
diePolitik 
and
das Politische
).) Politics, according to this scheme, denotes the realm of partisanpower struggles and is amenable to empirical research; the political, on the contrary, alludes tothe quasi-metaphysical and transcendent bid to assign meaning and symbolic import to the
 polis
; the former translates into
 policy 
, the latter into
 polity 
. This re-enchantment of the'postmodern' political conscience, as it were, is not a gift of fundamentalism, nor does it displaya longing for any theocratic scheme of things. On the contrary, it is the discovery of themutuality of the existential and the transcendent orders of political reality, the symbiosis of 
existence
and
truth,
that has been instrumental in restoring the unity of politics and ontology.
Works Discussed in this Essay:The Concept of the Political.
By Carl Schmitt. Tr. by George Schwab. The Rutger Universitypress, New Brunnswick/New Jersey, 1976. Pp. 104.
Political Theology: Four Chapters on the Concept of Sovereignty.
By Carl Schmitt. Tr. byGeorge Schwab. Cambridge, Massachuesetts, The MIT Press, 1985. Pp. 70.

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